Chapter 37 Little turmoil in Westminster in the fifth quarter

When I got back to London I was determined to get my head around running for leadership.I invited Wenley to lunch at my house on Fulard Street in order to have a good discussion.I also found a letter from Robert Ridley urging Dukan and me to make a quick decision on who should be the candidate and not split the vote.The problem is that this won't be possible until Dukan has a clear idea of ​​what he's going to do, and it's clear from my conversations with him that he's still indecisive. This is still the case when I had lunch with Alley on Thursday, January 9, 1975.I told Airey I thought Geoffrey Howe might support me.I also said to him how difficult it was to have a normal discussion under Ted.Airey told me about his last conversation with Ted.It was clear to both of us that the time had come for a change of leadership, and the only question was who would be more appropriate, Dukan or myself.Airey takes an interesting and shrewd view.He thinks people have overestimated the support Ted may have in the Conservative parliamentary group.Subsequent developments were consistent with this view.

On Wednesday, January 15, Edward Dukan publicly announced that he was not planning to run for leadership.In this way, my way is opened.There is an urgent need to build a strong campaign team. Things moved quickly.I was chair of the opposition at the committee stage meeting that afternoon to deliberate on the Finance Bill.Fergus has just learned that he must be part of a parliamentary delegation to South Africa.He thought (wrong, as it turned out) that he would be back in time for the first round of voting for the leadership.He met Bill Shelton in the Congressman's group voting corridor and asked him to run my campaign while he was abroad.Bill agreed.I was happy when Bill told me he agreed to run my campaign because I knew he was loyal and would be a shrewd campaign organizer.I later learned that during a later voting process, Airey approached Bill and said, "You know I've been running Edward Dukan's campaign, and now that Edward's out, if we can make some sort of deal, I can put my support for Dukan on Cam's men are drawn to Margaret's side."In reality, the deal simply saw Alley take over my campaign, with Bill as his second-in-command.

The arrangement was finalized when Airey came to meet me in my office.We all performed a little diplomatic minuet.He kind of knowingly asked me who was running my campaign.I also had to pretend to answer him that I wasn't really running a campaign.Airey said, "I think it's best if I do it for you," and I enthusiastically agreed.I knew that meant he would try to draw Dukan supporters to my side as much as possible.All of a sudden, all the worries I had been worrying about for days melted away.Since then, Alley and his chief lieutenant, Bill, have won support for me, quietly and uncomplainingly doing the work of his colleagues.

I suggested to Airey who to get in touch with, and he made it clear that he would leave this sort of thing to him and not my distraction.He thought I should concentrate on the fiscal bill.It was good advice, partly because it gave me a chance to show off at the committee meeting upstairs and the council hall on the ground floor.After all.It will be the members of the Conservative parliamentary group who will ultimately decide the Conservative leader, and they will be as impressed by my performance as by my debate speech.My campaign team started with only 6 people, but it quickly grew to 40 to 50 people in the second round of voting, which was a bit too big.Lobbying is done with great precision.Lawmakers may be subject to multiple interviews by different people to check who they voted for.Airey and his colleagues knew that there were no shortcuts.Days passed, things went on, he and Bill ticked off the names and tallied the votes.Airey kept me updated on progress from time to time, but with the usual caveats of a savvy ballot lobbyist.The campaign also came to my house on Fulard Street, usually on Sundays, to join me in discussing articles, speeches, and other campaign proposals to be published during the week.

In the early stages of the campaign, I was encouraged by the support of quite a few backbenchers.One of the first supporters was Peter Morrison, who later became my Parliamentary Private Secretary in Downing Street.He told me that his father Lord Magdalene, former chairman of the Backbench Committee, had said of me three years ago: "That woman is going to be the next leader of the Conservative Party." Maybe it was "that woman" The earliest record of this statement. At the same time, dealing with the media suddenly became very important, and Gordon Reese's role in this was invaluable.The journalist Angus Maud, who was both thoughtful and insightful, was rudely removed from the frontbench by Ted in 1966 for publishing a critical article in the Spectator.He helped me write an article entitled "The Conservative Party in My Mind", which was published in such a big newspaper as the Daily Telegraph; People including: Peter Utley, John O'Sullivan, Frank Johnson, and Alfred Sherman, among others, all supported my claim, although their papers also gave Ted some support.George Gardner, a member of Parliament in the February 1974 election, was a journalist and editor of the Conservative News, with information on gossip at Conservative Central Headquarters.He helped me draft the article, which is really an active thinking team.

In fact, the change in attitude toward my candidacy was palpable. On Tuesday, January 21, I spoke at a luncheon in the Guinea Club's St. Stephen's Restaurant, attended by reporters from the major national and local newspapers.By this time, based on the findings Airey had gathered, I was starting to really feel like I had a chance of success.I said to them with a wry smile, "You know, I really think it's time for you guys to start taking me seriously." They looked back at me in surprise, some of them probably did so soon.By the end of the week there were articles evaluating my campaign from a whole new perspective.

Likewise, another confrontation with the always modest Dennis Healy the next day in the Commons did not hurt my prospects.He referred to me, in vicious but vague tones, as a "privileged passion flower."I scribbled a few words of tribute.Later, I said with great interest: "Some chancellors are micro-economists, and some chancellors are good at managing money, but this chancellor is cheap." Conservative MPs love to hear these words. Just a week before the election, Airey, Keith and Bill came to my house to discuss the latest situation. It was Sunday, January 26. From the number of people who have pledged, there are 120 people who have expressed their support for me. There are less than 80 people, it seems that the situation is too optimistic.We also need to do oral interviews with people and re-examine their preferences.Peter Walker and Ted's parliamentary private secretaries Tim Keeson and Ken Baker were the main planners of Heath's campaign.Presumably they received news that the two votes were equal or more optimistic, and their mistake was to believe that news.In sharp contrast to Airey's style, they shouted and predicted a huge victory before the first round of voting.

At my house on Fulard Street, it was agreed that I would address my key campaign members in Committee Room 13 on Monday evening.I have nothing to say about the campaign.Even those political tactics that they forgot, and what was actually political deceit, were far more than I knew.So I turned to talk about my personal views and assumptions about Conservative society and answer questions from 10:30 until midnight.Being able to speak from the bottom of my heart about what I believe in and to feel heard by the people who matter to my cause is an amazing feeling.Apparently, my audience felt the same way.Some MPs have told me they have never heard a single senior Conservative talk about policy philosophically.It appears that I am not alone in my frustration with the directionless, muddled approach of the Conservative Party over the past few years.

At this time, the Heath camp changed its campaign policy, but still to no avail.Laughing at the sarcasm fails.They instead attacked the conservatism I stood for.They said my views might appeal to the party's middle-class grassroots, especially in the South, but would never win over those who didn't believe in conservatism.My article in The Daily Telegraph on Thursday, January 30 addressed this issue head-on: (As Education Secretary) I have been attacked as playing rearguard in defense of the interests of the middle class.Now when I lead the Conservative Party against the socialist "capital transfer tax" proposal, I'm being accused of the same thing again.If "middle-class values" include encouraging diversity and individual choice, providing fair rewards, rewarding skill and hard work, insisting on effective checks against excessive state power, and advocating the wide distribution of individual private property, then these must be Both are what I'm trying to maintain... If a Conservative doesn't think private property is the main guarantee of individual liberty, he'd better be a Socialist and act accordingly.In fact, one of the reasons we lost the election was because people thought most Conservatives had turned socialist.Britain's progress towards socialism has always been two steps forward and half a step back...why should people support a party that seems to have the audacity to say it has no conviction?

The theme of reclaiming the fundamental purpose of the Conservative Party and defending middle-class values ​​is very popular in the party.I repeated the theme to my constituents association the next day.I object to the notion that my campaign represents a faction.I stress that I speak for all those who have been disappointed by the Conservative government in recent years.I also intend to take my share of responsibility for problems that arise under Ted's leadership. But (I add) I hope that I have learned from my past failures and mistakes and can help constructively plan for the future... There is a general feeling across the country that the Conservative Party has failed to defend clearly enough (the Conservative Party ) ideal, so Britain is inevitably going down the road towards socialist mediocrity.This journey must not only be stopped, but reversed.

But it was in an open letter to the chairperson of my constituency, published Saturday afternoon, that I really summed up the gist of the criticism of Ted and his leadership.Ted is a paradoxical politician.He believed in strong leadership (especially his own) and easily caved under the pressure of events.He was always talking about winning support from other parties, but he didn't want to listen to the opinions of the Conservative Party.In contrast, I say we need a "leadership that listens", adding that "in governing . . . we separate ourselves from many people who have given us support and confidence". From talking to Conservative MPs I know there are many other conflicting factors that could affect their vote.Some people support Ted just because he's in that position now.Many dared not oppose him, for he was feared even after repeated defeats, and he would not condone treason.Plus, more people think I'm inexperienced - which, as I openly admit, is largely true.Others suspected that I was too dogmatic and lacked passion.Of course, there is also the obvious fact that I am a woman. Complicated factors make many lawmakers undecided.They want to talk to me to understand who I am and where I stand.Airey and his people arranged for these congressmen to come and see me.The meeting took place in the House of Commons room of campaign member Robin Cook.I just entertained them with red wine and green tea, talked with them individually or in groups, and answered their questions as best I could.Ted, on the other hand, prefers to organize lunches for lawmakers.I don't believe there's a lot of candid conversation on that occasion - at least not from the guests.Apparently his campaign is treating the guests as supporters, when many are not. The papers of Monday, February 3 were full of news that, according to the Conservative National Union, 70 per cent of the constituency associations supported Ted Heath, and most Conservative supporters agreed.We were not surprised to hear that.The Conservative associations, at the behest of Central Headquarters, are perfectly understandable loyal to the current leader, while poll results suggest that I am a relative unknown outside the House of Commons.But it's clearly not helping Ted, which must have boosted the confidence of the Heath camp.There were actually signs of a wave of support for Ted later among lawmakers.Airy and Bill's final lobbying results showed that I was on par with Ted, and there was a third candidate, the brave and conventional Hugh Fraser, who took a few votes from the misogynist right.And they told me I was doing really well that night on the TV show World in Action. Tuesday, February 4th is the first round of voting.I got up early to make breakfast for Dennis and sent him off to work, then I drove from Fulard Street to the House of Commons to give the journalists waiting outside the confident smile and a few friendly words I wanted to show.On this day I was working on the Finance Law Committee again, and in another room in the House of Commons, the vote for the leader had already begun.Voting is expected to end at 3:30.I went to Airey's room to wait for the results.Bill Shelton counts for me and Tim Keeson counts for Ted.I believe that until today's worrying results, the Heath camp is still hopeful that the final tally of proxy votes will help Ted tide over the difficulties.Yet the majority of proxy votes also voted for me.When Airey walked in the door I tried not to think about my future but other things.Airey's eyes sparkled and he whispered to me, "Good news, you're ahead. You've got 130 votes, Ted has 119 votes" and Hugh Fraser has only 16 votes. I can hardly believe this is true.I was already firmly in the lead, and despite being required to win the first ballot outright, I was still 31 votes short of the total -- 50 percent of the vote plus 15 percent of the eligible voters -- and a second round was necessary. Second round of voting.I know that if I lose to Ted this time, my political life will be over.And in this case, I might be the leader.Who knows?I might even be prime minister.I went downstairs and someone opened champagne.But I have to keep my head down, I have to go back and work on the fiscal bill, amidst the jokes of friends and foes, because the word travels so fast.I went to Airey's place that night to discuss a course of action. I'm nowhere near as surprised by this outcome as the Conservative establishment has been shaken.I have no sympathy for their situation.They have been blatantly against me.But I do feel sorry for Ted.He quickly announced his resignation as leader and would not run for the second round.Willie Whitelaw now comes in and is instantly popular.I personally think Willie has a good chance of winning, and while I can't seriously imagine him changing the course of the party in the way I'd like, I'm happy to think there won't be anything like me and Ted unhappy.Jim Pryor, John Payton, and Jeffrey Howe also ran.I'm a little bit concerned about Jeffrey, who has similar views to mine, and that could split our votes on the right.This is important in a close election.Hugh Fraser withdrew, exhorting his supporters to vote for Willie. In fact I didn't know at the time that I had gained what the Americans call "momentum."I've figured out that some of the people who voted for me in the first round were just a ploy to get Ted out of office first and then come up with someone more acceptable but with a view closer to him, like Willie.However, the truth is, the support I have received has not diminished but has increased.Maybe it was a sense of inexplicable gratitude to me for having done what no one else dared to do, which was to remove from leadership a man who had kept the Conservative Party from winning a general election.Perhaps quite a few of my colleagues do believe that the Conservative Party moving forward should undertake the radical reconsideration of party policy and approach that Keith and I advocate.Perhaps people thought they had failed to challenge Ted when it seemed impossible to beat him, and it would be "a bit offside" to step in now to take advantage of being lost to Ted.Perhaps, seeing Willie's affable nature, he wondered if he was the right man to reconsider Conservative ideas and policies in the face of a new combative, offensive left-wing Labor government. Of course, many Conservatives in and around Westminster are now desperate to wrap up the process quickly.What worked against me in the first ballot turned out to be what helped me become the leading candidate in the second ballot. The Daily Telegraph, a barometer of grassroots opinion in the Conservative Party, is now decisively on my side. When I spoke to Willie at a dinner hosted by the Parliamentary Group on British-American Relations at Lancaster House on Thursday 6 February, he seemed quite confident that he would be ahead in the election.The new ballot tally for Airey and his cohorts tells a different story.I'm still careful though.There has been talk behind my back that I am against the European Common Market, and people think that might damage my image.So, at the suggestion of George Gardner, I issued a brief pro-European statement.I also continued to visit some congressmen, and sometimes exchanged notes with them to dispel their doubts on some specific issues. Willie and I were both at the Conservative Youth Conference in Eastbourne on Saturday 8th February.A woman in black mourning was on stage with a gloomy face.I was very concerned and asked her what happened."Yes, I am in mourning for Mr Heath," she said, with several other mourners present.Willie and I kiss in front of the photographer's camera.I said, "Willie and I have been friends for many years, I have kissed him many times, and he has kissed me many times, and I thought it would not be that difficult for him to kiss me." Willie replied, "I often Kiss her. But we've never kissed before on the pavement outside a hotel in Eastbourne." The spirits were high and the atmosphere lightened. I used my speech at the conference to state my views with great emotion.I say: You can correct economic policy, but this society is still the kind of society that none of us want.I believe that we should judge people by their merits and demerits, not by their birth.I believe that the people who are willing to do the hardest work deserve the best rewards and own those rewards after paying taxes.We should support those who work, not those who shirk their responsibilities: using your own industry to benefit your own family is not only permissible but commendable. Those words, which the Conservative Party had not heard for many years, were welcomed. Airey, Keith, my other advisors, and I analyzed the situation after the first ballot.Our general approach is to focus on the election, the 276 Conservative MPs, and point out that I've pretty much won a majority of them and that my numbers are steadily rising / while my four rivals are fighting for the 4th The second-in-command is located and struggled.In this case, we felt that my debate with the other candidates was of little use.There was a little bit of a stir when I decided not to show them on Panorama.They went by themselves.Played a scene from "Hamlet" without the prince.This only highlights my status as a frontrunner. Then, there was a second round of voting on Tuesday.I was still waiting nervously in Airey's room.It was Airey who came in and told me the news.But this time his mood was subtly but fundamentally different.He smiled and said, "Now you are the leader of the opposition." I got 146 votes, Willie got 79 votes, and the rest of the votes were negligible. I jotted down a few thoughts in the back of my diary, as I was about to give my first press conference as Leader of the Opposition.The first thing I wrote down was Ted's name, and it was important to praise his leadership. I shall now hurry downstairs to the great committee room off Westminster Hall, where the journalists are waiting for me.I said to them, "I think it's really nice to add Margaret Thatcher to the list of Harold Macmillan, Alec Lord Douglas-Home and Edward Heath now." It's like a dream. They all have different styles of leadership and greatness in accomplishing their mission. I will do my job with humility and dedication." Then I made my usual visit to the Conservative Party Central Headquarters.As I walked into the headquarters, I couldn't help but think of how desperately some people there tried to prevent me from becoming a leader.I shook hands with the line of party workers and stopped to kiss Russell Lewis, the director of the Conservative Political Center, who I knew actually wanted me to win.I think there must have been a lot of anxiety behind the polite smiling faces that night.This is not without reason.Because although I don't like revenge, I am sure that there must be changes. I was then transported to Pimlico to join a friend's celebration at Bill Sheldon's house.Dennis is there.I thought about calling him to break the news in person, but the Press Association got ahead of me.Mark knew it at work, as a trainee accountant.As for Carol, she couldn't be bothered until she took the junior bar exam that afternoon. I had dinner with Council Overseer Frey Atkins before arriving late to celebrate the good news with the family.It's great to be with family.I feel like they know as much as I do that our lives will never be the same again from this point forward. Nor would the Conservatives be what they were, as the Daily Telegraph pointed out in an insightful editorial the next morning: What kind of leadership Mrs Thatcher will provide remains to be seen, but one thing is clear enough at this stage.Mrs Thatcher was a good fighter.She believes in the ethic of hard work and the generous rewards for success.She came from humble beginnings and made her fortune through hard work, ability and courage.She has no inheritance or privileges of any kind.So she doesn't have to suffer from the fatal flaw of the Conservative Party's twentieth-century guilt about wealth.This has often meant that Conservatives see themselves as at a moral disadvantage in defending capitalism against socialism.This is the reason Britain has come so far on the path of collectivism.What Mrs Thatcher could offer was a sense of morality that the Tories lacked in their attacks on socialism.If she can do so, her inauguration will mark a sea change in the entire character of Britain's partisan political debate. It was indeed a huge challenge, and at the time I didn't realize how huge it was.