Chapter 5 Those arrested under the second part of "Yangmou"

1956 was the most comfortable year for Chinese intellectuals in the 1950s and 1960s. This year, the Communist Party of China put forward the policy of "letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend", and issued a call for "march to science" and "independent thinking". Thus aroused the greatest enthusiasm of intellectuals. This year, the people's government implemented wage reforms, and the treatment of intellectuals was greatly improved.Based on the calculation of the eight types of areas in Shanghai, the salary of the first-level professor is 360 yuan, and the salary of the sixth-level associate professor and lecturer is 156 yuan and 5 cents, which is several times more than the original one. Some new lecturers who have just worked for four years have 92 yuan. , the lowest level of teaching assistants also has 65 yuan and 50 cents.At that time, although the prices had risen, they were still relatively low. The monthly standard meal for a college student was 12 yuan and 50 cents, and each meal in the big cafeteria was 2 cents.Therefore, this wage reform has indeed greatly improved the lives of intellectuals and relieved their financial worries.

Originally, on this basis, a new situation of cultural prosperity and scientific prosperity could emerge. However, in the summer of 1957, the situation changed suddenly.The rectification movement originally called on everyone to raise their opinions and encourage the activities of blowing and blowing. However, when people started to blow and blow after repeated mobilization, they suddenly turned to fight against the right. Contradictions, and it is said that this was originally a "public conspiracy" with the purpose of "leading the snake out of the hole".This is really surprising and inexplicable.But the reality is so cruel. Those caught in the trap have since embarked on a tragic life journey.

Mobilize at all levels, make a big noise Although there was a policy change in 1956, after all, intellectuals had experienced the thought reform movement in 1952 and the anti-Hu Feng struggle and anti-revolutionary movement in 1955, and they still had lingering fears, and they were not willing to speak out immediately.In order to create the situation, it can be said that the higher authorities spent a lot of effort, from the central government to the grassroots, and mobilized at all levels. Mao Zedong even personally went out to deliver speeches in Tianjin, Shandong, Jiangsu, Shanghai and other places. Get started.

We can make a rough schedule: From February 27 to March 2, 1957, Mao Zedong presided over the eleventh enlarged Supreme State Council, at which he published a report on the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.This is a programmatic document. It puts forward a theory of social contradictions different from the Soviet model, formally defines "letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend" as the policy of literary and artistic scholarship, and proposes a policy of long-term coexistence and mutual supervision with the democratic parties.Before this document was officially published, it made an exception to convey the transcript to various cultural units, which played a role in comprehensive mobilization.

From March 6th to 13th, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a national propaganda work conference attended by non-Party people. Mao Zedong delivered an important speech at the meeting, which was later published "Speech at the National Propaganda Work Conference of the Communist Party of China". Here, further Emphasize that "let a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend, this is a basic and long-term policy, not a temporary policy", to dispel concerns and encourage blooming.This is a central-level mobilization meeting. On April 27, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the "Instructions on the Rectification Movement"; on May 1, the "People's Daily" published this instruction on the rectification movement.

At the end of April and the beginning of May, the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China held a propaganda work conference, which attracted non-Party people to participate and mobilized the sounding.Fudan University professors Zhou Gucheng, Zhou Yutong, Wang Zaoshi, Chen Renbing, etc. all attended the meeting and made speeches. From May 8th to June 3rd, the United Front Work Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China invited leaders of various democratic parties and people without party affiliation to hold 13 symposiums to listen to their opinions and promote the rectification movement.

In early June, the Fudan Party Committee held various types of symposiums to mobilize and call on everyone to help the Communist Party rectify the movement.There are school-wide symposiums, such as the two professor symposiums on June 3 and 7, and there are also dozens of symposiums held by the party committee in various departments. Some meetings, such as the Department of Physics, At the meeting of the history department, Wang Ling, deputy secretary of the party committee, was present to listen to opinions. This kind of symposium has been held to the grassroots level.Among the students, the party branches of each grade also hold grade-level symposiums to encourage singing and listen to the opinions of students on the party branch and higher-level party organizations.

Such layers of mobilization created an atmosphere of singing and dancing, and many people finally broke through their concerns and expressed their opinions directly.The speeches at these symposiums were recorded every time, and the big-character posters posted on the walls were also copied by special personnel.These meeting minutes and copied big-character posters should still be preserved now.However, although Fudan has established an archives, these historical archives more than 40 years ago are not open to the public, so I can only extract some records from the school newspaper at that time and interview records with people who came there to explain the situation of Fudan’s song release at that time.

A total of six people held a symposium, and Comrade Wang Ling of the party committee also participated in this symposium.Professor Wang Fushan, head of the Department of Physics, said: "In the past when the Party did something wrong, it was always unwilling to admit its mistakes to the masses publicly. It was only an individual apology, but the masses didn't know about it. His opinions were justified until they touched their noses, and the masses were not convinced. In the past, he blindly emphasized how good the Soviet Union was and how good it was. Three things related to me: the department invited a certain professor to be the deputy head of the department, and transferred a certain teacher to teach in Anhui Normal University, but he didn't know it beforehand.Mr. Zhou Shixun didn't tell him what meeting he was going to Beijing for.He said: "Nowadays some people feel that the country is the party's country. It seems that only the party members are patriotic, the masses are not patriotic, and the masses are hired." When recalling previous campaigns, Professor Wang Hengshou said: "Some people create something out of nothing. , beat others, and elevate oneself. This is unacceptable. After the eradication of counter-revolutionaries, some people joined the party, but many people were not convinced. Thinking that such people joined the party made really good people unwilling to join the party." If you hit, you will never lose money, if you hit it, you will get a reward; if you miss it, you will get a prize, which is more 'stable' than bourgeois business."

On June 6, the "Fudan" school newspaper reported on the situation of various departments with the headline "Continue to "release" and "sing", expose the three evils, make suggestions, and help the Communist Party rectify the movement.It reported that Shu Zongqiao, an associate professor of the Department of Journalism, accused the Communist Party: "You talk about one thing, but you do another!" Law professor Yang Zhaolong said: "The law department is the worst. It cannot be said that achievements are the main thing, and mistakes are secondary. If you are sure about the achievements, you should also check for mistakes. To check for mistakes, I hope to check the all-legal nature of previous campaigns, especially the anti-revolutionary campaign....In addition, the evaluation of salary I hope you will check carefully your work arrangements and work arrangements. There are so many people who have improper arrangements.” Liu Xian, a professor of biology, said: “Why is there a gap between the party and the masses? It is because they regard the whole of China as the party and the world. At the same time, we need to conduct an in-depth examination of the unbalanced development of the country’s scientific and academic aspects. I majored in anthropology, which was unpopular. When the Kuomintang reactionaries, there were three anthropology departments in China: Zhejiang University, Jinan and Tsinghua University, Liberation Later, he said that anthropology is reactionary, bourgeois, and serves imperialism... I have been unlucky in Fudan because of this discipline. The Soviet Union also has this discipline, but we have never recognized it.”

... From these reports in the "Fudan" school newspaper, we can see some live broadcasting in the school at that time, but it is not comprehensive, and some important speeches of important figures are not reported. According to a party and government cadre, the opinions released at that time can be summarized as the following issues: 1. Is the leadership of the party consistently correct? Someone suggested that the Communist Party also made mistakes. The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union criticized Stalin's personality cult. Does the Chinese Communist Party have a personality cult phenomenon?In what ways was the CCP influenced by the Soviet Communist Party? At that time, the library had a copy of the British "Times", which the teacher could read with a card, and a lot of news was revealed from it, such as the incident in Poland and Hungary, and Tito's three speeches in Pula, all of which had a great influence on intellectuals. , so they pose the above question. 2. Is the "leaning to one side" policy correct? Some teachers suggested: One-sidedness is too much.What everyone feels deeply is the school affairs. For example, it is inappropriate to stop learning English and change to Russian, because English is an international common language, and Russian is not widely used, so political orientation cannot be used. To control foreign language teaching; for the six-hour consistent system of school hours, I also think that learning is too mechanical and there is no benefit.Some teachers also put forward their opinions on the issue of international relations, thinking that it is unwise to sever relations with Britain and the United States.Wang Zaoshi believed that Nehru's foreign policy was superior to ours. India was originally a British colony and had always been pro-British, but he did not lean towards the British one-sidedly, but took a middle line and had a better relationship with the Soviet Union.This middle line is beneficial to the colonial and semi-colonial countries. 3. How to evaluate the success or failure of higher education after liberation? The opinions of the old professor are quite concentrated in this regard.First of all, I have a lot of opinions on the adjustment of departments in 1952. I think it was an administrative order to recruit students, which severely damaged the vitality of many schools and wiped out the academic traditions accumulated by some schools for decades. Light, such as Zhejiang University is the case.Secondly, I also have opinions on learning from the Soviet Union's education system. They think that we must choose to learn from the Soviet Union, and we can only learn what suits us, and we cannot copy everything.At that time, everything from the training plan, curriculum, textbooks, to academic viewpoints was copied.This arouses the disgust of teachers.There were also comments on the setting of the teaching and research section.Most of the teachers in the past were generalists and could teach all kinds of homework. After setting up the teaching and research section according to the Soviet model, the professional scope of teachers was limited to death.For example: Zhou Gucheng was able to teach the general history of China and the world, and later compiled it in the ancient history group of the world, and only taught the ancient history of the world; They can only teach ancient Chinese history; Jiang Tianshu, Liu Dajie, Zhu Dongrun, and Zhao Jingshen were all able to teach general history of literature, but they were also fixed in the literary history of the Han Dynasty, Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui, Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming and Qing Dynasties. .This kind of artificial division has a greater impact on young teachers who are not mature academically, limiting them and making it difficult for them to develop in an all-round way. 4. Opinions on intellectual policy. From the Thought Reform Movement in 1952 to the Anti-Hu Feng and Elimination Movement in 1955, intellectuals were greatly harmed.Some teachers believed that thought remolding campaigns hurt the self-esteem of intellectuals. Professor Tan Qixiang was particularly dissatisfied with mobilizing his disciples to expose him, thinking that this was a moral corruption.Some people who gave up the favorable treatment abroad, broke through many obstacles, and returned to the motherland felt distrusted, regarded as outsiders, like marginal figures.A teacher who published many articles before the founding of the People’s Republic of China said that he was not sure what the Communist Party thought of him, so he made up his mind to stop writing articles, saying that he would “not leave a single word in the world.” 5. Views on academic criticism. At that time, teachers were generally dissatisfied with the criticism of academic ideas, but they dared not say that they should not criticize. They only said that the criticism was too rough, that political concepts were used to replace academic evaluation, that labels were applied indiscriminately, and that different opinions were not allowed.When criticizing the movie "The Legend of Wu Xun", Professor Chen Shoushi was studying modern history. At that time, he had not been fixed in ancient history. The students asked him to comment on Wu Xun. Chen Shoushi said: Wu Xun's spirit is right. The method may not be right.As a result, students questioned: Why is the spiritual pair criticized?Some students asked: You said that Wu Xun had a good spirit, so is Hitler's spirit good?Chen Shoushi was very angry when asked.At the same time, this criticism also involves the progressiveness of Tao Xingzhi's educational thought.Many teachers believe that politics and academia should be separated. In academia, some people are politically with the Kuomintang, but they still have achievements in academics. These people cannot be wiped out. 6. Views on the three reform movements. Many teachers believe that the agricultural cooperative movement in 1955 and the transformation of capitalist industry and commerce in 1956, as well as the transformation of handicrafts and small businesses, should make a realistic analysis of how many achievements and shortcomings there are. 7. The relationship between the party and the masses. Some people say it is oil-water relationship, others say that there are ditches, walls, and barbed wire between the party and the masses.Chen Renbing proposed to oppose the "township wish", thinking that party members and cadres appreciate the "township wish", but in fact they are protecting their shortcomings and covering up the problem.He also proposed to carry forward Jia Yi's spirit and dare to write letters to the emperor. ... It can be seen that many problems in the current political and educational reforms were discovered and raised at that time.It should be said that most of these opinions were aimed at the current situation. If they could seriously rectify and reform at that time, it would not be too late.It is a pity that these opinions are not only not accepted, but also counterattacked and criticized, so the problem is getting worse and worse. According to the memories of the middle-level party and government cadres in the school at that time, during the release period, the higher-ups did not greet them, but because they were in the position of being raised for opinions, they did not make excuses in order to maintain a high profile, and they were very emphatic at that time. There are differences between inside and outside the party, and the boundaries are relatively clear. Party members believe that they should raise their opinions within the party, not in front of the masses, so most of them are silent.But there are also left-minded people who think that this kind of sounding is very abnormal, and say that sooner or later they will have to settle accounts.There were even counterattacks on the spot. For example, when Sun Dayu accused Yang Xiguang, Xu Changtai, a member of the Fudan University Party Committee, counterattacked. At that time, there were also those who took the initiative to carry out the song-blowing activities. They were mainly some activists among the students. Yiming. At that time, sociologist Fei Xiaotong wrote an article declaring that the early spring of intellectuals had arrived; leading figures in the democratic parties spoke one after another to criticize the lack of leadership of the Communist Party; Realistic works exposing social malpractices are popular; "Wen Wei Po" also published an article discussing with Zhou Yang. Although what was raised was only a small question about the shaping of the hero's image, the significance of daring to break ground on the head of Tai Sui is huge. It is no small matter; Peking University, which has a democratic tradition, has already started to move. Tan Tianxiong, a student of the Department of Physics, posted a big-character poster, claiming to be "the first big poisonous weed", "the second big poisonous weed", "the third big poisonous weed"... ...Ye Yuzheng, a Peking University student, simply set fire to Fudan, and he sent a letter to the Fudan Student Union: "My Concerns and Appeals."Under such circumstances, how can students hold their temper? Like Peking University, students from the Department of Physics were the first to move at Fudan University, and there was also a female general: Ma Mingmin, who was very active and brave to challenge, pointed at Party Secretary Yang Xiguang at the conference and asked: "Please Answer, how many people have been wronged by Fudan’s anti-revolutionary movement?” Yang Xiguang was very embarrassed.Of course, she later became an extreme rightist and suffered a lot.But according to her husband, Zhang Jingfu, Ma Mingmin is not actually the main character. It is only because Lin Xiling, a female rightist in Beijing, and Fudan also has a female rightist, so that the north and the south can match each other. The key points were rectified, and it was also published in "Liberation Daily" and "China Youth Daily", making it famous far and wide.At that time, He Xinmin, Luo Xianzu and Zhang Jingfu played the leading roles in the fourth grade of the Department of Physics. They took turns to host the singing and release meeting.Around the time when he was studying "On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat" and "Re-discussing the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat", Wu Si put forward some different views on these two articles, but was very interested in Tito's Pula speech .Wu Changming, member of the Standing Committee of the Party Committee and Director of the Basic Teaching and Research Office of Marxism-Leninism, felt that Wu Si's thinking was very active and could be used as a model. He organized a small debate in this class, saying that the truth became clearer and clearer.These students didn't know how powerful it was, so they blew it up and asked a series of sharp questions, such as: Is Hu Feng a counter-revolutionary?Can private letters be published at will?Can it be used to convict?Has the anti-revolutionary movement expanded?Is the unified purchase and marketing policy good?Is the personnel file system good?Did the Soviet Union send troops to Hungary to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries?etc.When it comes to the anti-rightist stage, of course these all become rightist speeches. The Ming Fang meeting of the Department of Physics was held very enthusiastically, attracting many teachers and students from other departments. They were infected by the atmosphere of the meeting, and some of them stood up to speak.Shi Changdong from the Chinese Department spoke at this meeting, expressing his grievances about being detained and interrogated due to the Hu Feng case.But he still piously compared the Communist Party to his parents, saying: I am a member of the Communist Youth League, like the son of the party. If a child makes mistakes, it is enough for the parents to slap them. Why do they use their fists so hard? Woolen cloth?The result was a heavier blow, and he was labeled a rightist. Then, second-year Chinese students Huang Renke, Zhang Ying and others put up big-character posters, accusing the student union of withholding a letter from Peking University student Ye Yuzhang.The two vice-chairmen of the student union came forward to answer, saying that the letter was full of rumors and slanders, full of malice and inferences, and publishing such a letter would not bring any benefit to the rectification movement.But then the letter was finally published and a meeting was held for debate. According to the "Fudan" school newspaper, Ye Yuluo said in his letter: "At the beginning when Chairman Mao proposed the policy of 'sounding' and 'releasing', 90% of senior cadres disagreed. Since the policy of 'sounding' and 'releasing' has been implemented, the The provincial and municipal levels have not generally moved.” “Soviet public opinion is indifferent to our country.” Although these words are true, at the time they were regarded as splitting the central government and undermining Sino-Soviet unity. theory, so some activists came out to refute it.There was a big-character poster in the fourth grade of the Department of Journalism that said: "Khrushchev recently told American journalists that the Soviet Union supports China's views. Doesn't this clearly show that Ye Yuzheng is making trouble out of nothing and sowing discord between China and the Soviet Union?" It seems so naive and ridiculous today, contrary to the facts, but at the time it was a righteous revolutionary statement. As a rule, debates mixed with political factors cannot be persuaded or be persuaded by the debate itself.It is always necessary to wait until the situation changes drastically before one side overwhelms the other.But winning by force does not mean that the truth is in the grasp, and the truth needs to be tested by practice.But by the time practice finally tested the truth, decades had passed. one after another caught in the net The sudden change in the situation began on June 8, 1957.On that day, the instruction "Organize Forces to Counter the Rampant Attacks of Rightists" was issued, and the "People's Daily" published an editorial "Why?"Directives are internal, editorials are public.This editorial is a signal of the anti-rightist struggle. Before that, there were signs of a change in the situation. On May 25, when Mao Zedong received all representatives of the Third National Congress of the Chinese New Democratic Youth League, he said a few words that seemed ordinary but were actually meaningful: "The Communist Party of China is the core of leadership for the entire Chinese people. There is no such If there is only one core, the cause of socialism cannot win.” “Comrades, unite and resolutely and bravely fight for the great cause of socialism.” Finally, he emphasized: “All words and actions that deviate from socialism are completely wrong. "Every newspaper attaches different importance to these few words, and the position of the layout arrangement is also very different.Yao Wenyuan probably got the news from the Ke Qingshi-Zhang Chunqiao line, so he wrote an essay "Recorded for Examination", criticizing the "Wen Wei Po" for not highlighting the importance of Mao Zedong's words in the layout .Yao Wenyuan's essays were praised by Mao Zedong. But all this seems to have not attracted enough attention.There are many intellectuals, especially young students, who really lack political experience and lack of sensitivity.The big-character posters of Huang Renke, a sophomore in the Chinese Department, and others were posted on the morning of June 11. But after that, the situation took a sharp turn for the worse. On June 19, "People's Daily" published Mao Zedong's article "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People", and all newspapers reprinted it as a theoretical basis for the anti-rightist struggle.However, the article officially published this time is quite different from the transcript of the speech delivered a few months ago. The focus has shifted to the fact that the class struggle has not yet ended.In addition to the differences in tone and emphasis, the article also specifically proposed six political criteria for distinguishing words from actions and actions, which were not included in the original speech.These six standards are: "(1) It is conducive to uniting the people of all nationalities in the country, not dividing them; (2) It is conducive to socialist transformation and socialist construction, and not harmful to socialist transformation and socialist construction; (3) It is conducive to the consolidation of the people's democratic dictatorship, rather than destroying or weakening this dictatorship; (4) it is conducive to the consolidation of democratic centralism, rather than destroying or weakening this system; (5) it is conducive to consolidating the leadership of the Communist Party, rather than getting rid of or weakening this (6) Conducive to the international solidarity of socialism and the international solidarity of peace-loving people all over the world, not to the detriment of these solidarities.” Mao Zedong also particularly emphasized: “The most important of these six criteria are the socialist road and the The leadership of the party has two." The term anti-party and anti-socialism comes from this. On July 1, "People's Daily" published an editorial: "Wen Wei Po's bourgeois orientation should be criticized."Although it was not stated at the time that this editorial was written by Mao Zedong, the tone of the editorial was so loud that one could tell it had a lot of background at a glance, and it was by no means what the talents of the newspaper office could write.From this article, anyone can see the seriousness of the problem. "Yangmou" and so on are revealed in this article. Fudan responded very quickly. On June 18, all the students of the school gathered in Denghui Hall to "denounce the anti-Party and anti-socialist fallacies".This is a school-wide swearing-in meeting to launch the anti-rightist struggle. On June 21, the school’s administrative meeting, together with the Fudan branches of the democratic parties, decided after consultation that all teaching activities would be suspended from the 24th, and “organize all teachers and students in the school to study Chairman Mao’s “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” carefully and deeply. , and carry out the struggle to repel the rampant attacks of rightists." Since then, the anti-rightist struggle in Fudan has been in full swing. There are many celebrities in Fudan, and there will naturally be many famous rightists.Sun Dayu, Wang Zaoshi, Chen Renbing, Wang Hengshou, Yang Zhaolong, Chen Zizhan, Wang Zhong... were all named and criticized in the newspaper, which greatly expanded the influence of Fudan University.Although I couldn't figure out whether it was because Fudan played these big rightists that the results were brilliant, or because the reputation of these big rightists added glory to Fudan. The reason why these people became rightists was that they were all accused of "anti-Party and anti-socialism", but the specific circumstances were quite different. Both Sun Dayu and Wang Zaoshi made contributions during the period of the democratic revolution, but they also had a little misunderstanding with the Communist Party, or had a little feud. Before Liberation, Sun Dayu was the leading figure in the Dajiaolian (a fraternity association of university professors), served as the acting chairman, and contributed to opening up the second battlefield against Chiang Kai-shek. After 1949, it was human nature to still want to show their talents on the political stage. However, after Li Zhengwen, a Communist Party member among the former directors of the Universities Union, returned to Shanghai with the army and presided over the reelection of the Universities Union, some members of the Democratic League Elected from the leadership position, Sun Dayu was also demoted from the acting chairman to an alternate officer. Since then, Sun Dayu has been dissatisfied with the new reality.It just so happened that Li Zhengwen served as the military representative and the first party secretary who took over Fudan University, so friction was inevitable. Later, due to work arrangements and other issues, opinions became even greater.As soon as the sounding and letting activities started, Sun Dayu took the lead in sounding and letting go without much mobilization. As a result, he was not only labeled as a rightist, but also labeled as a counter-revolutionary because he refused to give in.When Sun Dayu spoke to criticize the party committee, Xu Chengyu, a professor of the Department of Chinese Language and Culture, said "quick talk", and he was also labeled as a rightist, which shows the seriousness of Sun Dayu's problem.But Sun Dayu was very tenacious, and he lived to the age of 92 after suffering all kinds of hardships. In his later years, he still devoted himself to the study of Shakespeare.But probably because too many people were offended, after the counter-revolutionaries were rehabilitated and the rightists were corrected, they still failed to return to their original work unit, Fudan University, as usual, but were recruited by East China Normal University. Wang Zaoshi was a political commentator who had written many sharp articles exposing the corrupt rule of the Kuomintang. He was also one of the seven gentlemen who saved the country and was imprisoned for insisting on resisting Japan.But after 1949, it has been ignored.Among the Seven Gentlemen, except Zou Taofen, who died of illness, and Li Gongfu who was assassinated, several others: Shen Junru, Zhang Naiqi, Shi Liang, and Sha Qianli, all held important positions in the central government, and only Wang Zaoshi was cast idle. He has a false title as a committee member, but he has no real job, and his suggestions are ignored, which makes him depressed, so his friends say that "the capital is full of crowns, but the man is alone!" Later, President Chen Wangdao loved talents, I personally visited the door and invited him to be a professor at Fudan University, but in China where officials are the standard, this is also a position that is not valued.It is said that the festival is due to the attitude towards the Soviet Union.Gein On April 13, 1941, the Soviet Union and Japan signed the "Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Treaty", declaring that "if one of the contracting parties becomes the target of hostile actions by one or more third countries, the other contracting party, during the conflict, shall Neutrality should always be observed."In the Soviet Union, this was said to be a diplomatic strategy, but it was a serious blow to the Chinese people who were fighting the arduous War of Resistance Against Japan.In particular, the "Declaration" attached to the treaty stated that "the Soviet Union vowed to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of the 'Manchukuo'; Japan vowed to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of the Mongolian People's Republic." Dealing with territorial sovereignty has aroused the resentment of the Chinese even more.The colleagues of the National Salvation Council published a "Letter to Generalissimo Stalin" to protest this.But at that time, anyone who had an opinion on the Soviet Union was regarded as anti-Soviet, and anti-Soviet was anti-Communist, so it was considered a big problem.However, the National Salvation Association is an influential political force, and it cannot but be united. Therefore, the responsibility fell on Wang Zaoshi, the writer of this letter, and he has had opinions on him ever since.Although Shi Liang once pointed out that this is everyone's responsibility, Wang Zaoshi cannot be responsible alone, and Wang Zaoshi also explained to Zhou Enlai, but once the opinion has been formed, there will be a fixed thinking, and it is difficult to change.Therefore, he was doomed in the anti-rightist movement. In addition, he expressed a lot of opinions in various symposiums, which turned into serious rightist remarks. Looking at it now, some of Wang Zaoshi's opinions are really not sharp.For example, his speech at the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee’s Propaganda Work Conference on May 20 said: Today’s bureaucracy is not an isolated phenomenon, but a common occurrence; it is not just sprouting, but has developed to a very bad level.Generally speaking, the lower the level, the more domineering, and the more violations of law and discipline.For another example, he said at the Fudan History Department's publicity meeting: I hope that the Communist Party will not eat its laurels.These words have all become right-wing speeches, and the outline is to attack the party's leadership, burn the grassroots, and so on. Because Wang Zaoshi dared to argue with reason at the criticism meeting, he was immediately denounced as having a bad attitude and was besieged.There were scenes of siege in the Political and Legal Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference and in Fudan Denghui Hall.Although the newspapers described Wang Zaoshi in a state of embarrassment, according to those who attended the meeting at the time, he admired Wang Zaoshi's calmness and statesmanlike demeanor.Wang Zaoshi protested: "Are you persuading or persuading? Premier Zhou did not treat me like this." But it was the time when everyone was competing to show their revolutionary enthusiasm, and of course these words had no effect at all.Because Wang Zaoshi had just had a heart-to-heart talk with Zhou Enlai not long ago, he was encouraged by Zhou Enlai and thought that Zhou Enlai could understand him, so he wrote a letter to Zhou Enlai, telling about the family's misfortune and the current situation, and expressing his willingness to "use the remaining years of his life to make a living." Follow the party and Chairman Mao and my father, and use it brick by brick to help the cause of socialist construction."This letter was really "sorrowful and touching", but it was of no avail. Wang Zaoshi was still labeled as a rightist.The CPPCC Political and Legal Team and Fudan will continue to criticize him, and Wen Wei Po and Jiefang Daily will expose him in a row. On July 4th, the "Liberation Daily" also published a smearing article: "Please look at the face of the fake "gentlemen"!" ", the subtitle is: "Wang Zaoshi is too stinky. His relatives, neighbors, students, and colleagues gathered to expose his skin. If he doesn't raise his hands and surrender, the stink will be even worse." In previous campaigns, whenever a person was to be knocked down, his relatives, neighbors, students, and colleagues were always mobilized to fabricate materials and add insult to injury, which not only made him deserted and helpless, but also poured manure all over him, making him notorious .Although this kind of practice aroused the resentment of honest people, it not only did not change, but intensified.During this anti-rightist movement, newspapers published many articles about rightist children drawing a clear line from their parents.This phenomenon is not surprising. What is strange is that Wang Hairong, the youngest daughter of Wang Zaoshi, not only refused to expose her father, but also publicly declared: "I love my father very much. Those neighbors and relatives who exposed him are not good people! "She was a fourth-year student in the Fudan Physics Department at the time, and she was in the same school as her father. It is conceivable that she was under a lot of pressure.As a result, she was accused of sympathizing with her rightist father and not being able to draw a clear line. In addition, she also helped her father to copy Mingfang articles, so she was also labeled as a rightist. One Sunday, Wang Hairong's boyfriend came to hang out with her. Just when the newspaper urged Wang Zaoshi to release the article, and was in a hurry to publish it, the couple stayed behind to help him copy half of the article. As a result, both of them were beaten. Rightist.Wang Zaoshi later died in the detention center, while Wang Hairong got cancer due to depression and passed away very early.Wang Zaoshi's ex-wife passed away a year before the anti-rightist movement, and his two sons and eldest daughter died of mental illness. The whole family only had one wife who married later. The situation was really miserable. Yang Zhaolong is a professor of the law department, and it is natural to look at the problem from the legal point of view.He published an article in "News Daily" on May 9: "Why is my country's important law still not promulgated?" ——Legislative Issues in Socialist Construction", the article said: "The construction of socialism is not purely material construction... What is particularly noteworthy in non-material construction is the socialist rule of law (some people use the name 'legal system'... ...) and socialist democracy.” He pointed out: “The main reason why our legislative work has progressed slowly in some respects is that in the past there were some incorrect or one-sided views among us about this kind of work”, and cited 10 views, such as: "I think I have my own way"; "I think China's situation is special"; "I think that as long as we understand the 'policy' and have the correct 'position, point of view, and method', we can solve legal problems"; " He believes that in the current turbulent situation at home and abroad, the government should be able to flexibly deal with various situations, and if a complete set of laws is now enacted, it will inevitably limit the flexibility of government agencies to deal with things”; etc. Looking at it now, how correct Yang Zhaolong's opinion is! After the "Cultural Revolution", after another ideological emancipation movement, some articles discussing socialist democracy and the legal system finally appeared, which caught the style of the times, but in fact, they just repeated Yang Zhaolong's opinions.But Yang Zhaolong’s opinions were considered extremely wrong rightist remarks at the time, and he was severely criticized. Not only Yang Zhaolong himself was labeled as a rightist, but Fudan’s legal department was also dismissed. ——Now The law department in Beijing was reorganized after the "Cultural Revolution". Yang Zhaolong questioned the legitimacy of previous political movements from the point of view of the legal system, and demanded that issues should be dealt with on a legal basis instead of acting on policies alone. Sadly, what he encountered this time was a larger political movement, and he himself was determined to As a rightist, it is still not based on the law, but on the basis of policy provisions.This "Notice of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China Concerning the Criteria for Classifying Rightists" only has a total of more than 1,000 words. The provisions are very general, and the implementation is very flexible. A lot of subjective randomness. Before 1949, Chen Zizhan was a left-wing writer and revolutionary professor.他20年代在湖南自修大学里与毛泽东、谢觉哉、李维汉等有过革命友谊；30年代在上海与鲁迅等人并肩战斗过，在文化界很有些名气；40年代在重庆差一点被国民党CC派从大学里除名。但是，他有一股湖南人的犟脾气，所以与新当权者难免有所冲突。最初是为“公馆派”的事。所谓“公馆派”者，是指当年时常进出于校长章益公馆的一批人，而章益与国民党CC派有关，所以陈子展与之斗争甚力。后来，章益虽然调走了，而围绕着章益的一批人又围绕着军代表、党委书记李正文转了，这使陈子展很愤愤，又重新展开新的一轮斗争，这就与新的领导对立起来。其实，鲁迅早就说过，旧的猛人倒掉之后，包围着这个猛人的一批人，必然会去包围新的猛人；猛人可倒，而包围者是不会变的。陈子展之所以愤愤者，是由于他对世情远没有鲁迅参得透的缘故。但这样一来，他的命运也就决定了。 其实，陈子展在1957年并没有参加鸣放，因为他在1952年思想改造运动中受到伤害之后，就拒绝到校上课，同时也不参加任何会议。但学校却并没有放过他，派了一位民主党派头面人物去逼他到校开会。那位民主党派头面人物狐假虎威，对他申斥道：“我代表党，通知你到校开会。”这很激怒了陈子展。因为陈子展一向很看不起此类溜须的人，现在此人居然以“党”的名义命令他，他不禁脱口而出：“你是什么狐群狗党！”这句话应是指这个人所在的党派，不料此人汇报上去，成了陈子展骂共产党是狐群狗党了。这当然是十足的反党罪行。但陈子展根本就不承认他是右派分子，也仍然不到校开会上课，直到“文化大革命”开始，才被学生逼着到校。 王中的革命资历虽然没有陈子展那么老，但他是随军南下干部，是接管上海报业的军代表之一，也算是老革命了，而且还做着现官：复旦党委常委、统战部长、副教务长，兼新闻系主任。听说复旦党委并没有主动想把他打成右派分子，而是由于外界的压力太大，不得不打。王中之所以在社会上有着广泛的影响，是由于他担任复旦新闻系主任以后，矢志搞新闻改革之故。他提出报纸的二重性理论，即认为报纸既有宣传性，又有商品性，所以办报必须照顾群众的口味。他批评《解放日报》一片机器声，一副寡妇脸。他还带了一批人到各地去进行新闻改革的调查，准备写作《新闻学原理》；同时也一路做报告，宣传他的新闻观点。他的新闻观点，在鸣放期间当然是受欢迎的，而反右运动一开始，就成为众矢之的。有家权威报刊，竟然为此发表评论员文章，题目叫做《大家都来批判王中》。复旦大学虽然并不是主动发起者，但批判起来，却也毫不手软，校刊上做出通栏标题：《坚决和右派分子王中斗争到底！ ".在发表批判文章的同时，还配以漫画，其中有四幅连续画给人印象甚深，题目是：《剥开右派分子王中的四层画皮》——1.革命十年的招牌；2.反教条主义的幌子；3.学术问题的外衣；4.自由主义的帽子。这就是说，王中的问题，决不是学术问题和自由散漫无组织无纪律的问题；而是挂着老革命的招牌，打着反教条主义的幌子，干的是反党反社会主义的勾当。这种将批判人物漫画化的做法，在复旦，大概就是从王中开始，至少在正式的印刷品上是如此。 复旦打出了这些大右派，在上海，在全国，都产生了很大影响，那些左派们打得上了瘾，只想再打些大的。历史系有些党员就提出了要打周谷城，理由是：周谷城在各种会议上鸣放出来的材料，不比那些右派少，而且在全国人民代表大会批判右派分子的会议上，他一句都不批右派，却大谈什么发展学术的大好时代，这说明他对反右运动有抵触情绪。于是他们整理好材料，上交党总支，总支书记不敢定夺，直接向党委书记杨西光请示，杨西光笑笑，也不表态，说要请示一下市委。一周以后，他在一次会议休息时，找到历史系总支书记，说：你们想搞大人物呀？算了罢，市委的意思是不要动他。这事也就作罢了。 基层党员毕竟政策水平不高。他们没有悟到，既然右派分子的划定，不是根据法律条款，而是根据政策，那么由于政治上的需要，当然可以打一些，也可以保一些，不可能一律平等。这层意思，到得“文化大革命”时期，就被点透了。连彭真所说的学术讨论中“在真理面前人人平等”这句话，都被批为资产阶级观点，更何况是在法律面前或是在政策面前要求平等呢？ 听说，杨西光在“文革”以后曾多次对复旦的教师说，他是懂得办大学是需要很强的师资力量的，所以在反右运动中还是保了一些业务骨干。这话不假，复旦的确没有像华东师大那样，将一大批骨干教师都打成右派，打得元气大伤；复旦虽然也损伤不少，但毕竟还保存了相当的实力，为以后的发展留有余地。 但右派分子是有指标的，保了一个，就得用另一个去填补。比如，杨西光保了蒋学模，保了苏绍智，却把洪文达顶了上去。其实，就资历和业务水平而言，洪文达与蒋、苏都是同一档次的。洪文达的罪状是，他在《文汇报》上发表过一篇笔谈，说是“几年来，主观主义主要是教条主义的倾向，结合着官僚主义、宗派主义的声威，浩浩荡荡，大有罩盖一切之势”。这里所说的主观主义主要表现为教条主义的看法，其实并非洪文达的发明，原是最高领导的意见，但后来又说是当前的主要危险是修正主义或者右倾机会主义，所以洪文达的话就是右派言论，洪文达也就成为右派分子。 谈家桢因受到毛泽东的眷顾，属于保护对象之列，但他的学生就不受保护了。他有一个从浙大带过来的得意门生，因为坚持学术自由，被打成了右派。此人骨头很硬，从不买账，监督小组的人与他谈心，他说：我现在所有的，唯有一张床而已，不怕失去什么；帽子嘛，戴着不感冒，不摘也罢。改革开放以后，他的女儿出国留学，学的也是遗传学，有些美国教授解答不了的问题，还是父亲为之解答。美国的教授知道后，大吃一惊，说中国有这样高水平的教授，真了不得。然而，这位了不得的高水平人物，现在是老病缠身，拄着拐杖走路，走十多步就气喘不止。 既然政策条文富有伸缩性，可以根据主观意愿来保，那么也就可以根据主观意愿来打，其中难免夹杂着个人好恶和个人恩怨了。政治课教师朱元寅先生是因为有点抗上思想而被打成右派的。反右运动的前一年，复旦开党代会选举党委委员，杨西光没有获得全票，政治课教研室主任很愤愤地说：有人竟不投西光同志的票，党性到哪里去了？朱元寅也是党代表，他说：我是选杨西光同志的，但有人不选也是可以的，这是他的权利，无可指责。主任认为他的党性不强，立即对他进行帮助，但朱元寅那时年轻气盛，偏要认死理，不肯认错，而且还辩论起来。这种抗上思想在当时是一大忌，也就种下了祸根，反右运动中就被罗织了罪状，加以批判。尽管在他的五六条材料中没有一条够得上划定右派标准的，而且他所属的党总支里，也有几位委员不赞成将他划为右派，但上面执意要划，他也就终于被划为右派了，那几位持反对意见的委员，还吃了批评，说是思想右倾。 但对持反对意见者这样批评一下，而没有撤职查办，还算是轻的。我有一位中学时代的同学，在别的高校读书，做了年级党支部书记，在当时算是很突出的人物，因为对同班同学深有了解，在打右派时有点手软，即被批评为“同情右派”，在同班同学毕业之后，叫她留下来办学习班，也被定为右派，再遣送出校门。 那时，不但教师中打出许多右派，而且在学生中也每个班级都有右派名额。北大学生中打出了谭天雄、叶于泩，人大学生中打出了林希翎，都具有全国影响，复旦自然不能落后。首当其冲的是物理系四年级（57届），何新民、张静甫、施伟达、马明敏、王海容等12人被打成右派分子，占全班总人数36名的三分之一。毕业之后，还要留校考察，亦即劳动改造，分为一年、两年、三年三等。马明敏是考察三年，但实际上直到1961年才分配到上海科技大学，“文化大革命”中被剃了阴阳头游街，弄得她几乎自杀；王海容分到华东师大二附中教英语；张静甫先是在电光源实验室劳动，后来分配到复旦附中；施伟达则一直没有分配，在实验室里做一些打杂工作，每月发生活费30元，直到右派改正。 其次就是中文系二年级（60届）的黄任轲、张瀛等人。黄任轲是烈士遗孤，父亲为共产党打天下而牺牲了，母亲当时是中共上海市市委委员。黄任轲受批判时，他母亲在《解放日报》上发表了一篇文章，分析了儿子犯错误的思想根源，并要求儿子认真改正错误，文章写得很有感情，令人看了着实感动。却不料这封信受到中二左派的轰击，说她在包庇儿子，弄得黄任轲的母亲非常尴尬，还作了检讨。黄任轲成为右派之后，被押送到复旦的下放劳动基地葑溪乡从事体力劳动，与我和其他两位教师同住在一个房间，由一位党员负责监督。我们有半年时间的接触。我看他是书呆子一个，根本不懂政治。据说他是因为从小喜欢读鲁迅著作，读得对现实不满起来，而且对现实批评得非常尖刻。但那时他已不读鲁迅的书了，劳动之余，在看钱钟书的《谈艺录》。他劳动很认真，不久便成为一名强劳力。后来调回学校继续读书，毕业后分配到外地，他母亲对此事很伤心，而且由于感情上的需要，又认领了一个干女儿。黄任轲是直到右派改正之后才调到上海社会科学院工作，但似乎已没有先前那股灵气了。张瀛的命运更惨。他是公认班级中古典文学基础最好的学生，深受蒋天枢教授的赏识，但毕业后分配到边远省份，又处于基层，不但没有发挥专长的余地，而且因在“文化大革命”中议论林彪的短长，又被打成现行反革命。他实在受不了折磨，据说在一次劳动中跳进烟囱自杀了。Alas! 与黄任轲一起押到葑溪乡劳动改造的，还有物理系的一些右派。其中有一位曾经逃跑，于是领导上发动同系的下放干部回市区追捕，偌大一个上海，怎么能追捕得到？后来听说他冲进了英国领事馆，要求政治避难，但却被当作暴徒，通过外交途径要了回来，其命运也就可想而知了。 反右运动时，我们是中文系四年级，党支部书记是同班同学唐维生，他是一位南下干部，学历不高。进城之初，领导上要提高干部的文化素质，就调了一批人入学读书，先从工农速成中学读起，再进入大学学习，叫做工农调干生。老唐就是一名调干生。他本来跟班就有一定困难，后来又忙着谈恋爱、结婚，学习成绩当然不是很好，班级工作也时有疏忽，在鸣放时难免被同学提意见。但老唐为人善良，胸襟也很开阔，对这些意见不以为意。反右运动开始后，他认为本班没有右派分子，只有些错误言论。至于对他个人的意见，他觉得都是善意的，有则改之，无则加勉就是了。不料这样一来，却受到低年级左派们的攻击，说中四如果不打右派，我们就要来冲，我们就不相信中四没有右派！结果中四党支部只好自己动手，打出了叶鹏、王禹之、冯可文三名右派。叶鹏是我们班级的才子，在读书时就发表了好几篇文章，又与低班女生相爱，才子佳人，同进同出，很受人注目，打成右派后发配到河南山区教小学，三年灾害时差一点饿死，不过总算挺过来了，80年代当了洛阳师专校长，退休后重理旧业，已经出版了好几本书。王禹之志在研究古典文学，因为家庭经济条件较好，上学时就买了不少线装书，还自己带来一张小书桌，放在拥挤的宿舍里，认真地在那里做学问，当然也谈恋爱，但不问政治。他是独生子，母亲是寡妇，本应照顾在上海工作的，但打成右派之后，还是分配到外地，后来又被打成现行反革命，发配到青海劳改农场，病得差一点死掉。后来平反、改正，回到上海，他来看我，坐下来就问我知不知道他当年那位爱人的下落。我虽然也多年未见那位女同学了，但情况是知道的，就如实告诉他，这位女生早已结婚生子，他听了很失望，只好颓然而返。冯可文一向独来独往，很少与人交谈，不知何以也有右派言论。至于唐维生，大概因为右倾，毕业后也留校了一段时期，但因为出身成分好，而且还有革命经历，所以没有打成右派，但档案里还是塞了材料，分配到山东《大众日报》之后不久，就被定为右倾分子。 以政策来代替法律的做法，是久矣夫非止一日的了，然而，何以在1956—1957年间，政策会如此多变，而且变动的幅度又是如此之大，却是值得思考之事。 这与当时的国际形势有关。 自1953年斯大林逝世之后，苏联进入了解冻时期，文学艺术和理论领域都出现了新的动向。1956年的苏共第20次代表大会，提出了反对个人崇拜问题，而赫鲁晓夫的秘密报告，更是历数斯大林的罪恶，引起了世界范围的震撼。在西方，有许多共产党人纷纷退党；在东欧，则产生了波兰和匈牙利的改革运动，即所谓“波匈事件”。这种形势，不能不引起中共领导人的思考。 对于国际上的这场变动，毛泽东曾以很轻松的口吻，引用南唐词人冯延巳的词句说：“风乍起，吹皱一池春水。”但实际上，他对苏共20大以后的国际变动，特别对于波匈事件，是极其重视的，深虑这股风吹到中国，将不是吹皱一池春水，而会激起巨大波澜。后来他又将文化界的改革分子们比做匈牙利的“裴多菲俱乐部”，即是这种意识的表露。 他必须采取对策。 毛泽东在1956年4月所作的《论十大关系》讲话和1957年2月所作的《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》的讲话，就是在总结苏联经验教训的基础上，设法寻找自己的路径。前者针对苏联在社会主义建设上的缺点，探索适合中国特点的社会主义建设道路；后者则针对苏联阶级斗争扩大化的问题，而提出了两类矛盾的学说，认为社会主义革命取得胜利之后，大量存在的还是人民内部矛盾，不能把什么都归结到阶级敌人的破坏上去。正是在这种理论基础上，才提出了“百花齐放，百家争鸣”的方针。他希望通过自己的理论、路线、方针、政策，来避免社会矛盾的激化。 但是，要通过鸣放、协商来解决社会问题，是必须有相应的民主制度的保证才行。而如果只把民主当作是一种手段，而否认它作为制度的重要意义，这就会使得双百方针从根本上就无法实行。同时，在波匈事件中起了重要作用的自由主义思潮，也难免使他忧虑。这种自由主义思想，在中国也有相当大的势力。1948年，当中国人民解放军由战略防御转入战略反攻时，就有些自由主义者出来提倡第三条路线，也就是想在国共两党之外，建立第三种政治力量，颇有问鼎之势。1949年发表的五评《白皮书》文章中虽然将“自由主义即民主个人主义者”敲打了一下，但从当时的形势出发，还是要对他们采取团结、争取的方针。现在，政权已经稳固，而自由主义者的潜在威胁还很大，就准备对他们放手一击。否则，万一形成波匈事件，局面就难以收拾了。他之所以不惜用“阳谋”来引蛇出洞，聚而歼之者，即为此之故也。 但自由主义即民主个人主义，并不只存在于民主党派中的几个头面人物身上，作为一种社会思想，它几乎渗透到所有现代知识分子的意识中，这就是为什么要把知识分子看作修正主义温床的缘故。经过毛泽东修改的周扬那篇文艺界反右斗争的总结报告《文艺战线上的一场大辩论》，把个人主义（即个性主义）称作万恶之源，我们就可以看出这场运动的斗争指向了。明乎此，也就可以知道何以这场运动的打击面会这样广，而后来仍要不断地寻找题目来批判知识分子的缘故了。 然而，自由的思想，独立的精神，却正是发展科学文化的必要条件，批判了个性主义，打击了自由思想，也就扼杀了科学文化发展的生机，后果是十分严重的。 反右运动之后，学校风气大变。民主思想受到打击之后，群众再也不敢向领导提意见了，失却监督的权力自然会更加霸道。人与人之间也失却了信任，不敢再讲真话。师生之间的距离一下子就拉大了，教师不敢倾诚相教，生怕被抓住片言只语，上纲上线。实际上也的确出现了一批以打小报告为晋身之阶的左派积极分子。反右运动以前，我们这些学生是常常到老师家去聊天的，在闲谈中所受到的启发，往往比课堂中听课得益更大。反右之后，教师对学生不得不加提防，师生关系一直没有恢复到以前那种密切程度。而且，知识分子的人格尊严大受摧折，这也影响到社会正义的培养。这些变化，正应该深入认真地加以总结才是。