Chapter 36 Section 4 Keith Retires

Even though my majority in Finchley fell a bit, I had a decent campaign and people thought I had a good campaign.There was even talk starting to circulate that I might be the leader of the Conservative Party.Reporters are more excited about this claim than I am about my own confidence in the issue.Personally I feel sorry for Ted.He loves music, has a small friend Jiuzi, and politics is his life.Not only that, but he also suffered a series of blows in life that year. His yacht "Chenyun" sank, and his filial son died.The defeat of the election was another blow to him. However, I think it is definitely time for Ted to step down.He lost three of four elections.He himself is immutable, and he defends his past achievements too much to see the need for a radical change in policy.So while I'm hesitant to confirm that I might become Conservative leader, it doesn't help Ted to stay in his job.It would be in Keith's favor to succeed him.In fact, by that weekend, I had effectively become Keith's unofficial campaign manager.This way I stop people from guessing about my future.For example, on Friday 11 October I said to the London Evening News: "You can cross my name off the list of candidates."

Likewise, I told the Evening Standard on Tuesday 15th October: "I think it is extremely difficult for a woman to reach the top of the party... I have always believed that to be a leader one has to hold one of the three important positions... …these positions give you confidence and give others confidence in you." Thereafter, on Saturday 19 October, Keith gave a lecture at Edgebaston, Birmingham.It was not one of a series of key speeches prepared to change the minds of the Conservative Party, and perhaps therefore not circulated widely among Keith's friends and advisers beforehand.Of course, I don't know anything about its contents.It is widely believed that Edge Baston's speech cost him his leadership chance, and that the following statement in the speech did the damage: "Our population, our human balance is threatened".He went on to lament that those "pregnant women in the fourth and fifth classes of society" are the mothers who are "the least fit to bring children into the world" and that the proportion of children born to these mothers is high and rising.Ironically, the most incendiary statement came not from Keith, but from an article by two left-wing social experts published by Action Group for Children in Poverty.The distinction is quickly overlooked, however, as everyone from bishops, novelists, academics, socialist politicians, and critics eagerly denounce Keith as a crazy eugenicist.

Polls, on the other hand, showed Keith's broad public support, with six mailbags filled with letters, one of which was typical, according to an analysis by Diane Spielman of the Spectator, summarizing the letters the mood of the reader.The letter was written simply by an uneducated man: Dear Mr. Joseph: You are absolutely right. For, besides those ill-fated words, this speech made moving ideas about the decay of the family, the immorality, and the dangers of an indulgent society, and related all these to socialism and egalitarianism, and proposed With the long-term aim of "reviving British morality", as Keith did for economic policy, his speech was an attempt to provide a pillar for Conservative social policy.The trouble is that his suggestion of wider use of contraception as the only short-term solution to the social problems he cites turns away those who might already have warmed to his higher-order morality.

Archie Baston's speech undoubtedly has a strong shocking power.But it can at least be a controlled explosion.Sadly, this is not the case.The speech was originally scheduled to be given on Saturday night, so the speech could be distributed first, and when it was distributed, the media was prohibited.But the Evening Standard, for whatever reason, violated the ban and lashed out at Keith and misrepresented what he had said. I read this article at Waterloo Station, and my heart sank. Keith My own constant explanations, explanations, and apologies are of no avail.The Conservative establishment and elation are barely reinable.Keith was guilty of a mortal sin in the eyes of the common philistine—lack of judgment, that is, unwillingness to think for himself.Journalists have camped outside his residence and have denied him and his family peace.Probably he had never experienced such a thing in his life.Having been slandered as a milk-stealer, I felt as hurt by him as I was hurt by myself.But at this point there is nothing to do but wait for things to calm down.

No doubt, all this made Ted feel a lot safer.He even told us at the next Tuesday's Shadow Cabinet meeting, "The campaign is well-controlled and functioning well." Our discussions were filled with strange illusions.All but Ted understood that the main political problem was that he was still the leader, and he thought we should now turn our attention to Scotland, to how to better attract the support of young people, how to win over the working class More support from voters, etc.Even by his own standards, his analysis is flawed.Two days later I was interviewed by Max Hastings of the Evening Standard.The interview was published under the headline "Mrs Thatcher and the dawn of the middle class".I pointed out that we should try to restore the support of the middle class, because "[being middle class] has never been just a question of income, but a whole attitude to life, a desire to take responsibility for oneself".I am not the only one in the Shadow Cabinet who feels that our defeat at this general election leaves us no reason to take any comfort in ourselves.

At this time, Ted was engaged in an inextricable struggle with the Executive Committee of the Backbench Committee.They demanded elections for leaders, in effect reforms to the process by which leaders are elected — and in reply to their demands he questioned their legitimacy as representatives of backbenchers on the grounds that they were elected by the previous Elected by Parliament, they themselves first need to be elected by Conservative MPs.Ted and his advisers hoped to remove his opponents from the executive committee and replace them with people who would obey him.In an attempt to win over the backbenchers, which was somewhat too late, Ted also suggested that additional frontbench speakers should be appointed from among them, and that in some cases officials from various parliamentary committees could sit on the frontbench .Talk of an imminent reshuffling of the shadow cabinet was also widely circulated by this time.

Once again, the media was more optimistic about my future than I was. Both the Sunday Express and the Spectator ran a story on 3 November that I was going to be Shadow Chancellor.It's a good idea, and something I like to do, but I think it's extremely unlikely that Ted will give me this job.Both the Financial Times and the Daily Mirror that Monday more or less confirmed my thinking that I was going to be in a senior economic role, but not Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer.And indeed it is.I was appointed as Deputy to Robert Carr on the Finance Bill and I was appointed to the Steering Committee.Some of my friends were annoyed that I didn't get more important positions.But, from my years of working with Ian McLeod on the Finance Bill, I knew this was the position where I could best use my talents.Neither Ted nor I could have imagined how important my position would be in the next three months.The shadow cabinet reshuffle generally shows that Ted's political position is not stable.Edward Dukan refused to join the shadow cabinet, so it no longer appeals to the right wing of the party, some of whom Ted needs to win over at least.The new additions, Tim Raison and Nicholas Scott, are more or less left-leaning and, while capable, are not politically weighty figures.

On Thursday 7 November, the very day the Shadow Cabinet was reshuffled, the entire Executive Committee of the Backbench Committee, including Edward Dukan, was re-elected.This is bad news for Ted.Leadership elections are inevitable.He wrote to Edward that he was now willing to discuss changing the procedure for electing a party leader.From this point on, it may be in Ted's interest to end this election early, before other candidates might mount an effective campaign. At this time, I began to attend the meetings of the "Economy Dining Group" formed by Nick Ridley in 1972.The group consisted mainly of sound monetary policy advocates like John Biffen, Jock Bruce-Gedan, John Knott, and others.I buried myself in the specifics of my new role.Doing the job at this time is challenging because on Tuesday, November 12th, Dennis Healy presented a quarterly budget.The budget reacted in a panic to rapidly emerging problems in industry, including cutting business tax by £775 million (a new business tax of £495 million had been added just six months earlier) and halting support for nationalization. Certain subsidies from businesses.As Ted fired back, there was a chorus of surprise from Conservative backbenchers.He criticized the chancellor for raising the prices of nationalized firms' products to market prices.His words did him no favors at all.

My chance came the following Thursday when I spoke for the opposition in the budget debate.I prepared ahead of time by contrasting Labor's past manifestos with its present actions.Some of my talk was technical, specific, and necessary.But my answers to those interjections won cheers and support from the backbenchers.Harold Lever (without whom Labor would have been more economically incompetent) interrupted me shortly after my speech to correct my quotes from his past.I responded directly to this.In the midst of cheers, much of it coming from the well-born, shrewd and cunning businessman himself, I replied: "I always feel I'll never be as good as he [Liver] at the Treasury because there are four ways to get money." Types: making money, earning money, marrying rich people, and borrowing money. He seems to have experience in all four.

On another issue, I was interrupted by a furious Dennis Healey.At the time I was quoting The Sunday Telegraph reporting him as saying: "I never save, and when I have money I go out and buy things for the family." Dennis Healey was furious, so I happily took a step back (contact this the fact that, like other socialist politicians, he has his own country house), said: "I am glad we understand the fact that the Chancellor is a good saver. I know he advocates living in the Conservative Party Buy a property in a good location." No one said that a plea in the House of Commons had to be sharp and tactful to be effective.But the Q&A lifted the morale of the faltering Conservative parliamentary group, and my own reputation went a long way.

At this moment, Alec Douglas-Home had returned to the House of Lords as Lord Home.He agreed to preside over the process to consider the election of a leader. On Wednesday, November 20, I received a text message from Jeffrey Finsberg.He is the MP who sits next to me and also my friend.His letter said: "If you run for leadership, you are likely to win—for my part, I want you to be a candidate, and I will do what I can to help you." But I still don't see that possibility.In my opinion, despite the uproar over Keith's Edge Baston speech, our candidate has to be him. The next afternoon, I was in my office in the House of Commons, poring over the Finance Bill, when the phone rang.It's Keith, he wants to see if I'm there, he has something to say to me.The moment he walked in the door, I felt the seriousness of the matter.He said: "I'm sorry, I really can't run. Since I gave that speech, the media has surrounded my house, and they don't show any kindness. Helen (his wife) can't take it anymore, I have decided that I cannot really stand as a candidate." His emotions were unmistakable, and he had made up his mind.I'm on the verge of despair.We cannot just throw the Conservative Party and the whole country over to Ted card politics.I heard myself say, "Here, Keith, if you're not going to run, then I'm going to run, because someone has to run for our views." There is no need to say anything more.My mind was in turmoil, and I didn't know what my chances of victory were.I don't know anything about running for leadership.I had to put all this aside for the time being and continue to concentrate on the financial bill.Somehow, though, the word got out, and I started getting encouraging calls or notes from MP friends, and I went back to the Foulard house late that day to tell Dennis my intentions. "You must be crazy," he said. "There's no hope for you." He had a point.But I absolutely believe that he will always support me. The next day Fergus Monchmarie called and I told him Keith wasn't running and I was running.I don't know how best to let Ted know about it.Fergus thought I should interview him privately.I spent the weekend at Lamberhurst, far removed from the din of media commentary and speculation.I had a lot to think about, the main one being that while I didn't know what to do next, my reaction to Keith was definitely correct.Ted had to go, which meant someone had to challenge him.If he wins, I'm done politically.That's not good, of course, but it's bearable, and there are many worse things than being a backbencher.And the chances of me winning seemed slim.But I do think that by running, I can attract stronger candidates to run.Even if they don't think the same way Keith and I do, they can still be persuaded to agree to reform the current disastrous policy of the Conservative Party. I have scheduled a meeting with Ted on Monday, November 25th.He sat at a table in his room in the House of Commons.I really didn't have to worry about hurting his feelings at all.I went in and said to him, "I have to tell you, I have decided to run for the leadership of the party." He looked at me with a cold expression, turned and shrugged and said, "Please go ahead." I walked out softly Room. So on Monday I met the media for the first time as an open Conservative leadership candidate.I am delighted to be able to count on the help and advice of Gordon Reese, who is now a friend and who participated in my earlier press interviews.These interviews went well.Of course, since I'm a woman, that's been a major topic of interest.The atmosphere in the Shadow Cabinet and Steering Committee that night was somewhat "nervous and awkward. Looking around, I saw that apart from Keith, there were very few supporters present. I guess people thought I had made a ridiculous decision, so I didn't make it public Showed more hostility. At the Conservative Finance Committee meeting later on, there was no such overt air of oppression. I felt like the "man who wanted to be Tory leader" in one of Terman's remarkable cartoons , only I'm a woman. Those pissed off colonels and angry dames rage at him. I believe at least one person in Ted's inner circle, and at Party Central Headquarters, had hoped that something would happen to me that would destroy me as it had destroyed Keith.In an interview with Preretirement Choices magazine two months ago, I offered what I thought to be practical advice for seniors struggling to make ends meet in the face of skyrocketing food prices.I say it's ok to store some cans.Someone gave me exactly this advice when I was a kid.Any shrewd housewife will buy things when they are cheap, rather than rushing to buy the same things at a great price when they are most needed. To my dismay, the papers of Wednesday, November 27th were full of stories about me being "hoarding" food.Someone is clearly taking advantage of this humble interview to paint me as mean, selfish, and above all, "petty bourgeois".They do it cleverly in their own way, thus making the most of their relentless smearing.It suits the snobbish tastes of the villainous section of the Conservative Party, for it goes without saying that's all one can expect from a grocer's daughter.It also reminds the public that I was rumored and reported as "The Milk Snatcher" when I was in the Ministry of Education. Now staged a real denunciation farce.Pressure groups are encouraged to complain loudly.A delegation of housewives is said to be coming from Birmingham to ask me for tins.Food chemists give their views on canned food being stored too long, Mare Redmayne, ex-Conservative parliamentary supervisor, trusted figure in the Conservative establishment, and now deputy chairman of Harrods, on TV It said: "Any kind of persuasion to panic buying is against the interests of the public."In fact, Lord Redmay's pantry probably contained more tempting things than salmon and tinned beef.There's no other way to deal with things like this than to have a photographer come to my house on Fulard Street and have them check out what's in my pantry and pantry.This may convince some of the Conservative ruling circle that my family and I have tastes and standards that are not at all what they imagine the man they aspire to be to lead their party.And this certainly shows that the claim that I'm "hoarding" is pure slander and nonsense. Finally, in order to continue this fading story, my opponents went too far. On Friday, November 29, I was in John Cope's South Crocester constituency when I was called by Secretary Allison A call from Ward saying that it was being reported on the radio that I had been seen buying a large quantity of sugar in a shop in Finchley Road (there was a shortage of sugar).Allison had investigated and found that there was no such store, and the family's consumption of sugar was, after all, limited.This is a straight up lie.I categorically deny this, stop the media from disseminating it, and end this absurd attack. I think that approach always backfires in the end.It shows women across the country how ignorant these male politicians are about common household chores.It also shows the ugly disdain these Conservative dignitaries have for many ordinary people like me, who see them only as voting machines.Worst of all for my opponents was the sympathy they aroused from fair-minded MPs in the Conservative Party, who saw me the target of fabricated and stupid attacks. Still, I was really sad, almost in tears at times.Sometimes trembling with anger.But as I said to my friend Bill Shelton MP for Streatham: "I saw how they destroyed Keith, but they couldn't destroy me." These things that have happened have made me more determined to run for election.There are also many legends about Edward Dukan also running.As chair of the backbench committee and as a man, he probably has more support than I do. On Thursday 5th December, just as the hoarding rumors were about to end, I attended a Tory rally in Robert Headley's Christchurch constituency.Robert is a staunch Dukan supporter, and he thinks Dukan will come out and run.I said that if he did, I would have to reconsider my position.We cannot split votes on the right. One of Dukan's main supporters and a fellow on the backbench executive committee, Irene Neve, MP for Abingdon, was also well known to me.We have met many times on business.As lawyers, we worked for a law firm.He was my neighbor in Westminster Gardens.When I was Opposition Social Security spokesman, I helped him draft the Over-80s Pension Bill.We all have a strong interest in science, and when I was Secretary of State for Education and Science, Airey considered resigning from his chair of the Science and Technology Select Committee and I helped persuade him to stay. Airey was a man of very different characteristics.He is mild-mannered but assertive.As a writer and as a hero who escaped from the Colditz prison camp, he has a romantic quality.Compared with other congressmen, he has much more experience and has endured a lot of hardships.He was fortunate to have such a politically minded and wonderful wife as Diana, who loyally supported him. Airey served as a short-term junior minister in the 1950s before he had to resign due to health reasons.I knew Ted had told him unreasonably.This is the end of his career, Airey's political views are not easy to articulate, I don't think he belongs to the right wing in terms of ideology, maybe he doesn't see the world from the right wing perspective.We get along well and I feel like we respect each other.But then we were not as close friends as we would later be. Airey came to see me shortly after I decided to run.He hopes to persuade Dukan to run, and Dukan himself is still hesitant.Since Ted did not give him a senior position, he was absorbed in the city work, which he would not give up now, and of course it was impossible for Airey to actively support me until Dukan made some kind of decision.But I knew I could count on his advice, and he agreed to keep in touch with me, which we did.From then until the end of that year, he came to my office in Parliament several times to exchange views with me.The whole "hoarding" scene speaks volumes for what a tough struggle I'll be facing.If I do end up officially on the shortlist, Airy better be around to help me. On Tuesday, December 7, the Home Affairs Committee announced its conclusions, again weakening Ted's position and strengthening his potential rival.The Conservative Party leader will be elected every year, and the contenders only need to be nominated by one recommender and one supporter.The majority required to win the first ballot was significantly increased to 50%, plus 15% of eligible voters.This actually incentivizes the contenders, and it means that the leader in trouble needs to earn the trust of a larger majority of those who turn out to vote. However, the Christmas spirit spent at Lamberhurst that year was still not as good as other festivals.We can't go for a walk as usual, the weather is bad.I know that when I get back to Westminster, whether or not I actually run for leadership, it will be a testing period for me.Dennis is also anxious about his business, Burma Oil Company is in big trouble.None of us have great faith in the future.