Chapter 10 6. Nikita Khrushchev-1

brutal desire for power Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev looked elated and triumphant as he clinked glasses with guests at a diplomatic reception in Moscow in late 1957.In his childhood he spared pigs and earned two kopeks a day; Turning to a group of Western journalists among the guests, he enthusiastically recited a fable. "Once upon a time," he said, "there were some people in the prison, one of them was a Social Democrat, one was an anarchist, and a humble little Jew. The Jew was a little man with little education, named Pinia. "He went on to say that they had decided to elect a leader in order to distribute such things as food and tea and tobacco.The anarchist, who objected to anyone being in power, suggested insolently that they should elect the lowly Pignia, so they chose him, and soon resolved to tunnel and escape.However, they realized that the guards would shoot the first escapee first, and it seemed that no one wanted to take the lead.With the development of the plot, Khrushchev raised his voice and said, "Suddenly, this little Jew—Pinya stepped forward and said: Comrades, since you elected me as the leader in a democratic way, then I should be the leader." Walk". 『Khrushchev went on: "The moral of the story is that no matter how humble a person's status may be, he has achieved greatness, and of course he has been elected." Then the Soviet leader paused. After a while, he added the finishing touch and said, "That little Pignia is me."

Pignia's story, like all metaphors, is accurate in some respects and deceptive in others.Of course, Khrushchev was neither elected democratically, nor was he forced to grab leadership positions reluctantly.In order to seize the supreme power in the Soviet Union, he fought, climbed, used intrigues, deceived, intimidated and murdered others for forty years.Pignia's rise from humble beginnings to power was far less surprising than Khrushchev's.Khrushchev worked as a swineherd, coal miner, and plumber before joining the Bolsheviks in 1918, and had no formal education until his twenties.Throughout his life, he was underestimated by his peers and the world. When he consolidated his grip on power in 1957, it was dangerous for the people to ignore or underestimate the peasant tsar.

Nikiper Khrushchev had the crudest sense of humor, quick wit, tenacity to achieve his goals and a savage will to power.In these respects, any leader I have met would be inferior.In the post-World War II years, no world leader's success or failure changed the course of history so drastically and decisively as Khrushchev's. He was the one who built the Berlin Wall, the first wall in history designed to hold back people rather than enemies. It was he who brutally suppressed the Hungarian people's uprising against Communist rule, and I denounced him in 1956 as "the executioner of Budapest".

Even when he puts missiles in Cuba, then abandons his original claim to remove them, and forces the United States to pledge to withdraw its missiles from Greece and Turkey, and to no longer support the holy sites that threaten Fidel Castro — — People from Cuba. It was he who, through his proxy, Patrice Lumumba, sought to seize the Congo and launch a powerful Soviet offensive in Black Africa and throughout the developing world. It was he who started the large-scale expansion of strategic nuclear weapons, which eventually turned the 15-to-1 Soviet disadvantage in the Cuban crisis into today's obvious Soviet advantage.

It was he who signed a treaty banning limited nuclear tests with President Kennedy and exposed Stalin's personal superstition that haunted the Soviet Union.Through his policy of "peaceful coexistence," he took a series of major steps towards making Russia a European state. It was he who stripped Stalin of his sanctity and thereby permanently undermined the unity of the communist movement. Above all, he is responsible in the first place for the biggest setback to communism and the most significant geopolitical event since World War II: the breakup of the Soviet Union and communist China.For all his foreign policy achievements and initiatives, he may go down in history as the biggest loser: Khrushchev's loss of China.

Of all the leaders I have met, I have no disagreement with them except Nikita Khrushchev, whom I strongly disagree with.Yet he commanded my grudging respect for effectively and consistently exercising his brute power.He was the devil incarnate, admitted by many members.Not many would dispute that he was an ominously capable devil. "When Khrushchev first appeared in the top leadership of the Soviet Union in 1953, I was a vice president.Many in the West are quick to judge him, and their first impressions are often inaccurate.They were used to seeing Soviet leaders like Stalin as steady, secret manipulators who worked behind the scenes to manipulate the development of events.The rotund Khrushchev leapt to center stage, breaking old mold so thoroughly with his uninhibited demeanor, flippant statements, and ostentatious rhetoric that many did not take him seriously.

Life magazine labeled him a "little man of no importance"; a columnist in Newsweek dubbed him "a mediocre clerical man" and "a not-so-good, heavy-duty rude man." Han": Time magazine called him "Videvishnets", that is to say, despite his lack of education and training, he was always the lucky one who was "propelled forward" by every historical event.Most Western observers believe that Khrushchev is not even competent to polish Stalin's boots, let alone wear those boots instead of him.Nor did his demeanor do much to improve his image when he first left the Soviet Union for a visit to Belgrade.He was rude, thoughtless, drunk, and clearly out of character in international society.

The newspapers once made fun of him by describing his drinking and partying, thinking that compared with Stalin, he was just a lightweight athlete and his reign would not last long. Khrushchev was underestimated by half-hearted foreign policy amateurs in Washington society, as well as professional diplomats.When?, someone told me that he didn't think highly of Khrushchev because the Soviet leader drank too much and spoke "bad Russian".Some observers simply don't understand that Khrushchev's muddled speech, outdated attire, and vulgar speech and manner have not diminished his role as a leader.Influenced too deeply by people's manners and education, they forget that good manners do not necessarily make a man a strong leader.In statesmanship, it is not what the person looks like that matters, but what is inside him.Unless a statesman has a tempered inner strength, he will not succeed, no matter how elegant his appearance may be. "Khrushchev is in public the Russian version of the American Senator Kragon.During the annual May Day parade, members of the Soviet Union's top leadership watched impassively as armed troops passed by.But as a swarm of fighter jets roared overhead, Khrushchev jumped up and down on the viewing platform, patting Nikolai Bulganin on the back like a child getting a new set of toys.忭 smile.Khrushchev lacked Lotov's icy solemnity when he watched the jets, but that's not to say he was any less ruthless in his use of them. "Khrushchev's character was forged during the years when Stalin was in absolute power.Stalin had two kinds of subordinates, one was those who climbed fast, and the other were those who were beaten to death.

He killed more of his own people than anyone in history and he is responsible for it.Anton Antonov Luchenko, in his book The Age of Stalin: The Truth About Tyranny, estimates that one million people were killed, including Stacieu's own wife and Lenin's widow.In those days only the man with a talent for ruthlessness and a natural intrigue survived and climbed to the top. "In order to climb up, Khrushchev must have intelligence, tenacity, and a will of steel.John Foster Dulles recognized this.Shortly after Khrushchev took power, Dulles told a meeting of the National Security Council: "Anyone who survives and climbs to the top in the jungle of the jungle of the Communist Party must be a strong leader Man is a dangerous enemy." He was right.An insightful Western diplomat once said that Khrushchev was a man with a "heart of iron" and an outward appearance of indecision.

I first met Khrushchev in 1959, when I went to the Soviet Union for the opening of the American State Exhibition in Moscow.I saw him again later that same year when he visited the United States. Shortly before I left for Moscow in July 1959, the Congress passed the Controlled Countries Resolution.Such a resolution has been passed every year since 1950.Eisenhower issued the proclamation stipulated in the resolution, urging Americans to study the plight of the countries controlled by the Soviet Union and pledging to support the just wishes of these countries. "Did Khrushchev return to Moscow from Poland only ninety minutes before I arrived in the USSR from the United States? The Polish people received him with indifference and contempt."On the whole, relations between the Soviet Union and its satellite states were tense.As soon as Khrushchev returned to China, he immediately delivered a speech at the airport strongly condemning the resolution of the controlled country.When my plane landed, I was greeted with a cool but generally courteous reception.Deputy Prime Minister Foror Kozlov delivered a lengthy and strongly worded speech of welcome, but there was neither a band playing the national anthems of the two countries nor a welcome from the crowd.It's clear that the Controlled Nations resolution hits them where it hurts.

At ten o'clock the next morning I went to Khrushchev's office in the Kremlin for our first meeting.When I walked in, Khrushchev was in the far corner of the room examining a model of the lunar satellite the Soviets had sent to the moon a few years ago. When he put the model back in place, it appeared to be an oversized baseball, and his hands appeared small.He walked towards me with a rhythmless stride.He was shorter than I expected, not more than five feet six inches tall.His broad body, stubby legs, and Stakhanov's worker's shoulders made him look squat and clumsy.When we beckoned for photographers to take pictures, the sixty-five-year-old Soviet leader shook hands firmly and gave me the impression that he was a man of great vitality, a strong physique and the strength of a bull. "In front of journalists and photographers, Khrushchev chatted with me amiably, scanning every corner of the room with his small eyes.He had a round face, thick lips, a strong jaw, a snub nose, and high cheekbones, giving him an air of life. He expressed his appreciation for the speech I gave at London Guildhall some eight months ago.He said he welcomed the kind of peaceful competition I described in my speech.He then waved the photographer out and asked me to sit face to face with him at the long conference table. The mood changed immediately as he raised his voice and began a fiery tirade on the controlled country resolution, declaring it a serious "provocation" and a stupid and threatening resolution, slamming his fist on the table from time to time Bang and knock.He demanded to know whether war was the next step for us to take.He said: "Prior to this, the Soviet government believed that Congress would never pass a resolution to launch a war. However, it now appears that although Senator McCarthy is dead, his ghost still lingers. In this regard, the Soviet Union had to be prepared at all times. " I explained to him that the resolution was an expression of American opinion, not a call to action.I tried to move on to other topics, but Khrushchev wasn't prepared for that? I finally said that we have a tradition in the White House of interrupting lengthy discussions that do not seem to be fruitful.President Eisenhower said, "We've beaten the horse, now let's get another one!" He was expressionless during the translation, but decided to give the problem another try.He said: "I agree with the president that we shouldn't be beating a horse for so long. But I still don't understand why your Congress passed such a resolution on the eve of this important state visit." With a sullen expression on his face, he yelled a few words that I felt were quite rude.Oleg Troyanovsky, who later became Soviet ambassador to the United Nations and was then his clerk, blushed.Apparently, he was embarrassed and looked at US Ambassador Llewellyn Thompson. The ambassador knew Russian, which he dismissed with a broad smile.After a few minutes, the interpreter translated: "This resolution has a bad reputation. It stinks like a pile of freshly pulled horse manure. There is nothing worse than that!" During the translation, Khrushchev kept staring at me.I decided to lure him to a showdown and let him make his own terms.I recalled the fact sheet that Khrushchev had been a swineherd in his youth.I also recalled that when I was a child, horse manure was widely used as fertilizer, but once a neighbor used a basket of pig manure, which was very stinking.Looking Khrushchev straight in the eye, I replied in a conversational tone, "I'm afraid the Chairman made a mistake. There is one thing that smells worse than horse manure, and that is pig manure." The moment after the translation, Khrushchev was about to get angry, and the blood vessels in his temples on both sides seemed to burst at any moment.Then, suddenly, he laughed."You're right about that," he said. "So, maybe you're right, and now we're going to talk about something else. However, I must warn you that you're going to hear about this resolution during your visit." opinion." On this issue, and rarely on others, Khrushchev kept his word. Rarely have I prepared so well for a series of high-level meetings with Khrushchev in 1959.After my first meeting in the Kremlin office, I realized that no amount of prior work could fully prepare me for my meeting with Khrushchev.He hadn't foreseen this at all.Courtesy, etiquette, travel plans are all zero to him.Throughout my visit, he used to give me harangues, taunting America in front of a model American TV camera, threatening the West with nuclear missiles in front of a model American kitchen washing machine, and talking to surprised Mrs. Nixon, Khrushchev He turned a social lunch into a five-and-a-half-hour foreign policy debate in front of his wife and other guests. Just after the meeting with Khrushchev, I thought over the situation of these meetings repeatedly, and the image of Khrushchev was formed in my mind.He was always on the offensive, combining an instinctive sense of his opponent's weaknesses with an almost compulsive tendency to extract advantages from his opponent, that is, for every inch his opponent gave up, he would advance a mile, as soon as the other showed his strength. Show an iota of timidity and he'll run over you.He was entertaining in word and deed, especially in the presence of an audience, and he had a penchant for showing off. He is a man who prepares for meetings, takes pride in knowing his opponent's position as clearly as his own.In debates, he was particularly impressive because of his resourcefulness, his ability to twist, confuse and change the subject when cornered or difficult to hold.His emotions appeared to be agitated, yet his words and deeds showed me that he was serious, calm, calm, and analytical when discussing important issues. "Khrushchev amazed and amazed the world for eleven years.He climbed up unscathed from the ranks of Stalin's aides in 1953, and stepped down with a bang in 1964 when his colleagues accidentally deposed him.He left the world with three images of Khrushchev during his ruling period: a bragging clown.More often than not, he drank heavily in public, more than any modern Soviet leader; a pragmatist who could take risks.He has been free from dogma, but he has sought to solve domestic problems with ill-conceived panaceas rather than long-term solutions; a communist totalitarian.He climbed to power by treading on the corpses of his opponents and fellow-citizens, and governed by sending those who opposed him into exile, until he himself fell prey to the same means which he himself had employed. Through my meeting with Khrushchev, I discovered that this clown was wearing two masks. At one moment he can be boisterous, cheerful, cheerful, exuding friendship and almost seductive charm.He had a grin on his face, and said the vulgar words that he used to say on all occasions.When he was talking to me, he sometimes grabbed my lapel, as if sure to get my attention.Often he would approach me, look sideways carefully to see if anyone was eavesdropping, and then whisper something "secret" about the Soviet military program. After a while, especially if he was overheard, he could be brutal, domineering, furious, a master of high-profile diplomacy with a deeply personal imprint.During his posturing and deliberately exaggerated speeches, he stood face to face with me and lightly touched me with his index finger, as if verbal emphasis was not enough, and actual actions were needed to enhance the effect of the speech.He often squinted his eyes like a machine gunner aiming at the crosshairs.Then the arguments, the big words, the obscenities burst forth from his mouth like a cannonball.After my meeting with Khrushchev, I couldn't help thinking that many of the things he said in a flash of rage would have been enough to provoke a declaration of war in an age of civilized diplomacy.In our time, these words do little more than make the interpreter blush. "The clown Khrushchev can skillfully use the art of dramatic performance. This is what I discovered when Khrushchev and I visited the American National Exhibition and walked to the model of the TV station.A young technician asked that our greetings be recorded for replay to the audience during the opening of the exhibition.At first, Khrushchev seemed skeptical, but the scene of the crowd of workers emboldened him.He quickly climbed up to the podium and spoke so that it could be photographed and replayed for the audience. He asked me: "How long has the United States existed? Three hundred years?" I replied that the United States is about 180 years old.While waving his arms and scanning the entire exhibition hall, he said: "Oh, so the United States has existed for 180 years, and this is the level she has reached", "We have not existed for 42 years." In seven years we will be at the same level as the United States."The audience was captivated by his bragging, and their cheers seemed to be egging him on.Khrushchev said: "When we catch up with you and overtake you, will we wave to you?" He dealt with this last taunt in a pretentious gesture, as he waved his round, fat little hand , as he said goodbye to an imaginary America that was disappearing in the distance, his eyes were wide open, staring into the distance with seriousness. The photo album, with photos of some of Khrushchev's antics, is not only fascinating, it's telling.Some of these snapshots were taken when he was at his best, and some were left when he was not.For example, the owner of the photo is extremely sensitive to his country's and his own prestige, and he can use his clown gestures to show this. During a visit to the Yugoslav countryside in 1956, when the tires of the official car he was using ran flat, he jokingly challenged his fifty-nine-year-old deputy, Anastas Mikoyan, to meet him immediately on the side of the road. Have a wrestling match.The playful race distracted journalists while Tito's men took the opportunity to fix the car.Journalists, dumbfounded by the sight, ran a series of stories describing the two Communist Party heavyweights racing by the side of the road, rather than reporting the embarrassing incident of a flat tire. Most of the photos, however, tend to show his flaws, because they often show Khrushchev as a shameless villain.During the 1959 Berlin crisis, British Prime Minister Macmillan visited Moscow and suggested that the Berlin dispute should be discussed at a conference of foreign ministers.In Khrushchev's view, these meetings were futile because the foreign minister lacked the necessary decision-making power.To illustrate the insignificance of foreign ministers, he casually remarked to Macmillan that if he asked his chief diplomat, Andrei Gromyko, to take off his trousers and sit on ice, he would do the same. Macmillan didn't catch Khrushchev's last obscenity. In his speech to the United Nations in 1960, Khrushchev made several proposals for reforming international institutions, one of which was to move the United Nations headquarters to Switzerland, Austria or the Soviet Union.When the UN General Assembly rejected his proposal, he shouted and laughed to disrupt the speeches of other delegates.His redneck-like Zulu performance reaches its peak when Macmillan speaks.In front of representatives of almost all countries in the world, the Soviet leader took off one of his shoes and slammed the table like a wooden stick. "Khrushchev was a rough bear, a vulgar dumpy of his Russian motherland, a typical irascible, big-talking "Murek" - country bumpkin. But he is only a clown when he wants to be a clown, and at this moment, his clown art comes naturally.He employs pompous language and flippant attitude as a tactic. During Khrushchev's rule, the Soviet Union was far inferior to the United States in terms of strength.Khrushchev tried to make up for the lack of military power with willpower.He threatened nuclear war and, in order to make the West fearful of Soviet power, declared: "Your children and grandchildren will live under communism."He can't fool most Western leaders, but his bellicoseness has convinced many in the public that, while he professes to want "peaceful coexistence," he has no qualms about waging a war. During his visit to England in 1956, he gave a speech that was typical of his nature.He told the audience that he saw several people protesting his visit as he made his way through the convoy, noting one in particular who was shaking his fist at him.To reinforce his tone, he said, pumping his fist, "Tit for tat, that's how I retaliate. We both understand each other." The audience laughed, but Khrushchev calmed down and said, "I want to remind The fact that the man has tried to speak to us in this way many times in the past.... Hitler shook his clenched fist at us. He is now in his grave. Shouldn't we be more civilized and not Shaking fists at each other, I think it's time." "Khrushchev may also go down in history as a pragmatist.He was not a Marxist-Leninist theorist who learned by rote every dogma of the communist canon.He believed in the communist cause and the inevitability of its victory, but he worshiped only on Sundays at the altar of theory.It is difficult for me to imagine whether he actually read Marx's three thick volumes of Capital.In this respect he differs from Stalin, who read widely and wrote extensively on communist theory. "Khrushchev prided himself on his pragmatism.Once he told me about his Deputy Prime Minister Volor Kozlov, who was here for the opening of the All-Soviet Exhibition and whom I had welcomed in New York.Kozlov was an enforcer, blindly following the twists and turns of the party line.Khrushchev had spoken of him with apparent contempt.He said: "Comrade Kozlov is a hopeless communist." Khrushchev was also a hopeless communist, but he did not want to be bound by dogma itself. He often punished those Marxist-Leninist "bombastic orators" severely, thinking that they were some learning "parrots" who memorized by rote some outdated theoretical passages "not worth a kopek" in this era.He once marveled: "If Marx, Engels and Lenin could climb up from the grave, they would laugh at these bookworms and those who quoted classics. These people do not study modern society and creatively develop theories, but try to write in classic works. Find a quote on how to deal with tractor stand problems." His belief in the tenets of communist theory was not acquired but innate.His mind was filled with old frames derived from communist ideology, yet he paid little attention to the intricacies of ideology.He disagreed with Stalin's dictum: "If the facts do not agree with the theory, change the facts." But no one could accuse him of missing the opportunity to advance the cause, or, as he put it, "the opportunity to advance history." During my visit to the Soviet Union, when Khrushchev accompanied me on a boat trip on the Moscow River, he was in the best state of mind.On eight occasions he stopped the boat, waved to nearby swimmers, and shouted: "Which of you is being held? Are you slaves? "The swimmers, obviously all Communist dignitaries, answered in unison, 'Net' - no. Then he nudged my chest and said loudly: 'Look how our slaves live? "At this time, the Soviet journalist took down every word. When we went ashore, Zhang Chengfu was smiling. I said to him, "You know, I really admire you, you never miss an opportunity to spread the word." He retorted, "No, no, I don't spread the word, I'm telling the truth." In fact , he never told the truth in his life as long as a lie would solve the problem. He kept peddling his version of the truth to me throughout my visit to the Soviet Union.We were especially warmly welcomed by the thousands of people Mrs. Nixon and I met in Leningrad, Sverdlovsk, and Novosibirsk in Siberia.It struck us that Russians are strong, hardworking and friendly; most people seem to genuinely like Americans.However, during a stay in a factory or a market, Khrushchev always arranged for a Communist cadre to distract me by asking me pre-rehearsed political questions.The questioner always came forward and introduced himself as "an ordinary Soviet citizen".Then, almost reciting, he asked me: "Why does the United States block efforts to stop the atomic bomb tests? Or: Why does the United States want war?" Or: "Why does the United States threaten us with building military bases on foreign soil? " Harrison Salisbury, the chief American correspondent in the Soviet Union, summed up Khrushchev's specially arranged questioning in The New York Times as follows: "Vice President Richard M. Nixon preached to several hecklers The virtues of free speech were realized. The free and easy exchange of views between the leaders and the hecklers who appeared in the crowd was one of the rarest experiences in Soviet life. The parallelism of direct questions to Mr. Nixon And the tactics used by the hecklers suggest that these were done at the behest of those at the center." He is a pragmatist in the sense that he does not allow dogma to bind him.Khrushchev was an impossibly unrealistic man.He approached the Soviet Union like a reckless gambler playing roulette, with enthusiasm and lack of forethought.Impatient of strategy and susceptible to concrete matters, he bets everything, stakes his entire fortune, and leaves the casino mostly empty-handed.His thoughts come quickly, and his actions are faster, often letting actions run ahead of thoughts.He liked trying to solve major national housing problems with a risky foray. Again and again he pursued grand schemes.He cultivated vast tracts of virgin land, only to expose them to the ravages of sandstorms; he expanded the area of ​​cornfields for fodder, only to leave tens of millions of acres unused, because the soil here is not suitable for planting, and he vigorously advocates the use of The benefits of reinforced concrete and prefab buildings, just never want to increase the production of cement. "It was through these and similar programs that Khrushchev boasted that in seven years the Soviet Union would surpass the production level of the United States.But, as anyone else who traveled to the USSR in the 1950s, I noticed that the very issue of the Soviet Union's primitive transportation system made what Khrushchev said hopeless and unrealistic. "Khrushchev really wanted to make the Soviet Union prosperous.But he failed to understand, or perhaps he understood too well, what prosperity requires.He would have to severely overhaul aspects of the entire Soviet economic and political system that would loosen his grip on the people, something he was unwilling and unable to do.Instead, he's pinning his hopes on grand schemes that resemble the work of a magician more than the plans of an economist.When none of these magic tricks seemed to work, the audience in the Supreme Presidium grew restless and finally pulled him down with all his might, condemning, among other things, the blind execution of "hasty plans."Khrushchev tried to have both, maintaining total control of the economy and pursuing prosperity, but ended up getting neither. The bragging buffoon and the misguided pragmatist were two important aspects of Khrushchev's personality.But after meeting him for the first time, I can say that the totalitarianism in him permeates his bones and animates his being, his ruthless personality can always be seen in his cruel dark blue eyes See you.These eyes seemed to turn coal black when he emphasized a certain point.This situation is only slightly covered up when he is in a good mood. Despite his eccentric appearance, the totalitarian has a great sense of humor.His jokes at diplomatic receptions were undoubtedly often tinged with sinister undertones.Many of his jokes dealt with the activities of the Cheka, Russia's early secret police agency.He seemed particularly fond of the jokes, apparently because of the Cheka's resemblance to his own police agency. One of his favorite corny jokes was about reviewing troops in Moscow.A soldier in the line sneezes.The Cheka officers present demanded that the man come forward.Nobody answered.The first platoon of fighters lined up and was shot.The officer asked again who sneezed.No one answered.Soldiers in the second platoon were executed by shooting. He asked a third time who sneezed.A soldier in the back row replied in a timid voice: "I did it." The officer said in German: "I wish you a long life!" "Khrushchev also appreciates creepy humor . During a 1959 luncheon at the Khrushchev dacha outside Moscow, Mikoyan said of Stalin's peculiar work habits that Stalin often summoned his subordinates in the middle of the night.He said: "Now that Comrade Khrushchev is our prime minister, we can sleep more soundly." I couldn't help being startled by his words at first, but then suddenly realized.Afterwards, Mikoyan said with a smile: "I guess you can understand this sentence in many ways." Sitting opposite Mikoyan, Khrushchev smiled happily after hearing these puns. "Khrushchev was famous for his rich sarcasm and biting backlash.In this regard, it takes a Churchill of the year to match him.But Khrushchev's humor, unlike Churchill's, was almost always belligerent, aggressive, intimidating? The intention was not to elicit laughter, but to issue an unarticulated challenge or threat.Churchill's jokes were sharp and witty, while Khrushchev's was always brutal and blunt. "For Khrushchev, humor is constantly flogging opponents? A short stick weapon.When he scolded farm workers for not selling animals for slaughter, he said they were "not zookeepers who collect animals for people to admire." When he was asked whether Russia could remain communism forever, he said, " Russia will not give up Marxism-Leninism until a shrimp learns to whistle, or you can see your own ears without a mirror".At an art exhibition, when a poet explained to him that a certain "formalist tendency" in abstract art should be "corrected in time", he listened impatiently, and he had a strong distaste for modern art.对此，赫鲁晓夫气愤地脱口而说："让坟墓把他们这些驼背弄弄直吧！" 在我和赫鲁晓夫离开美国国家展览会上的?视台模型后，他就我曾做过律师这个背景不断地戏弄我，暗示我是个狡猾的、不诚实的、玩弄词藻的人，而他是一名诚实的矿工和工人。当我们经过美国食品杂货店模型时，我对他提到，我父亲开过一个小杂货店，我的兄弟和我边上学边在店里工作。赫鲁晓夫把手挥了一下，并哼哼鼻子说："所有店主都是贼。"我回答道："偷窃行为到处都有，甚至在我今晨参观的市场上，我看见人们把从国营商店买来的食品还要过磅一下。"赫鲁晓夫这一下被难倒了，力图改变话题。『赫鲁晓夫难得沉缅于自我贬低的幽默，但他真要这么做时，他几乎总是利用这种幽默来争取别人对某个论点的同意，这种论点连他自己也并不真正相信。在厨房模型前较量之后，我和克列门特·伏罗希洛夫一起走，他当时正担任最高苏维埃主席这个名誉职务。赫鲁晓夫保持几步远的距离走在后面，我招手示意他跟我们一道走。他对我说："不，你和主席一起走，我知道我自己的位置。"『赫鲁晓夫开的阴险的玩笑和侮辱性的挖苦话，给我们提供了了解此人的一个梗概，他是作为斯大林的学徒学会统治国家的。在斯大林——监工中最残忍的一位——的统治下只有最胜任者才能得以幸免。这个熟悉统治以便将来准备接班的人，必须不仅是残酷无情的，而且是聪明的。前大使福伊·考勒是美国少数几个苏联问题专家之一，他把赫鲁晓夫说成是俄文形容词"希特里"的化身。他写道："根据词典，这个词的意思是鬼头鬼脑、狡猾、欺诈、错综复杂的，或者是诡计多端的。但是，其意思远比这些深远，还意味着是无耻的、精明的、聪明的、机智的。把这些形容词叠在一起，你就会得出一个希特里赫鲁晓夫，也就是一个阿谀奉承者，或者是一个恶棍，视情况需要而定，他始终是一个蛊惑人心的政客和机会主义者。"『赫鲁晓夫在1918年二十四岁的时候参加了布尔什维克党。 1928年他在基辅担任低级党的官员时，引起了乌克兰共产党头目拉扎尔·卡冈诺维奇的注意。卡冈诺维奇在1929年回到莫斯科时，把赫鲁晓夫作为忠实的第一副职官员带了来。三十年代，这两人大受清洗带来的好处，他们是比斯大林还斯大林主义者，这两颗政治明星平步青云，扶摇直上。作为主管莫斯科地铁建设的章诚?夫赢得了一个强硬、可靠的官员的好名声，就是说，他不怕两靴沾了泥或者不怕两手沾了鲜血。由于他个人简历上有那一段经历，他于1938年被任命为乌克兰共产党首脑。 在苏联，没有比分派事务更困难的了。乌克兰民族主义的余火仍在发光，并且是被斯大林的农业集体化运动燃起来的。 在农业集体化期间，有几百万乌克兰农民被杀害，这堆余烬一触即发，随时有可能复燃起来。赫鲁晓夫的使命是清洗任何有民族主义同情心的党员?并加速四千万居民的俄罗斯化和农业国有化，以扑灭这堆余烬。『赫鲁晓夫成为斯大林的总督之时，正是大清洗运动处于高潮之际。他的前任在六个月里便消灭了于1937年选举出来的乌克兰共产党中央委员会的几乎百分之七十的成员。斯大林委派赫鲁晓夫代替他是为了加速这个步伐。赫鲁晓夫没有使他的后台老板失望。不久，1937年产生的那个委员会的一百六十六名成员只留下三个。他还清洗了当地各级党组织的书记和成千上万的普通党员。 在第二次世界大战中，当希特勒军队侵占乌克兰时，当地人民把他们当作了解放者，兴高采烈地欢迎他们。他们正是从赫鲁晓夫手里得到过解放。1943年，德国占领军挖掘出九十五个群葬墓，埋有一万具尸体。随同尸体发现的物品证明，死者是1937～1939年共产党政治清洗运动中的牺牲品。 1940年，根据希特勒一斯大林条约波兰被瓜分时，赫鲁晓夫主管接收东部波兰。德国人进攻苏联后，他的职衔是中将，不是前线军官而是一名政治委员，他的任务是保证斯大林的命令得以执行。战后，他又回到乌克兰，并处死那些与德国人合作过的人。不久，他向斯大林吹嘘说："半数主要工人已被干掉。" 斯大林于1953年3月去世，但他的影响并未随他一起消失。这个影响继续存在，是通过他执政年代给那些协助他统治和现正在接替他的人留下了深刻的印象而存在。斯大林主义的教训简直是残酷的。直觉告诫赫鲁晓夫，如果他不是处于最高层或向其靠近，他就会听凭那些位居最高层的人摆布。智慧忠告他，只是在他没有权力粉碎对手或者他需要对手在消灭别人时助他一臂之力时，才与对手妥协。经验教育他懂得列宁的一句格言的意义："重要的事不是打败敌人，而是把他消灭。" 斯大林一去世，争夯接班的斗争便马上开始。在赫鲁晓夫获得共产党第一书记的地位时，苏维埃最高主席团其他成员都藐视他。秘密警察头子拉夫连季·贝利亚称他是"我们的土豆政客"。据说，卡冈诺维奇不喜欢他的副手爬到这么显赫的地位。格奥尔基·马林可夫总理和维那契斯拉夫·莫洛托夫这位斯大林时期的了不起的外交部长给赫鲁晓夫起了一个绰号"涅道斯道依尼"——"一钱不值"。『赫鲁晓夫对什么都记得一清二楚，一概不予宽耍他着手使用其被恩赐的职权，象三十年前的斯大林那样去损害他的对手。赫鲁晓夫一方面熟悉党的机构，另一方面有选择时机的不可思议的天赋，有达到目的的极其顽强不屈的精神和攫取权力的残酷手段。他使这两方面结合起来，到1957年，他终于获得了显赫地位。 他征服了与之争夺权力的竞争者。结果是，贝利亚这位斯大林死后最使人心惊胆战的人物被逮捕并枪决了。卡冈诺维奇曾大力促成了赫鲁晓夫的发迹，后来在几个省里的一个未特别指出的岗位上劳动。马林可夫曾被斯大林指定为接班人，他在西伯利亚管理一个小发电厂。参加过签订希特勒-斯大林条约会谈的莫洛托夫，则在外蒙古与乌兰巴托的外交官碰杯。 斯大林主义使赫鲁晓夫从气质上变成一个极权主义者，同样也被证明是有罪的。他根本不能容忍反对意见，不管这种意见来自他争权夺利斗争中的同事，还是与之辩论的我。假如辩论双方势均力敌，他便等待时机。但是，一旦他感到自己获得了优势，他就会最大限度地扩大这种优势。 在我同他举行的所有会谈中，他态度极其僵硬，从来都是寸步不让，或者不留任何磋商余地。在他看来，他总是绝对正确而我总是绝对错误。在克里姆林宫的会议上，当我用他自己的话来作出回答时，他便后退了。在美国电视台模型前我对他那种装腔作势、故意夸大的讲话不加理睬时，他把这种克制视为软弱，并最大限度地加以利用。 在电视摄影机前，赫鲁晓夫作了一番咄咄逼人的表演后，我们又走到美国家庭模型前。正当我们走进该住房的中心厅时，他边打量两侧房间，边继续采取攻势。我们停在厨房前，在那里，我们只谈洗衣机，不谈别的。他发表了一通不着边际的讲话，他说为什么只有一个洗衣机的模型比更多的洗衣机模型好之后，我说："谈谈与洗衣机有关的优点而不谈与火箭有关的实力，岂不更好？这难道不是你想要的那种竞争？" 他听完翻译后，看来是生气了，他把大拇指塞进我的胸口，喊道："是的，那就是我们想要的那种竞争，但是，你们的将军说，他们是如此强大，足可以摧毁我们。我们也能向你们显示点东西，以便你们知道俄国的精神。我们是强大的，我们可以打击你们。但是，在这方面，我们也能够向你们展出点东西。" 他已经脱下手套向我挑战了。该是诱使他摊牌的时候了。 我边用手指指着他，以便将我的信息表达出去，边说："在我看来，你们是强大的，我们也是强大的。在今天，在当今这个时代争论谁家更强大这个问题，是毫无意义的。如果发生战争，我们全会输掉。"赫鲁晓夫力图对?的观点一笑了之，但我迫使他对这个问题有清楚的认识。我又说："我希望总理懂得我所讲的一席话的全部含义。当你把我们任何一个强大的国家置于这么一个地位，即要么不得不接受支配，要么奋起反抗而别无其他途径可循时，那么你就是在拿世界上最有破坏性的东西开玩笑。" 他狂怒地进行还击，有时他的感情似乎失去了控制，但是，事后我注意到了，赫鲁晓夫"决不发脾气，他还利用它哩"。 现在，他正利用它，使我看起来象个反派人物。他严厉地警告我不要威胁他，并强烈地否认他本人曾发表过哀的美敦书。他叫喊道，"这番话在我听起来象是威吓。我们也是巨人。你们想威胁我们，以牙还牙，我们也会以威胁回敬威胁的。" 我说，就我们来说，我们将永远不干威胁别人的事。于是，他就诬赖我在转弯抹角地威胁他。他蓄意曲解我的用词。他说道，"我从来没有这样做过。我们有处理事物的一套方法。我们的方法要比你们的高明。要竞赛的恰恰是你们。是的，是的，是的……。" 我说，我们完全意识到苏联的力量，但愿强调一下，要在核子时代谈论边际差别，不管怎么说都是没有意义的。 他的本性的要害是怀疑心重。我们离开家庭模型之后，百事可乐公司国际部总经理唐纳德·肯德尔向他敬了一杯该公司生产的饮料。他怀疑地注视着这坏饮料，要等我先尝之后才敢喝。等我品尝之后，他就直着喉咙，咕噜咕噜一口气喝光了。 我和赫鲁晓夫在所谓"厨房辩论"中的相会，使我确信，他是一个彻头彻尾的极权主义者。他从来不只满足于他说他的一套，而让我表达我的一套。他迫使发生争论，以便威吓我向他屈服，并胁迫我保持缄默。他不是通过辩论的逻辑，或者说话的口才，而是靠他那种装腔作势、故意夸大其词的力量和威胁而取胜于对方。 这种性格描写对那些最了解赫鲁晓夫的人来?，似乎有些粗糙。是赫鲁晓夫开创了尽人皆知的"解冻"这个稍许缓和了一点的新闻检查时期，又是他揭露了斯大林时代非正义的屠杀。 但是，任何这些事件都不能证明对他的这种性格的描写是不成立的。相反，这两个事件恰恰证实了这一点。 在"解冻"时期，赫鲁晓夫允许在文学艺术方面有更大的自由?达的权利，但他为自己保留了这种特权，即他可以决定什么可以批评而什么不可以批评。斯大林时代的许多恐怖活动是对文艺方面一律加以批判，而那些流传到赫鲁晓夫时代的东西则不然。赫鲁晓夫严格地强制实行他的文学方面的原则；他明白，允许知识分子有点自由而不出现滚雪球现象是多么困难！有一回，他对一些作家说，1956年，匈牙利政府如果简单地枪毙几个煽动不满的作家，那么就可能因采取先发制人的办法而使匈牙利革命受挫。他边冷冰冰地凝视着这些作家，边说，如果类似情况发生在苏联，"我的手不会发抖。" 同样，在1956年共产党代表大会上所作的"秘密"报告中，由于新近发现了道义上的急剧反应，赫鲁晓夫并未谴责斯大林的怖统治。他把这作为经过深思熟虑的政治赌博的一个组成部分，是特意这么做的。赫鲁晓夫小心翼翼地字斟句酌，从未谴责过斯大林残忍的本质。他赞许地提到，列宁"无情地和毫不犹豫地……采取最严厉的手段"。他甚至讲得更远，以至于把消灭"右倾分子"列数为斯大林对共产主义的"功绩"。他只谴责与他的政治对手有牵连的那些罪行。事实上，他正是通过歪曲斯大林的清洗历史来进行他自己的罪恶活动。 被流放的持不同政见者符拉第米尔·布加伏斯基报道说，当赫鲁晓夫在共产党大会上谴责斯大林的罪行时，有人从听众席中给他递了一张条子，问他："那时候你在哪里？"赫鲁晓夫通过扩音系统把条子念了一遍，并且喊道："谁写的这张条子谁就站起来。"一、二分钟后，很清楚，没人打算走上前去。赫鲁晓夫决心回答这个问题，说："好吧！我当时就在你现在的那个地方。" 这则轶事可以说是不足为信的，但无论这是事实还是杜撰，它都生动透彻他说明：在赫鲁晓夫揭露斯大林个人迷信的同时，他基本上完整无缺地保留了斯大林的体系。尽管他从民族的心灵中消除了斯大林这个妖魔，但他从未清除掉自己身上的斯大林主义。 在厨房模型里的热烈辩论后，他使自己变成一个友好、欢宴作乐的主人。在克里姆林宫的午餐会上，他竭力劝我们和他一道按照俄国传统的做法在干杯后把香槟酒怀扔进壁炉。他也不再坚持要求我们在剩下的访问期间乘坐俄国飞机，而主动提出让我们使用自己的飞机。 这些说明了赫鲁晓夫为了消除敌意而改变其步调。尽管他在实质问题上寸步不让，但在个人关系上可宽以待人。如果在讨论重大问题上，一个微不足道的代价能换来那怕是微弱的优势，他认为这个代价是值得的。他是政治家风度的一个铁一般原则的活生生的实证：良好的个人关系并不一定导致较好的国家关系。 但是，赫鲁晓夫知道，这一切都是?给别人看的。整个时期最冷酷无情的领导入之一约瑟夫·斯大林在利用具亲切和魅力作武器方面，做得十分露骨。赫鲁晓夫和其后的勃烈日涅夫以同样的态度对待我后，我进一步明白了为什么哈里·杜鲁门有一次把斯大林称为"好老乔"。然而，尽管他们两人经过周密计划后表现出了热情，俱这并不意味着会有任何实质性让步。 在美国大使为他举行的正式宴会上，赫鲁晓夫不断?用他的献媚来博取我的欢心。在整个晚宴期间，他富有表情地、具体地描写了俄国乡村的美景。突然，他坚持认为，我们应当按照日程安排去参观。我们的日程表要求我们在次日早晨去他的别墅，但他很快地安排我们就在宴会结束后坐二十二公里的车前往他的别墅，以便第二天在那里呆上一整天。 随着，我们的轿车在通向他的避暑别墅的行人稀少的路上飞速奔驰，把沉闷的、无生气的莫斯科抛在后头，我为此而感到高兴。我在夜幕中在外张望时思考着苏联首都色彩黯淡的街道和外观。我想，我们把共产主义联系起来的颜色不应当是红的而是灰的。 他的别墅位于环绕莫斯科的森林深处。1917年革命前，它曾是沙皇的避暑别墅，红色沙皇接收过来几年后，它是供斯大林用的，赫鲁晓夫登上王位后又移交给他了。这是我所参观过的最豪华的别墅。这所官邸比白宫大，周围有原来保留下来的草坪和花园。在官邸的一侧有一道通向莫斯科河的大里石台阶。我想到，布尔什维克自过地下革命的苦行僧生活以来经过漫长的道路才到这里。 大概中午时分，赫鲁晓夫及其夫人坐着轿车来了。赫鲁晓夫炫耀他那件使人眼花镣乱的绣花衬衣。他象一名精力充沛和热情的职业导游员那样，滔滔不绝地讲话，让我们排好队准备拍照。然后，他引我上船游览莫斯科河。我们返回后，和女士们共进午餐。我想过，午餐后，我们将要求离开她们，井继续我们的正式会谈。『赫鲁晓夫带我们坐在极其漂亮的白桦树和松树的天然伞篷下放着的那张长桌边，这些树都是在叶卡捷琳娜时代种的。桌子上摆满各式俄国的美味佳肴和软硬饮料。尽管赫鲁晓夫以喝酒有海量而出名，但他只略微饮了些伏特加和多种葡萄酒。他喜欢品佳肴和美酒。但是，正因为他出名的脾气永远是他的奴隶而不是他的主人，在这种场合下饮酒严格他说是为了取乐，而决不允许它干扰公事。在整个下午的会谈中他头脑极其清醒。 午餐开始时的谈话轻松愉快而亲切。正当上第一道菜时，米高扬副总理开始与坐在对面的尼克松夫人攀谈起来。她紧挨着赫鲁晓夫。这位苏联总理打断米高扬，并申斥他说，"瞧你这个狡猾的亚美尼亚人。尼克松夫人是我的客人。你就呆在那边！"然后，他用手指在桌子中间划一条线，并宣布说，"这是一道铁幕，你不能越过它。" 此间，我与赫鲁晓夫夫人进行了愉快的谈话，而这位苏联领导人并不试图对她象个人财产似地加以控制。她有着她丈夫的那种旺盛精力，但丝毫没有粗鲁的地方。她对人友好的热情和她丈夫常常是粗俗的举止言谈形成对照。她有着高雅的兴趣爱好，诸如古典音乐、芭蕾舞、法国和俄国文学，都有见地谈论到了。 先上的菜中，有一道与众不同的美味佳肴，这是来自西伯利亚的冰冻白鱼。这道菜是供生吃的，鱼被切成了薄片，并拌有盐、辣椒和大蒜等调料。赫鲁晓夫劝我尝一尝，并说，"这是斯大林最喜欢吃的一道菜。斯大林说鱼把其利器插在它的脊骨里了。"赫鲁晓夫吃了双份，我也?定决心如法炮制来个双份。 几分钟后，正当撤盘准备下道菜时，赫鲁晓夫把外交上的闲?突然转到军事方面。他吹嘘起苏联导弹的力量和精确性，列举导弹的有效载重量和射程的数据。然后，他几乎是经过事先考虑了之后小声地又说，一个月前，一枚机器失灵的苏联洲际导弹偏离轨道，直飞阿拉斯加而去。他说，导弹未载弹头，并且最后掉在大洋里，但假如在美国领土上坠毁的话，他耽心会引起一场风波。 为使谈话生动。赫鲁晓夫表演了一整套姿势，连铜管乐队的指挥也?为之倾倒。他常常迅速把手一翻，象赶走一只苍蝇那样，挡开别人的讲话。如果没有得逞，他便用粗俗的话打断别人。假如他感到听够了别人的议论，而期望听下面的话，常常不耐烦地两眼朝天看。当要加强讲话效果时，他把两臂伸直，把两手合成杯状，好象要让大家都看到他手中握有无可辩驳的真理。当他感到气愤时，就把两手伸过头顶一齐挥舞起来，好象告诫乐队要吹奏得更响些。 我问他由于导弹的准确性高，他是否用导弹替代轰炸机。 他答道："由于导弹更为准确，而且不受人为的失误和人的感情支配的影响，我们几乎停止了轰炸机的生产。人常常由于情感的突变不能够把炸弹投掷在指定的目标上。而对导弹你就用不着为它耽心。" 他说，他为世界上的海军感到难过，除了潜艇，舰只简直是受导弹袭击的"坐着的鸭子"，在未来战争中只能"给鲨单当饲料。"我询问了有关他的潜挺计划。他回答说："我们正在建造尽可能多的潜艇。"米高扬给他递了一个提醒似的眼色，并说，"主席的意思是，我们正在建造防务所需的潜艇。" 当我问到有关苏联水下发射导弹使用固体燃料的发展情况时，赫鲁晓夫自称不知情。他说，"啊呀，那是一个我无法讨论的技术性问题。"尼克松夫人表示了惊讶：还有什么题目是这位一人统治的政府首脑所不能讨论的。米高扬再次给他的顶头上司解围说，"甚至赫鲁晓夫主席有许多事要处理而忙不过来，所以，这就是我们前来帮衬他的缘故。" 于是，我对他说，他发表了那些有关军事实力的装腔作势，故意吓人的讲话，要想缓和国际紧张局势和经过谈判签订持久的协议是不可能的。他好象同意要节制这种做法，但不到十秒钟，又自食其言。他说，他拥有导弹方面的优势，没有反导弹体系倒是可能的。然后，他笑着提到一段在英国流行的有关悲观主义者和乐观主义者的讽刺话。他说，悲观主义者说，只要要六枚炸弹就能把联合王国消灭掉，而乐观主义者说，需要九枚或十枚。 我转了话题，讲到苏联竭力颠覆非共产党国家的政府。我对他说，希望他不至于那么天真幼稚，以为美国并不知道克里姆林宫向其他国家的共产主义运动所发出的指示。然后，我指出他在波兰的一次讲话中，宣布了对世界各国共产主义革命的支持。 他答道，"我们反对对个人搞恐怖，但是，如果我们支持另一个国家的共产党起义，那是另外一码事。"他又说，如果"资产阶级"不和平投降，暴力革命也许就会是必不可少的。 我问道，"换句话说，你认为资本主义国家的工人是受控制的人，而解放他们是合法的？" 他说，被剥夺自由的人这个词是个粗俗的词，一点也不"科学"。他又说，如果苏联人支持一次真正的国内革命，这不叫干涉他国内政。 我问他，苏联新闻界为什么赞同1958年在委内瑞拉首都加拉加斯共产党领导的乌合之众对尼克松夫人和我所进行的袭击。赫鲁晓夫放慢了脚步，然后靠过身来，低沉而激动他说，"我们有一句谚语：您是我的客人，但真理是我的母亲。所以，我将回答你提出的非常严肃的问题。你们是那里的人民发泄正义的愤怒的目标。他们的行动不是针对你个人的，而是针对美国的政策——针对你们美国失败的政策。" 我指出，一个超级大国的军事实力和革命者的热情两者一结合是危险的。我还说，如果他不能特别小心从事，事态有可能继续发展到无法控制的地步。 我对他说，艾森豪威尔和他应当会晤，在互让的基础上讨论东西方分歧。我还强调双方必须作出让步。我说，"你说，美国一向是错的，而苏联决不会错的。那样的话难以取得和平。" 这一席话再次使他激动起来。他就柏林和德国问题发表了一通象连珠炮似的讲话，几乎长达一个小时。我无法插话。等他平静下来时，我力图弄清楚就他的立场来说是否还有谈判的余地。我问道，"假设坐在你对面的是美国总统，而不是副总统，你的立场是否就这么固定下来而甚至不听一听总统的意见！"『赫鲁晓夫说，这是个"合理的"问题，但他只能用苏联无法接受这样的话来作出回答。然后，他直截了当地说，无论召开或不召开最高级会议，他决不允许西柏林的占领政权永久化。 他预兆不祥地暗示，如果他的条件得不到满足，两个超级大国间会出现对抗。 我告诉他，他不能指望艾森豪威尔总统只是为了在苏联建议书上签个名而丢出席最高级会议。他好象表示同意，就这样整个下午他第一次稍作了点让步。但他还说，他不能只是为了认可美国建议而去参加最高级会议。如果是那样，我倒不如去打猎和打野鸭子，"显然，他在这个问题上没有兴趣辩论下去了。看来，大家对此感到愕然。他马上站起来，表示午餐到此结束——午餐自始至终已经五个多小时了。『赫鲁晓夫给我留下这么一个印象：他是一个精力充沛、纪律性?强、耐力极好的人。他象一个体格强壮而无拳击艺术感的拳击家，坚定地守住阵地，随时迎接别人的口头打击，也给别人以还击，从不放慢速度。他试探我的防守情况并寻找破绽，以便进行猛击、全面进击，曲臂挥拳向上一击，做了一些诸如此类的动作，以便得分，使我放松警惕，或者把我顶起来，一拳把我打倒在地。如果一个论点的防线不奏效，他便试设第二道防线。如果第二道也失守了，他便试设第三道和第四道。假若我把他逼到角落里，他要么摇摇晃晃地走出来，要么沿着拳击台的绳子冲出去，改变话题。他是一个有他自己一套打法的拳击大师，从不让我确定讨论的范围，并且常常对我的问题给予有利于他的不同解释。汤普森大使过分宽宏大量，他事后评述说，"在他们一角，是一个重量级拳击运动员，在我们一角也是个重量级运动员，他们打成了平局。 " 正当我们的飞机从莫斯科起飞前往华沙时，我有一种极为沮丧的感觉。这是因为我认识到，大多数苏联人民那么热情地欢迎我们，几乎可以肯定他说，他们永远不会从窒息他们的、压迫他们的天罗地网下逃脱出来。但是，即使如此，我还是很快明白了赫鲁晓夫为什么对被控制国家决议案表现出了如此的敏感。 我们的车队离开巴比采机场时，我有一种模糊的想法，华沙的情况也许不一样。波兰仪仗队在其接受分列式检阅时，走着俄国式的正步步伐，人们会在我们车队通过时鼓掌欢呼。我不禁想到，赫鲁晓夫要依靠这些人跟西方打仗，事前必须三思而后行。如果把这里对我的欢迎和几天前赫鲁晓夫给我的冷淡接待作一比较的话，波兰政府对此是敏感的，因此，他们没有公布我们车队经过的路线；但是，自由欧洲电台播送了这则消息，结果，一传十、十传百地弄得家喻户晓、尽人皆知。