Chapter 2 Chapter 1 The Political Situation of China after the Failure of the Great Revolution

For the Chinese revolution, 1927 was an extremely severe stage. On April 12, Chiang Kai-shek launched a counter-revolutionary coup in Shanghai. On April 18, the Kuomintang reactionaries headed by Chiang Kai-shek, with the support of the imperialists, landlords, and comprador bourgeoisie, established the Communist Party of China to represent the interests of imperialism, big landlords, and the big bourgeoisie in the pool of blood of the working class and the revolutionary people. The Nanjing "National Government" confronted the Wuhan National Government, which still maintained the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.For a time, there was a situation across the country where three regimes of different nature, Wuhan, Nanjing, and Beijing, confronted each other.

Where is China going?Where is the Chinese revolution going?It has become a serious problem facing the Chinese Communists. At the critical moment of the Chinese revolution, the Communist Party of China held the Fifth National Congress in Wuhan on April 27, 1927.The Congress summed up the past work experience, decided the party's tasks in the emergency period, accepted the "Resolution on the Chinese Revolution" passed by the Seventh Enlarged Session of the Executive Committee of the Communist International in December 1926, and based on this In the spirit of the "Resolution", Chen Duxiu was criticized for his rightist retreat and mistakes, and several resolutions were passed.However, because the party was still in its infancy and lacked political experience and struggle training, it did not propose any countermeasures that were practical at the time for general issues such as how to strive for leadership, especially how to establish a revolutionary armed force led by the party.The congress also lacked proper understanding of the content and nature of Chen Duxiu's mistakes and the mistakes made by the Communist International in guiding the Chinese revolution. Therefore, the congress still elected Chen Duxiu as the general secretary of the Party Central Committee.At this time, Chen Duxiu did not really understand and correct his mistakes, and continued to pursue the right opportunist line after the meeting.

After the Party's "Five National Congresses", the situation in Wuhan deteriorated sharply, and counter-revolutionary activities were extremely rampant. On May 17, Xia Douyin, commander of the 14th Independent Division under the jurisdiction of the Wuhan government, rebelled in Yichang; on May 21, Xu Kexiang, commander of the 33rd Regiment of the 35th Army stationed in Changsha, launched the "Ma Ri Incident".For a while, a large number of communists and revolutionary masses fell under the enemy's butcher's knife.After Hubei and Hunan, Jiangxi warlord Zhu Peide also turned reactionary at the end of May and early June, declared martial law in Nanchang, banned the workers and peasants movement, and "sent" the Communists and leftists of the Kuomintang out of the country.

In order to save the Chinese revolution in peril, Mao Zedong, then chairman of the Provisional Executive Committee of the National Peasants Association, issued a series of telegrams and documents, exposing the crimes of the enemy, calling on the peasant associations to unite the peasants, organize them closely, strengthen their arms, and resist the tyrants and evil gentry. Armed provocation, and voluntarily asked to return to work in Hunan.After he served as the secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee, he immediately organized the revolutionary masses to fight back.Unexpectedly, 10 days later, Chen Duxiu transferred him back to Wuhan, accusing Mao Zedong of hindering the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.Subsequently, Chen Duxiu decided to disband the picket team of Wuhan workers to express his sincerity in cooperating with the Kuomintang, so as not to give the reactionary military officials an excuse.

In view of the growing arrogance of the reactionary forces and Chen Duxiu's step-by-step retreat, Communists Cai Hesen and Ren Bishi all put forward opinions and measures, suggesting a military plan to deal with counter-revolutionary riots with revolutionary riots, but Chen Duxiu rejected them with a paternalistic style. Chen Duxiu's right-leaning retreat and mistakes fueled the arrogance of Wang Jingwei's group. On June 29, under the instruction of Wang Jingwei and others, He Jian, a reactionary military officer stationed in Wuhan, issued an anti-Communist order, announcing a split with the Communist Party, arresting and massacring Communists and revolutionary masses. On July 15, the Central Committee of the Kuomintang, controlled by Wang Jingwei and others, held a "split-communist" meeting, announcing a break with the Communist Party and a complete betrayal of the KMT-CPC cooperation policy and anti-imperialist and anti-feudal program formulated by Sun Yat-sen.Subsequently, Wang Jingwei's group was exactly the same as Chiang Kai-shek's group, and carried out mass arrests and massacres of Communist Party members and revolutionary masses.So far, the Great Revolution from 1924 to 1927 initiated by the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party failed.Subsequently, "civil war replaced unity, dictatorship replaced democracy, and dark China replaced light China."

After the failure of the Great Revolution, the Kuomintang Nanjing government headed by Chiang Kai-shek, with the support of imperialism and financial forces in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, established a dictatorship of new warlords throughout the country.They surrendered to imperialism externally and oppressed the masses of workers and peasants internally. They were essentially no different from the reactionary rule of the old warlords, and they were even more deceitful, comprador and cruel than the old warlords. Due to the Chiang Kai-shek government’s surrender and traitorousness, the imperialists’ economic influence in China grew rapidly. Whether it was capital invasion or commodity export to China, they all set new records in the history of China’s trade.The imperialist powers gradually controlled the economic lifeline of the Kuomintang government in terms of finance, finance, transportation, industrial and mining enterprises, and then further controlled the military and political power of the Kuomintang government.Not only has China not broken away from its semi-colonial status, but the trend of colonization is deepening day by day.

Under the rule of the new warlords, the conflicting interests of the imperialist powers such as Britain, the United States, and Japan in China directly led to factional struggles within the Kuomintang and frequent warlord melees.Countless people were displaced and their families were destroyed in the war. Under the rule of Chiang Kai-shek's new warlord, the political rights and economic benefits that the workers and peasants had won during the Great Revolution were completely deprived.In the cities, the original trade unions at all levels were disbanded and closed; labor leaders and activists were arrested, persecuted and killed; Molecules are out of school and unemployed, completely losing their rights to democracy and freedom.In the countryside, the gentry and landlords who were defeated during the revolution frantically counterattacked the peasants. The peasant associations were disbanded, and peasant leaders and activists were massacred; It is shrinking day by day, and the vast rural areas are full of starvation, which is a miserable scene.

At the same time, the situation of the urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie went from bad to worse.Due to various exorbitant taxes, the handicraft industry and small merchants were overburdened, and they were in a miserable situation, and they were increasingly bankrupt.The national bourgeoisie and the upper petty bourgeoisie who withdrew from the revolutionary camp during the Great Revolution not only did not gain much politically, but were also increasingly bankrupt or semi-bankrupt economically. As Mao Zedong pointed out, after the failure of the Great Revolution, "the rule of the new Kuomintang warlords is still the rule of the urban comprador class and the rural gentry class, surrendering to imperialism externally, replacing the old warlords with new ones internally, and exploiting the economics of the workers and peasants." Political and political oppression is stronger than ever." "The workers, peasants, common people and even the bourgeoisie in the whole country are still under the rule of the counter-revolution, without the slightest political and economic emancipation."

Because Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei successively betrayed the revolution, implemented "clearing the party" and "separating the communist party", and regarded the Communist Party as a "scourge", they deliberately created a bloody tragedy. On March 6, 1927, Chiang Kai-shek secretly ordered his minions, Ni Bi, the party representative of the newly created First Division, to kill Chen Zanxian, an executive member of the Jiangxi Provincial Federation of Trade Unions, chairman of the Ganzhou City Federation of Trade Unions, and a member of the Communist Party; on March 16 , Chiang Kai-shek used force to disband the Nanchang City Party Headquarters of the Kuomintang, which supported Sun Yat-sen's three major policies, and dissolved the Jiangxi Provincial Federation of Students, and closed the KMT leftist "Implementation Daily"; on March 17, Chiang Kai-shek dissolved the Jiujiang City Party Headquarters and the Federation of Trade Unions. On March 23, Chiang Kai-shek ordered reactionaries to destroy the Anhui Provincial Federation of Trade Unions, the Anhui Provincial Party Headquarters of the Leftist Kuomintang, and the Anqing City Party Headquarters. Force them to parade through the streets.In this way, Chiang Kai-shek went all the way from Ganzhou and Nanchang to Nanjing and Shanghai!

On April 12, 1927, according to Chiang Kai-shek's secret order, the Shanghai reactionary army ambushed near Sanli, Baoshan Road, and shot at the parade of Shanghai workers who were marching here at that time.Immediately, blood flowed into a river on Baoshan Road, killing more than 100 people on the spot and injuring countless others.Immediately afterwards, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the dissolution of the Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions, the closure of revolutionary organizations, and the arrest and killing of Communist Party members and revolutionaries.From April 12 to 15, more than 300 Communist Party members and revolutionary masses were killed, more than 500 were arrested, and the whereabouts of more than 5,000 people were unknown.In this massacre, Wang Shouhua, the leader of the Shanghai labor movement, died heroically.

After the "April 12" counter-revolutionary coup, the Guangdong reactionaries conspired with Chiang Kai-shek to create the "April 15" tragedy in Guangzhou on April 15.More than 2,100 communists and worker activists were arrested and killed.Outstanding party members Xiao Chunv and Xiong Xiong were brutally killed. Following the "April 12" and "April 15" counter-revolutionary massacres, Chiang Kai-shek's minions successively carried out brutal counter-revolutionary massacres in Nanjing, Wuxi, Ningbo, Hangzhou, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Shantou, Chongqing and other places.Countless Communist Party members and revolutionary people died under the butcher's knife of Chiang Kai-shek's reactionaries. At the same time, the northern warlords also responded from afar, carrying out bloody massacres of Communists and revolutionary masses. On April 6, Zhang Zuolin, a warlord of the Feng Dynasty, blatantly trampled on diplomatic conventions and public international law, and arrested more than 60 people including Soviet diplomats and Li Dazhao who had taken refuge in the embassy.Then, regardless of the protests of the people and the condemnation of public opinion, the Feng Faction warlords secretly hanged Li Dazhao, the pioneer of the Chinese proletarian revolution and a great communist fighter, and secretly shot more than 20 revolutionaries including Fan Hong and Xie Boyu. In addition, during the Xia Douyin rebellion on May 17, the "Ma-Day Incident" on May 21, and the countercurrent of the "Partition and Communist Party" on July 15, countless Communists and revolutionaries fell. Among them are Zhao Shiyan, Chen Yannian, Xiang Jingyu, Xia Minghan, Guo Liang and other outstanding cadres of the Communist Party of China. According to incomplete statistics, from March 1927 to the first half of 1928, more than 310,000 Communist Party members and revolutionary masses were slaughtered across the country.Among them, there are more than 26,000 members of the Communist Party.Under the high pressure of the counter-revolution, some unsteady elements who joined the party at the height of the revolution, some declared that they would leave the party voluntarily, and some turned themselves in for rebellion. Tens of thousands of people.During this period, "China can be regarded as the most tragic white terror country in the world." The dark clouds of the failure of the Great Revolution and the bloodbath of the massacre brought about a huge reversal in China's political situation.At this time, the counter-revolutionary forces greatly surpassed the organized revolutionary forces led by the Communist Party, and the national revolution turned from a high tide to a low tide. However, in the dark days when Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei frantically massacred the revolutionary people, "the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people were not intimidated, conquered, or killed. They got up from the ground, wiped off the blood on their bodies, and buried their comrades Corpse, they fought on again." In order to save the revolution, the Chinese Communist Party adopted a series of countermeasures and measures. On July 12, 1927, according to the instructions of the Communist International to reorganize the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Communist Party of China held a meeting of the Provisional Political Bureau of the Central Committee in Hankou, and decided to establish a provisional Central Standing Committee (that is, the five-member Political Bureau). Chen Duxiu was suspended.The Standing Committee is composed of Zhang Guotao, Li Weihan, Zhou Enlai, Li Lisan, and Zhang Tailei, who act on behalf of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. On July 13, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the "Declaration of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Political Situation". The "Declaration" strongly condemns the reactionary crimes of the Wuhan Kuomintang Central Committee and the Nationalist Government, and solemnly declares: In view of the fact that the Wuhan Kuomintang Central Committee has betrayed Sun Yat-sen's fundamentalism and policies, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has decided to withdraw the Communist Party members who participated in the Nationalist Government, but the Chinese Communist Party will not abandon the same The Kuomintang's policy of cooperation will continue to cooperate with all honest and resolute revolutionaries who are striving for the realization of the Three People's Principles and the Three Great Policies. After July 13, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China moved from Hankou to Wuchang, held consecutive meetings, and decided to unite with Zhang Fakui, commander-in-chief of the Second Front Army of the Nationalist Government, to send the Northern Expedition troops led by the party and influenced by the party back to Guangdong to establish a base area and continue the revolution; decided Autumn Harvest Uprisings were held in Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, and Guangdong provinces where the Communist Party was stronger and the foundation of the workers’ and peasants’ movement was better. They independently led the peasants to carry out the agrarian revolution, and dispatched members of the Central Committee and responsible party cadres to guide the Autumn Harvest Uprising; The emergency meeting summed up the experience and lessons of the failure of the great revolution, corrected Chen Duxiu's mistake of retreating to the right, and re-determined the party's principles and policies for leading the revolutionary movement under the new situation. The establishment of the five-member Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China put an end to the rule of the whole party by Chen Duxiu's right-leaning error. At the critical moment of the failure of the Great Revolution, it began to lead the Chinese revolution on the road to revival. According to the original plan of the Five-member Politburo of the Central Committee, on July 19, 1927, a group of important party cadres including Li Lisan arrived at Jiujiang, where the Fourth Army and the Eleventh Army of the Second Front Army of the Nationalist Government were stationed. Make preparations for the troops to move to Guangdong.Prior to this, the Central Military Commission had sent Nie Rongzhen, the former Secretary of the Enemy Military Commission, to Jiujiang to liaise with the troops. On July 20, Li Lisan, Tan Pingshan, Yun Daiying, Deng Zhongxia, Nie Rongzhen, and Ye Ting, commander of the 24th Division of the 11th Army stationed in Jiujiang, who successively arrived in Jiujiang, held a meeting to analyze the political and military situation at that time. Zhang Fakui was "singing and supporting Wang" in Wuhan, and his attitude has already leaned to the right. He originally planned to rely on Zhang Fakui's plan to return to Guangdong, but the possibility of success is very small. Surrounded by the Third Army, Ninth Army of the Front Army, and Cheng Qian's Sixth Army, which is moving to Nanchang, they are in a dangerous situation; Realize the plan to return to Guangdong to establish a new base.Therefore, we must abandon the policy of relying on Zhang Fakui and implement independent military operations.Therefore, the Jiujiang Meeting decided to concentrate the troops controlled by the Communist Party in Nanchang, and mobilize He Long to lead the 20th Army to join in and hold an armed riot in Nanchang. During the meeting, Bao Luoting, advisor to the Comintern, Qu Qiubai, a member of the Fifth Central Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China, Zhang Tailei, a member of the reorganized Central Standing Committee, and Liu Shaoqi, secretary-general of the Hubei Provincial Federation of Trade Unions, were in Lushan.After the meeting, Li Lisan and Deng Zhongxia rushed to Mount Lu and reported to Qu Qiubai and others.Qu Qiubai and others agreed, and Qu Qiubai brought the meeting opinions to the five-member Political Bureau of the Central Committee for decision. After the meeting, the situation became increasingly tense.At this time, Zhang Fakui had not yet arrived in Jiujiang, and his attitude was more right-leaning. The Kuomintang Wuhan government also stepped up its "party cleansing" activities in the army.At this time, Tan Pingshan had informed He Long, the commander of the 20th Army who was not yet a member of the Communist Party, of the plan for the Nanchang Uprising. He Long expressed his approval of the uprising.Then, Li Lisan, Deng Zhongxia, Tan Pingshan, Yun Daiying and other leaders who were in Jiujiang at that time held a meeting, studied in detail the uprising plan, political platform and other issues, and decided that the army should be concentrated in Nanchang before the 28th; the uprising was held on the evening of the 28th, and an urgent call was sent to the CCP for instructions central. After receiving the urgent telegram from Comrade Jiujiang, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China fully agreed and decided to hold an armed uprising in Nanchang, and reported the decision of the uprising to the Communist International.At the same time, the Central Committee also decided to form the Front Enemy Committee with Zhou Enlai, Li Lisan, Yun Daiying, and Peng Pai, with Zhou Enlai as the secretary, responsible for the leadership of the uprising. The military is in a hurry. On July 26, accompanied by Chen Geng, Zhou Enlai rushed from Wuhan to Jiujiang, conveyed to Li Lisan and others the decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on holding the Nanchang Uprising, and discussed and deployed relevant matters. At this moment, the enemy also intensified their "party cleansing" activities. On July 24, Zhang Fakui, adhering to Wang Jingwei's will, formally notified Ye and He to go to Lushan for a "meeting" and moved the troops under his jurisdiction to De'an.Ye Jianying, a Communist Party member who was serving as the chief of staff of the Fourth Army of the Second Front Army, immediately rushed from Lushan Mountain to Jiujiang to meet Ye Ting after learning the inside story of Wang Jingwei's planning of the "Qing Communist Party" at the Lushan Conference.On that day, Ye Ting, He Long, Ye Jianying, and Liao Ganwu held a secret meeting on a small boat in the middle of Gantang Lake in Jiujiang, and "decided three things": first, Ye and He would not go to Lushan Mountain; second, the troops would not go to De'an, Drive to Niuxing Station and go to Nanchang; thirdly, Ye and He's troops left for Nanchang by train on the 25th and 26th respectively.This is a major decision related to the overall situation, ensuring the smooth arrival of the main force of the uprising. On July 27, Zhou Enlai arrived in Nanchang.At this time, troops and a large number of party cadres preparing to participate in the uprising had also gathered in Nanchang.On that day, the Front Enemy Committee headed by Zhou Enlai was formally established in Jiangxi Hotel in Nanchang.The Front Committee discussed major issues related to the uprising and made the following decisions: the uprising will be held on the evening of July 30; in order to unify the command of the combat operations of the uprising troops, He Long will be the acting commander-in-chief of the second front army, and Ye Ting will be the acting commander-in-chief of the former enemy ; A special committee of the Kuomintang with the participation of the leftists of the Kuomintang was established to discuss relevant issues arising during the uprising. On July 30, Zhang Guotao arrived in Nanchang as a representative of the CPC Central Committee.According to the telegram instructions of the Communist International, he advocated that the uprising must be obtained with the consent of Zhang Fakui, "otherwise it cannot be moved."Zhou Enlai and others unanimously opposed this opinion, and the debate was unresolved. On the morning of the 31st, the former committee held another meeting. At this time, Yin Ye and He Wei were going to Lushan for a meeting. Zhang Fakui called and said that he would come to Nanchang on August 1st.In this case, Zhang Guotao had to agree to hold an uprising.Therefore, the Front Committee decided at noon on the 31st that the uprising would be held at 4:00 am on August 1st. At around 9:00 pm on the 31st, because a deputy battalion commander of the 20th Army surrendered to the enemy and made a report, the front committee immediately decided to revolt two hours in advance! Although the time for holding the Nanchang Uprising was postponed by one day due to the arrival of Zhang Guotao, the preparations for the uprising have not stopped.After the meeting, according to the decision of the former committee, He Long issued a combat order for the uprising.Ye Ting and He Long held military officer meetings on the eve of the uprising to assign specific combat tasks.In order to ensure that the uprising can more effectively destroy the enemy, each unit conducted a comprehensive reconnaissance of the attack target. On the afternoon of the 31st, the uprising combat order was issued step by step, and at the same time stipulated the identification marks of the uprising troops and the password for that night.The uprising is imminent, imminent. Just after midnight on July 31, the gunshots of the Nanchang Uprising, which shocked the current situation, started! At that time, the enemy troops stationed in Nanchang included: the Guard Regiment of the Fifth Front Army, the 23rd and 24th Regiments of the Third Army, the 57th Regiment of the Sixth Army, the 79th Regiment and the 80th Regiment of the Ninth Army, etc. A total of about 6,000 people. Our forces participating in the uprising are: the 20th Army led by He Long, the 24th Division of the 11th Army led by Ye Ting, some students from the Officer Education Corps of the Third Army led by Zhu De, and Cai Tingkai's No. The Tenth Division and the 25th Division of the Fourth Army, which planned to rush to Nanchang after the uprising, had a total of more than 20,000 people. The division of labor at that time was: the main task of the 24th Division under the command of Ye Ting was to wipe out the enemies in the Catholic Church, the Gongyuan, and the new barracks, capture the enemy's garrison headquarters, and occupy the enemy's repair shop and ammunition depot in Youmin Temple .The 20th Army commanded by He Long attacked the General Headquarters of the Fifth Front Army, wiped out the large barracks where the enemy was stationed, dealt with the guards of the provincial government, and was responsible for guarding the Changbei water and land transportation fortress.Zhu De led an unassigned battalion of the Third Army Education Regiment to monitor the enemy's situation near his station and cooperate with friendly forces to fight. The password for the uprising was stipulated as: the unity of the rivers and mountains.The emblem of the rebel army is: wearing a red tie around the neck during the day; adding a white towel around the neck at night, and pasting a red cross on the glass of the lantern and flashlight.The headquarters of the Nanchang Uprising was established in Nanchang Jiangxi Hotel. The fight was intense from the very beginning.However, the uprising soldiers from all walks of life fought bravely. After more than 4 hours of fierce fighting, they wiped out more than 3,000 defending enemies and occupied Nanchang City. At noon on August 1, after Nie Rongzhen learned that the Nanchang Uprising had won the victory in Mahuiling, he immediately launched the uprising of the 25th Division of the Fourth Army and won most of the division's troops. to Nanchang. After the victory of the uprising, the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang was established, and 25 members including Soong Ching Ling, Deng Yanda, He Long, Zhou Enlai, Tan Pingshan, Ye Ting, Li Lisan and Guo Moruo were elected as members, and 7 people including Soong Ching Ling, He Long and Deng Yanda formed the presidium.In the name of Soong Ching Ling and others, he published the "Central Committee Members' Declaration", denouncing Jiang and Wang, and calling on all revolutionaries to adhere to the three major policies, unite as one, and continue to fight against imperialism and carry out the agrarian revolution. The Nanchang Uprising, like lightning piercing the sky in the dark, shocked and frightened the enemy, and brought light and hope to the Chinese people who were groping in the dark. After the victory of the uprising, on August 3, the uprising army began to withdraw from Nanchang in accordance with the decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China before the uprising.At that time, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China considered that the Yangtze River Basin and the north were places where the counter-revolutionary forces were fighting, which was not conducive to the establishment and development of the revolutionary forces. In contrast, Guangdong had superior geographical conditions, a good foundation for the workers' and peasants' movement, a prosperous economy, and convenient transportation, so it decided to revolt. The army went south to Guangdong, established a new base, occupied Haikou, obtained international aid, and resumed the Northern Expedition.Unexpectedly, the expedition by Lao Shi went against his wishes, and the rebel army fell into a disadvantageous situation. The southern expedition of the rebel army coincided with the hot summer season in the south, and the heat was unbearable.At this time, the enemy had already electrified the counties to carry out reactionary propaganda. The rebel army could not get help from the masses along the way. In addition, the southward movement was hasty, and the propaganda and education work did not keep up. The soldiers did not understand the significance of the uprising.Shortly after setting off from Nanchang, Cai Tingkai's Tenth Division left the revolutionary ranks.Then, Chen Yuxin, chief of staff of the 20th Army, and about 700 people from the Fifth Regiment of the 20th Army defected.But when the rebel army arrived in Linchuan, Chen Yi and hundreds of others caught up with the rebel army day and night; Xiao Zhirong and Li Jingquan led part of the peasant army and students to join the rebel army. The Southern Expedition of the rebel army terrified the Kuomintang warlords in Guangdong. On August 8, the enemy established the Eighth Route Army General Headquarters in Shaoguan for the purpose of "discussing communism".The enemy Qian Dajun led 4 divisions, Huang Shaohong led 2 divisions, and entered southern Jiangxi from northern Guangdong in two routes to intercept.After the uprising troops entered the Ruijin area, they fought fiercely with the enemy. On August 25, the uprising troops defeated the enemy and took advantage of the victory to occupy Ruijin. On August 30, the Front Committee deployed the Battle of Huichang, fought fiercely for several days, and wiped out 4 enemy regiments.Lien battles were victorious, which greatly boosted the morale of the whole army.After the battle in Huichang, the uprising troops returned to Ruijin. In Ruijin, the former committee summed up the experience and lessons of the march for nearly a month, studied and decided on a new march plan, and decided to divert to Changting, Shanghang, enter Dongjiang, take Meixian, and then take Chaoshan.In Ruijin, the Front Committee also approved He Long, Guo Moruo and other comrades to join the party. On September 18, the rebel army arrived in Dapu County, Guangdong via Fujian, after fighting hard all the way.Going south to Guangdong was the long-established goal of marching. When they arrived in Guangdong, the rebels thought they had arrived home.However, what the insurgents faced after arriving in Guangdong was not as beautiful as imagined in advance, but what awaited the insurgents was an unprecedentedly brutal and fierce battle.Qian Dajun's and Huang Shaohong's tribes, which had been defeated by the rebel army, were respite and replenished, and the Guangdong warlord Li Jishen had calmly gathered key points in the Dongjiang area.When the rebel army first entered Changting, Fujian, Li Jishen judged that the rebel army would enter Guangdong through Changting and Shanghang, so he adjusted the combat deployment of his Eighth Route Army and transferred troops from southern Jiangxi and the border of Guangdong and Jiangxi to the Dongjiang area.In this way, Li Jishen assembled 7 divisions in the Dongjiang area, with a total of more than 20,000 troops. Faced with such a severe situation, on September 19, the rebel army seized Sanheba, which is located at the confluence of Meijiang, Tingjiang, and Hanjiang rivers, and a transportation hub in the Dongjiang area.At this time, 2,500 people from the 25th Division of the Uprising Army were still on their way from Shanghang to Guangdong. More than 8,000 people entered Guangdong, of which only 6,000 were combat troops.For this reason, the former committee decided to divide the troops at Sanheba: more than 2,500 people from the 25th Division of the Ninth Army and the Eleventh Army led by Zhu De stayed at Sanheba, and the main force of Ye and He headed for Chaozhou and Shantou with more than 8,000 people. On September 28, about 6,000 people from the 24th Division of the 11th Army of the Uprising Army and the 1st and 2nd Divisions of the 20th Army fought fiercely with more than 15,000 enemy people in Tangkeng for three days and nights, annihilating 3,000 enemies, and the rebel army also suffered casualties. More than 2,000 people, ammunition ran out, and the lower-level cadres of the 24th Division suffered all casualties. On September 30, the rebel army retreated to Jieyang.The 3rd Division of the 20th Army stationed in Chaozhou and Shantou also fell to Chaozhou and Shantou on the same day under the attack of a strong enemy, and retreated to Hailufeng on the evening of October 1. From October 2nd to 3rd, the Ninth Army and the 25th Division of the Eleventh Army, led by Zhu De and Zhou Shidi, who stayed at Sanheba, fought fiercely with the three divisions of the enemy Qian Dajun for two days and nights. It was rejected and withdrew from the Sanheba area on October 4. As the situation became increasingly dangerous, Zhang Tailei, the representative of the Central Committee, arrived in Shantou on September 30.He conveyed to the former committee the spirit of the party's "August 7th" meeting and the central government's decision to abandon the Kuomintang's banner and establish a Soviet regime, and proposed that the uprising troops should withdraw from Chaoshan and Shantou, and transfer Hailufeng. On October 3, the main force of the uprising troops retreated from Tangkeng to Liusha Town in Puning.The Front Committee held a meeting with members of the Front Committee, the Revolutionary Committee, and other military and political cadres in Liusha.The meeting decided that the armed personnel would break through to Hailufeng, and the unarmed personnel would be escorted by the local peasant association and retreat by sea in batches.When the troops marched to the Wushi area, they were ambushed by the enemy, most of them were scattered, and some (more than 1,200 people) broke through and moved to Hailufeng.After the main force of the rebel army was lost, Zhou Enlai, Ye Ting, Nie Rongzhen and other leaders were escorted by the Shantou underground party to Hong Kong.He Long, Li Lisan, Zhou Yiqun, Guo Moruo and other leaders also moved to Hong Kong and Shanghai to embark on a new journey. At this critical juncture, Zhu De convened a meeting of Zhou Shidi, Li Shuoxun, Chen Yi, Wang Erzhuo, Zhou Bangcai and other leaders in Maozhi Quande School in Raoping to discuss urgent countermeasures.Zhu De pointed out: The reactionaries have tens of thousands of soldiers in the Dongjiang area, and they may attack me at any time.Now the main force ahead has completely failed, and the original hope has come to naught.In this situation where the group has no leader, the rebel army can only seek new development if they quickly get out of danger, preserve their vitality, and find another way out.Zhu De resolutely stated to everyone: I am a member of the Communist Party, and I have the responsibility to preserve the seeds of the Nanchang Uprising, bring this team out, and unite with everyone to carry the revolution to the end.After the meeting, Zhu De led his troops to move to the border between Fujian and Jiangxi. After the rest of the Nanchang Uprising Army entered the mountainous area of ​​southern Jiangxi, they were isolated and helpless, and the situation became more and more serious.Although the troops got rid of the tracking of a large group of enemies, they were still harassed by landlord armed forces and reactionary militias from time to time.In addition, the weather is getting colder, but the officers and soldiers are still wearing the single clothes issued during the uprising, often sleeping in the forest, the disease is sudden, and there is no medical treatment, and the number of injured and sick people is increasing.Cold, hunger, and disease seriously threaten everyone.What people think about is, when the revolution is at a low ebb, does the revolution still have a future?The army has no supplies and no reinforcements. Where is the way out?Some people who could not stand the test, some left without saying goodbye, some defected to the enemy, and some entire squads, platoons, and entire companies left the team on their own, and went to find their own way out.When the troops entered Anyuan Tianxinwei, the number of troops dropped sharply from more than 2,000 to more than 1,000.It was time for the army to be reorganized, so the "Three Reorganizations in Southern Jiangxi" occurred. 1. Tianxin Wei rectification.At that time, the leaders of the 25th Division left the army one after another in order to seek contact with the party organization.A heavy burden is on Zhu De's shoulders.On the night when the troops stationed in Tianxinxu, Zhu De convened a military meeting to talk about his ideals and future.He first analyzed the situation, and pointed out with great foresight: "Don't look at the enemy chasing after us, but there are contradictions among these warlords. The Jianggui War must break out, and the Jiangfeng War must also break out. Warlords It is impossible not to fight for territory. If we want to fight for territory, we must fight. Now the new warlords have to fight. Once they fight, we can develop.” He also pointed out: “Whoever is willing to continue the revolution will follow me, and those who are not willing to revolution You can go home, don't force it." He mobilized everyone: "Don't leave anyway, I won't leave.".He answered everyone's depressed questions and said: "The Chinese Revolution of 1927 was equal to the Russian Revolution of 1905. After the failure of the 1905 Revolution, Russia was in darkness, but the darkness was temporary. Yes, by 1917, the revolution finally succeeded. The Chinese revolution has failed now, and it is also dark now, but the darkness cannot hide the light, as long as the strength can be maintained, the revolution will have a way, and the revolution will succeed.” The revolution of 1905 failed, and the "dregs" left behind are the backbone of the October Revolution. This time we are equal to Russia's 1905. As long as we keep a few people, we will be killed in the future revolution. It plays a big role. It didn't work that way in the past, but now we have to 'stretch and stretch' to do it." Chen Yi also stepped forward in distress and actively assisted Zhu De to stabilize the army.He was the instructor of the 73rd Regiment at the time, and he was the only remaining political cadre at the division and regiment level.Chen Yi sincerely enlightened everyone and said: "The Nanchang Uprising was a failure. The failure of the Nanchang Uprising does not mean the failure of the Chinese revolution. The Chinese revolution still has to succeed. Only heroes who have passed the test of failure are real heroes. We must do it when we fail. hero." Zhu De's and Chen Yi's speeches were sonorous, forceful, and resounding, showing the prospect of the revolution, greatly strengthening the confidence of the officers and soldiers, and playing an important role in stabilizing the troops. 2. Dayu reorganization. At the end of October, the troops arrived in Dayu.At this time, Zhu De's prediction in Tianxinwei was confirmed: the Ninghan War broke out.The big and small warlords of the Guangdong, Guangxi, and Hunan factions were all involved in this melee, and they couldn't care less about chasing the rebel army.Zhu De and Chen Yi took advantage of this opportunity to reorganize the troops in Dayu.First, rectify the party organization, establish a party branch, and develop some new party members, assign party members to each company, and put the army under the leadership of the party.At the same time, the army and division system, which had become empty, was abolished, and all the people were combined into one column with three detachments under its jurisdiction, making the army more substantial and more capable.Since then, the army has really stabilized. Although there are only seven or eight hundred people, they are all elites who have been tested and survived the storm. 3. Fort training.After Dayu was reorganized, in early November, the troops moved to Shangbao in the Chongyi Mountains.After three months of arduous battles, it was only at this time that it initially gained a firm foothold.Zhu De led the troops for more than 20 days of training.This training, first of all, is to rectify discipline, stipulate that all funds raised and seized materials must be returned to the public, and a confiscation committee has been set up to be responsible.The second is to conduct military training, with a major class every one or two days, and a small class every day.And "raise new tactical issues, mainly how to change from fighting big battles to fighting small ones, that is, the problem of fighting guerrilla warfare."The third is to carry out mass work. The troops disperse activities in units of companies and platoons, mobilize the masses to fight local tyrants and cause revolution, and carry out guerrilla warfare.In Shangbao, the remnants of the Nanchang Uprising joined the Third Battalion of the First Regiment of the Workers and Peasants Revolutionary Army led by Zhang Ziqing who had moved to Chongyi on the Hunan-Kiangsi border.Since then, he has been in contact with the Autumn Harvest Uprising troops led by Mao Zedong. The "Three Reorganizations in Southern Jiangxi" led by Zhu De reorganized, reorganized, and trained the troops from the ideological, organizational, and military aspects, which greatly improved the combat effectiveness of the troops, and the troops took on a new look. The "Three Reorganizations in Southern Jiangxi" and Mao Zedong's "Three Bay Reorganization" on the way to Jinggangshan were carried out almost at the same time. Although the specific content is not the same, their guiding ideology and purpose of building the army are very similar.Therefore, it is also of great significance in the history of the construction and development of our party and our army and should be fully affirmed. Shortly after the outbreak of the Nanchang Uprising, in order to review and correct the party's serious mistakes in the late period of the Great Revolution and decide on new lines and policies, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held an emergency meeting in Hankou, Hubei on August 7, 1927, known as the August 7th Meeting in history.There were 12 members of the Central Committee, 3 alternate members of the Central Committee, 5 members of the League Central Committee, and 2 local representatives of the Communist Party, a total of 22 people attended the meeting.Qu Qiubai, Li Weihan, Zhang Tailei, Deng Zhongxia, Ren Bishi, Su Zhaozheng, Gu Shunzhang, Chen Qiaonian, Luo Yinong, Cai Hesen, Mao Zedong, Li Zhenying, Wang Hebo and others attended the meeting.Comintern representative Rominaz also attended the meeting.The meeting was chaired by Qu Qiubai and Li Weihan. At the meeting, Comintern representative Rominaz made a report and conclusion on "The Party's Past Mistakes and New Line", and Qu Qiubai made a report on "Future Work Guidelines" on behalf of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee.The meeting passed important documents such as the "Communication of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of China to the Party Members".Many comrades made speeches at the meeting, criticizing the mistakes made by the Party Central Committee in dealing with the Kuomintang issue, the peasant land issue, and the armed struggle issue. The meeting focused on criticizing the right-leaning retreat of the Party Central Committee headed by Chen Duxiu.The meeting elected a new central leadership body - the Provisional Politburo.Su Zhaozheng, Xiang Zhongfa, Qu Qiubai, Luo Yinong, Gu Shunzhang, Wang Hebo, Li Weihan, Peng Pai, and Ren Bishi were members of the Politburo; Deng Zhongxia, Zhou Enlai, Mao Zedong, Peng Gongda, Zhang Tailei, Zhang Guotao, and Li Lisan were alternate members.After the meeting, Qu Qiubai, Li Weihan, and Su Zhaozheng were elected as members of the Politburo Standing Committee. The August 7th Conference pointed out the goal for the Chinese Communist Party in a serious crisis to continue to struggle.The meeting resolutely corrected Chen Duxiu's mistake of retreating to the right, replaced Chen Duxiu's leadership position, and determined the general policy of agrarian revolution and armed resistance to the Kuomintang reactionaries.The meeting called on all Communist Party members and the masses to continue the revolutionary struggle, and decided to send strong and experienced cadres to major provinces to organize and lead peasant uprisings.八七会议的这些举措都是十分正确的，为挽救党和革命作出了巨大的贡献。中国革命从此开始了由大革命失败到土地革命战争兴起的历史性转变。正如党的六大《政治决议案》所指出的：八七会议“将党从机会主义的泥坑之中救出来，重新走上革命的大道”。但是，八七会议在反对右倾错误的同时，却为左倾错误开辟了道路。 在党的八七会议上，毛泽东针对陈独秀领导时期的党中央放弃统一战线的领导权，全面总结了大革命失败的教训，提出了“枪杆子里面出政权”的光辉思想。他在会议上说：“从前我们骂中山专做军事运动，我们则恰恰相反，不做军事运动专做民众运动。蒋、唐都是拿枪杆子起的，我们独不管。现在虽已注意，但仍无坚决的概念。比如秋收暴动非军事不可，此次会议应重视此问题，新政治局的常委要更加坚强起来注意此问题。湖南这次失败，可说完全由于书生主观的错误，以后要非常注意军事。须知政权是由枪杆子中取得的。”毛泽东的话，实事求是，切中时弊，特别是“以后要非常注意军事”、“须知政权是由枪杆子中取得的”著名论断，闪烁着马克思列宁主义的思想光辉。中国革命正是在这个思想的指导下，才不断地反败为胜，反弱为强，走向复兴和胜利的。 在八七会议上，中共中央再次作出了秋收暴动的决策。 1927年8月3日，中共中央在决定举行南昌起义的同时，就决定在工农运动基础较好的湘、鄂、粤、赣四省发动农民秋收起义，发布了《中共中央关于湘鄂粤赣四省农民秋收暴动大纲》。8月7日中央紧急会议通过了《最近农民斗争的决议案》，再次强调指出：“共产党现时最主要的任务是有系统的有计划的尽可能的在广大区域中准备农民的总暴动，利用今年秋收时期农村中阶级斗争剧烈的关键。” 八七会议后，毛泽东作为中央特派员，受命改组湖南省委并筹备秋收起义。 湖南省委改组后（彭公达任书记），毛泽东即到长沙县清泰乡板仓做农民土地问题调查去了。 他是八七会议后第一个上山下乡的中央委员。毛泽东是我党从事农民办运动的专家，担任过中共中央农委书记、中华全国农民协会临时执委会常委、第六届农民运动讲习所所长，对农民问题颇有研究且极为关心。1927年2月6日向中央写了一份长篇报告——《湖南农民运动考察报告》，在党内引起极大反响。这次板仓之行后于1927年8月20日给中央写了一封信。信中写道：“我这回从长沙清泰乡（亲到）、湘潭韶山（有农民五人来省）两处乡村的农民调查中，知道湖南的农民对于土地问题一定要全盘解决。”调查会结束时，一位教师问毛泽东：“今后行踪，作何打算？”毛泽东回答说：“准备走遍四府，建立数万精兵。”尤其值得一提的是，毛泽东在致中央的信中，还明确地提出“国民党旗子已成军阀的旗子，只有共产党旗子才是人民的旗子”的口号，并“断定国民党的旗子真不能打了，再打则必会再失败”。 毛泽东这一思想的升华，是他长期从事农民运动，注重社会调查，充分了解国情、民情的结果。具有如此鲜明的观点，在当时党内是独一无二的。也正是在这种思想的指导下，秋收起义爆发后，才有别于南昌起义，公开打出共产党的旗子，勇敢地向国民党反动派实行公开的挑战。 为了贯彻八七会议的新策略，部署湖南秋收起义计划，改组后的湖南省委于1927年8月18日在长沙市郊沈家大屋举行第一次会议。毛泽东以中央特派员的身份出席了会议。 会议在讨论秋暴计划的过程中，出现了一些不同意见。在农民的土地问题、暴动后的政权问题、秋暴的区域问题上，毛泽东同彭公达、易礼容、夏明翰、贺尔康等人既有争论，也有共识。 中共湖南省委制定了以长沙为中心的暴动计划后，请示中央决定。中共中央8月23日即复函说：“你们决以长沙为暴动起点的计划，在原则上是对的”，但仍然要求“湘南、湘中的暴动，尽可能地同时发动”。8月30日，中共湖南省委最后讨论“决定湘中暴动”，并致函中央进行解释。同时决定：“公达到中央报告计划，泽东到浏、平的农军中去当师长，并组织前敌委员会。” 8月30日中共湖南省委会议结束后，毛泽东肩负组织秋收暴动的重任，当晚从长沙出发，乘火车抵达株洲。对株洲地区的工作作了指示后，随即前往江西安源。 9月初，毛泽东到达安源。即在张家湾工人补习学校召开了部署秋收起义的军事会议。到会的有前委书记毛泽东，浏阳县委书记潘心源，安源市委书记蔡以忱，安源市委委员宁迪卿，安源市委委员兼宣传部长杨骏，安福县农军负责人王兴亚等。毛泽东在会上传达了八七会议的精神，以及湖南省委改组，他自己回湘、秋收暴动的决定、暴动准备情况等。 会议经过讨论，确定了湘赣边秋收起义的编制，部署了起义的进军路线。决定参加起义的武装力量组建为工农革命军第一军第一师。师长余洒度，副师长余贲民，参谋长钟文璋，下辖三个团。第一团驻在修水，以卢德铭警卫团为骨干，由平江工农义勇军和崇阳、通城农民自卫军组成，团长钟文璋（兼），计2000余人；第二团驻在安源，由安源工人纠察队、安源矿警队和安福、永新、莲花、萍乡、醴陵等县部分农民自卫军组成，团长王兴亚，计1600余人；第三团驻在铜鼓，以浏阳工农义勇队和警卫团一个营组成，团长苏先骏，计1600余人。共产党员卢德铭从汉口回部队后任起义军总指挥。全师共计5000余人。 会议确定起义部队分三路向长沙进攻：第一路（第二团）进攻萍乡与醴陵，向长沙取包围形势，但无论如何不能放弃萍乡、安源，以防敌人断绝自己的退路，同时要株洲区委发动株洲工人扰乱敌人后方，配合醴陵农民暴动；第二路（第一团）从修水向平江进攻，并发动平江农民在全县暴动，夺取平江后再向长沙推进；第三路（第三团）由铜鼓向浏阳进攻，并发动浏阳农民在四乡暴动，直逼长沙。 会上，正式组成以毛泽东为书记、以各路军主要负责人为委员的中共湖南省委秋收起义前敌委员会，统一领导湘赣边界的秋收起义。 在这次会上，毛泽东通过王兴亚的介绍，对井冈山有了初步了解。王兴亚曾任赣西农民自卫军总指挥，他在会议上介绍了安福、莲花、永新、宁冈四县农军的状况，以及在1927年7月间攻打永新县城的经过。他还向毛泽东建议：如果起义失败，可投奔我的朋友袁文才、王佐，他们在宁冈、遂川均保存有枪支人马。王兴亚的介绍和建议，对毛泽东在秋收起义失利后引兵井冈的决策，起了重要的作用。 安源张家湾军事会议，是一次贯彻落实中央八七会议和湖南省委会议精神，具体部署湘赣边秋收起义行动计划的极为重要的会议，也是毛泽东独立主持和领导中国革命武装斗争的起点。安源张家湾军事会议后，毛泽东即写信将情况报告湖南省委。 9月5日，湖南省委收到毛泽东安源来信，随即作出决议，于9月8日发出《中共湖南省委关于夺取长沙的命令》：“令各地赶紧动员，限于本月16日会师长沙，夺取省城，建立中国革命委员会湖南分会。”“鄂南决于9日发动，安源决于11日发动，自岳至长至株铁道9日起破坏，各县农运亦应特别加紧工作，限于11日齐起发动。” 9月6日，毛泽东得知中共湖南省委常委关于秋收暴动日期的决定后，立即以中共前敌委员会书记的名义向工农革命军第一师三个团下达秋收起义的行动部署，要他们积极做好暴动准备。在安源工作安排就绪后，毛泽东即同潘心源等从安源出发，急赴铜鼓第三团驻地领导起义。 从安源到铜鼓的路程有200多里。岂料，正当这位新任前委书记风风火火赶往目的地大展宏图时，却在浏阳的张家坊被地主武装团防队抓住了。所幸毛泽东聪慧，机智脱险。9月10日，正是农历的中秋节。毛泽东到达铜鼓，在县城萧家祠会见了第三团负责人苏先骏、张启龙等人，随即召开第三团干部会，传达了党中央八七会议精神和湖南省委改组情况，阐明了目前湘赣边的形势和党的任务。最后，毛泽东以前敌委员会书记的名义宣布：立即举行湘赣边界秋收暴动，用革命的武装反对反革命武装。 随着中共湖南省委的一声总攻令，分处修水、安源、铜鼓三地的暴动队伍沸腾了。起义前夕，一面工农革命军第一军第一师的军旗亦由何长工、杨立三设计、制作出来了。 1927年9月9日，起义总指挥卢德铭在修水县城向起义部队授旗，各地开始破坏铁路，震惊全国的湘赣边秋收起义爆发了。 但是，由于敌强我弱、收编的邱国轩团叛变、二团领导人指挥失当等原因，工农革命军三路人马在起义中均处被动局面，一团在金坪失利，二团在浏阳溃散，三团在东门受挫。“军威因是不振”，“竟致溃不成军”。 正当起义军面临全军覆灭的关键时刻，毛泽东于9月14日黄昏率第三团从东门撤至上坪，并于当晚在上坪陈锡虞家召开了三团连以上干部紧急会议，研究部队行动问题。毛泽东根据各路起义军迭遭失利的情况，审时度势，提出了“退萍乡再说”的主张，果断地放弃原定会攻长沙的军事计划，并以前委书记的名义，命令各路部队前往文家市会合。同时，毛泽东还派人送信到长沙，向湖南省委报告了工农革命军主力在平、浏受挫的情况，建议省委立即停止毫无胜利把握的省城暴动。 上坪会议适时地改变了秋暴前不切实际的攻打中心城市的计划，为文家市会合及向农村进军的伟大决策迈出了重要一步。 文家是湖南浏阳与江西万载、萍乡交界的一个山区小镇。这里地处边陲，敌人统治力量薄弱，群众基础较好。 9月19日，秋收起义部队一团、三团与第二团余部在文家市会合。 文家市会合在中国革命史上具有重大的意义。它保存和集中了秋收起义失利后的有生力量，为中国革命实施一个具有历史意义的战略转折奠定了组织基础。 文家市会合后，当晚，由前委书记毛泽东主持，在里仁学校后栋的教室里，召开了有师团主要负责人参加的前委会议。卢德铭、苏先骏、余洒度、余贲民等均参加了会议。 关于这次前委会议的情况，目前仅有的文献记载，是余洒度1927年10月19日的报告，且极为简略：“十九日抵文家市，距浏阳城九十里，度仍主张取浏阳直攻长沙（当时取浏有把握）。后以前敌委员会决议，以保存实力，应退萍乡，次日部队即向萍乡退却。” 关于文家市前委会议的回忆资料很多，何长工等老同志都讲到：前委在文家市开了会，且有争论，会议最后决定退却。 在文家市前委会议上，出现了不同意见。分歧集中表现在“攻”与“退”的问题上。一种是前敌委员会的集体意见，主张“以保卫实力，应退萍乡”；一种是师长余洒度的意见，“仍主张取浏阳直攻长沙”。围绕着“攻”与“退”这个焦点，毛泽东和余洒度都在会上发表了自己的见解。 何长工回忆说：“9月19日晚，前敌委员会在里仁学校里的一个大教室开会，我和杨立三作为会议工作人员，有机会了解一些会议情况。会开了一整夜，争论得很激烈。余洒度等人坚持打长沙，他认为不打长沙就没有出路。毛泽东同志不同意，他坚决反对打长沙，主张将部队转向山区和农村。他分析了形势后说，情况变了，我们的计划也要变，不变就要吃亏。他从学校借来一张地图，指着罗霄山脉中段说：我们要到这眉毛画得最浓的地方去当'山大王'。当时有些人不同意毛泽东的意见，觉得革命革命，革到山上做大王去了，这叫什么革命。毛泽东同志耐心地说服大家。他说：我们这个山大王，是特殊的山大王，是共产党领导的有主义、有政策、有办法的山大王，是代表人民利益的工农武装。中国政治不统一，经济发展不平衡，矛盾很多，我们要找敌人统治薄弱的地方。毛泽东同志的话，通俗易懂，包含着极其丰富而深刻的真理。卢德铭同志坚决拥护毛委员的主张，他说：毛委员讲得对。现在交通要道的城市不是我们占领的地方，如果攻打长沙，就有全军覆灭的危险。” 经过激烈的争论，毛泽东的战略退却意见，得到了卢德铭、苏先骏、余贲民等多数前委委员的支持。师长余洒度虽持不同意见，但少数服从多数，会议最后以前敌委员会决议的形式，作出了“向萍乡退却”的正确决定。 余洒度在湘赣边秋收起义迭遭失利的情况下，“仍主张取浏阳直攻长沙”，固然是十分错误的，但这种错误主张实际上是当时中共中央浓厚存在的“左”倾盲动主义思潮的反映，而不仅仅是一两个人的错误。 所幸的是，身负领导秋收起义重任的前委书记毛泽东，在关键时刻，头脑清醒而又冷静，以无产阶级革命家的胆略与气魄，不唯上，不唯书，审时度势，果断决策，适时地改变了中共中央和湖南省委“会攻长沙”的原定计划，作出了向罗霄山脉中段进军的决策，并取得了卢德铭等多数前委委员的支持，从而统一了工农革命军的步调与行动，为处于困境中的秋收起义部队找到了一条新生之路。 那么，文家市退兵，究竟向哪里退？向罗霄山脉中段进军，具体向哪里进？这个问题长期以来众说纷纭。过去，有个传统的提法，叫做“向井冈山进军”。实际上，这个提法是不准确、不符合史实的。文家市会合时，毛泽东虽然在安源会议上通过王兴亚的介绍对井冈山略有所闻，但没有产生向井冈山进军的确切概念，文家市前委会议上也没有明确提出上井冈山。所据如下： 张启龙回忆说；“从文家市到井冈山是逐步明确的，当时在文家市还不明确，不知道有个井冈山，我记得毛委员在文家市向部队讲话时，没有明确说到井冈山去。” 张宗逊回忆说：“有人说毛主席在文家市那个时候就看准了要到井冈山搞根据地。根据我的回忆不是这样。在文家市集合部队后，没有提出到井冈山搞根据地，部队的实际行动也没有向井冈山进军，当时还是想往主力（即南昌起义部队）靠。” 熊寿祺回忆说：“在文家市没有提到要上井冈山，也没有提到要搞根据地。” 赖毅回忆说：“在文家市没有提上井冈山，只是说到罗霄山脉那个地方去。至于井冈山，可能是毛主席沿途边走边调查研究才搞清楚的。”何长工后来也回忆说：“当时只说向罗霄山脉中段进军，后来才逐渐明确为向井冈山进军了。这也是在实践中一步步认识到的。” 可见，在文家市会合时，并没有明确提出向井冈山进军的问题。文家市会合及其前委会议决议的具体进军目标是——“向萍乡退却”。文献依据是余洒度1927年10月19日的原始报告：“第一团整理后……至中途毛泽东以前敌书记名义来信，嘱度即将部队改道退萍乡再说。”“19日抵文家乡……后以前敌委员会决议，以保存实力，应退萍乡，次日部队即向萍乡退却。” 在文家市前委会议上，以毛泽东为书记的党的前敌委员会，目睹秋暴严重受挫的现状，冷静地分析了形势和敌我力量的对比，毅然决断向敌人统治力量薄弱的农村进军，即“向萍乡退却”，从而彻底摒弃了攻打长沙夺取中心城市的原定计划。这一退兵之举，具有重大的历史意义： 1.文家市退兵是中国共产党人坚持实事求是思想路线的典范。 湖南秋收暴动、会攻长沙的计划是当时中共中央和湖南省委决定的。但在暴动举事的实践中，情况发生了很大变化，工农革命军严重受挫，如果机械地执行这一“既定方针”，势必造成全军覆没的悲剧。毛泽东在文家市提出的退却主张，正是一切从实际出发、实事求是的正确决策，是行动中的马克思主义。正是靠着这种实事求是的勇气和精神，中国革命才由弱变强，逐步走向胜利。 2.文家市退兵是中国共产党人把战略退却与战略进攻相结合的创举。 从当时秋收暴动的战略目标看，是夺取中心城市长沙，目的