Chapter 18 Chapter 18 The 1959 General Election

At a lunchtime mass meeting at Red Light Pier, I explained why we retained the public order law when we came to power, and emphasized that the real struggle now is the PAP's struggle against the CPM.I recounted how Marshall faltered, bumped into walls everywhere, and retreated every time he faced a demonstration led by the Communist Party; I also recounted how Lim Yew Hock had to resort to batons and shooting.In the end, the British dispatched helicopters to restore order.I bravely say: "The PAP will not make either of these mistakes..." For three months in 1959, I was busy running between the investigative committee and running the campaign.Our first task was to select 51 candidates.This is not an easy task because Singaporeans who speak Chinese or dialects now have political rights, the number of voters has increased significantly, and we have to represent 700,000 voters.

We decided to send 34 Chinese, 10 Malays, 6 Indians and one Eurasian.Malays and Indians have a higher percentage of candidates than the population, but we think this is a good thing and boosts the morale of the minorities.Among the 29 elected Chinese, 6 are fully educated in English, 16 are fully educated in Chinese, and 7 are bilingual in Chinese and English, and use English as their working language. According to the original plan, the People's Action Party contested all 51 seats.During the 33-day campaign, we had six mass rallies and 60 to 100 street rallies.It was a good sign when the campaign started and Bucky accepted bets on how many seats we would win.The opposition knows it, and because of a lack of confidence, there is no serious competition and inconsistent performance.On the other hand, the PAP staff and candidates are full of energy.Candidates, most of whom are under 30, drew enthusiastic responses from young voters after their speeches.We broke the tradition and sent three Chinese barbers, although in the feudal and imperial era of China, barbers, like entertainers and butchers, were not even qualified to take the imperial examination.We represent a new order that uproots this feudal consciousness.

During this hectic and sometimes exuberant campaign, I sensed that the Tunku and his partners in Kuala Lumpur did not take kindly to the possibility of the "non-communist" PAP winning the general election in Singapore.Hamid Yumo said at an UMNO mass meeting held in Geylang Serai that Malaya is anti-communist and the People’s Action Party is non-communist; Malays have never liked fence-sitters, so merging with Malaya is a pipe dream. The next day I described his statement as fanatical, but he urged me to publicly oppose the Communist Party.It's not like his attitude, so I believe the message from Kuala Lumpur has hardened his attitude.It was very clear which side the Tunku supported.

On Sunday, March 22, Goh Keng Swee delivered a speech on "Economic Policy", which was part of the series "Missions Ahead".He explained that Singapore and Malaysia must cooperate.He said: "In exchange for the establishment of a common market, we can allow the federal government to jointly manage our ports, which usually handle so much federal foreign trade." The reason is that the idea of ​​a common market cannot be implemented. The People’s Action Party should realize that free ports and a common market cannot coexist, and the two must be one or the other.” At the time I thought he was just trying to help the other side of the campaign.I realized later that these views of his were unwavering.The attitude of Kuala Lumpur at that time was generally hostile to us.The Tunku bestowed on Lim You Hock the title of "Dun", the highest honor in Malaya.The Tunku said that while he would not be campaigning himself, he was in favor of building a front against the PAP and warned pro-PAP members within UMNO that if they ran as independent candidates, UMNO would expel them from the party.

The US government also doesn't like the PAP. "The Straits Times" reported that "Foreign Trade Weekly", published by the US Department of Commerce, foresaw that Singapore might turn left and abandon the tradition of private enterprise. "This possibility makes it impossible to estimate the city's economic prospects and trade prospects."Singapore's financial position is sound, "but in contrast to the Federation, the investment climate in Singapore continues to deteriorate despite the government's declared desire to attract foreign investment". The Straits Times picked up the U.P. report from Washington.This English-language newspaper is also viciously anti-PAP, unlike the friendly Chinese- and Malay-language papers.

we will fight with fire The hostility from The Straits Times sparked a fight. On April 15th I fired the first shot.I warned: "Anyone who tries to hurt us, we will fight back." When we held our next mass meeting, Rajah went on to attack The Singapore Standard.They talk about free speech while suppressing views they disagree with, he said.Rajada had the condition to speak. From 1950 to 1954 he was deputy editor-in-chief of the newspaper, and the paper asked him to change course or leave; he left.The newspaper turned against the PAP.Raja turned his finger on The Straits Times a week later.He went to work for The Straits Times after leaving the Singapore Standard and knew who controlled the paper.He named the four people who controlled the paper, all white, including the Australian A. C．Simmons.Simmons knew the newspaper industry, and he knew that when Raja and I said we would take on them if they formed the government, we were not kidding; they were already preparing, fearful of a PAP victory, to rip the company off the major newspapers. The personnel were moved to Kuala Lumpur, and besides, I had no doubt at the time that they were determined to fight us from the Federal Capital as a base, and we knew that we were determined to fight them.

I wrote to them and told them: "If local people's papers criticize us, rightly or wrongly, we know they mean it sincerely, because if the policies or causes they promote are stupid, they must stay and face the consequences. The drifters who run The Straits Times are different. They have to escape to the Commonwealth, where they bravely claim in the safety of the Commonwealth that they will give their lives for the freedom of Singapore." Straits Times Editor-in-Chief Leslie Hoffman replied on the same day, "I am not an adrift. I am responsible for the policy and content of this newspaper. I am prepared to stay in Singapore even if Mr. Lee and the People's Action Party come to power, even if they use it to maintain public opinion. Law and order laws against me... my home is in Singapore." But before the elections were over, he left for Kuala Lumpur.He does not see or recognize that the sovereignty of the paper belongs to his English masters, that its course is dictated by them; we know it.We are determined to eradicate British control over our paper, and we are determined to eradicate any other foreign control over our paper.

Choose Candidates Carefully I am very satisfied that the non-communist wing of our PAP has taken full control of the election process.We set the agenda, choose the topics, and deliver the big speeches.Left-wing trade union leaders are not organizing crowds to our mass meetings.Although there are pro-communist elements active in the DAP branch, and some pro-communist elements may become candidates, Wang Bangwen and I carefully selected among the nominated Chinese-educated party members to minimize the risk. My Chinese has improved. Although I still can't speak fluently, it is enough to express my views at the election conference without a speech, maybe just repeating what I have said in English and Malay.Although I don't speak that well, the people who speak Chinese or dialect have worked hard to learn their language for me, and they have become more confident in speaking and respect me.The same is true for Du Jincai.He is short, only about 1.5 meters tall, and can be very active on the podium.He speaks Chinese worse than me, but he is full of courage.The crowd was happy for our efforts to communicate with them and applauded us.

From a vote-winning perspective, however, our future ministers have had a mixed record.Raja was a quick learner, speaking persuasively in English, stylizing editorial language into powerful street language.He also speaks Pasar Malay and conveyed his arguments loudly and powerfully with strong body language skills.Wu Qingrui was terrible.He had a first-rate mind and well-written speeches, but his voice was monotonous and inarticulate, and he read from the script; if he wasn't dull, he always seemed dull, and he spoke only English.But in a multiracial society, we cannot avoid a problem: Although some candidates are born to speak in public, no one can move all the audience at the same time at the election convention, making them cry, laugh, anger and sigh together .No matter what language he speaks and how well he speaks, only some of his audience can understand him at any one time, so he must communicate with the rest of his audience through gestures, facial expressions, and tone of voice.

Pasar Malay is the simplest, and many people can understand it. The best speaker in our field is Yagu.Yakku is a Malay, and his speeches are charming and exciting, even non-Malays are attracted by him.He understands the masses.To denounce the opposition's rhetoric, he once quoted a Malay proverb from Terengganu.Terengganu state is the land of sea turtles and also his hometown.He said: "A hen lays an egg, and the whole village hears it clucking; a sea turtle lays hundreds of eggs, and no sound is heard."—In other words, the People's Action Party won a lot for the workers. benefits, but never brag.The crowd roared with laughter.At that time, there was no television in Singapore, and whoever had a moving voice and a good appearance would clearly have the upper hand.

Ye Gu came from a humble background.Born in Terengganu in northern Malaya, he was educated in a local religious school. He drove a lorry for the Indian National Army during the war. He came to Singapore in the early 1950s and worked as a mobile barber for a time before becoming a religious teacher.He joined the very radical Malay nationalist party "Awakening Youth League". He transferred to UMNO in 1954 and found that UMNO was too conservative and not equal enough. He joined the People's Action Party in 1957.I later appointed him successively as Parliamentary Undersecretary and then Minister of State.He is very popular with Malays.He rose from the bottom of society, which was characteristic of that revolutionary era.The foundation of the old order was shaken, and the society was in a period of transition. Many uneducated men and women from working class seized the opportunity and climbed to the top with their own ability, drive and luck. In the report submitted by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they were listed as "hairdressers" and many labor activists, who had only received a few years of primary education. the vast majority of people are poor At that time, the vast majority of people were poor, and most lived in slums.As a workers' party, rich people give us very little money, so we have to economize and spend as little as possible during election campaigns, as in 1955.Fortunately, we were able to get the wholehearted support of the public at that time.We didn't pay the campaign staff, they all volunteered.The ACT Party provides candidates with identical posters and manifestos, differing only in photographs and resumes; candidates pay out-of-pocket if they can.We rent convertible Rolleys, minivans, and pick-up trucks when necessary, and use them as podiums at mass meetings, where the two vehicles are parked together for large mass meetings.The transport merchants who support us lend us their cars for free on many occasions.They may hope that in the future we will get benefits when we form a government, but we have not given them any benefits since we came to power; many people still continue to assist us in subsequent elections. At night we were powered by friendly shops and lit by bare bulbs.While we had to hire the loudspeaker, small business electricians would come to provide their services, pulling wires up trees and lampposts for us (sometimes it squealed in the middle of a speech). To tourists, Singapore at the time seemed an exciting and exotic place, with Chinese-style tiled roofs and streets lined with hawker stalls selling tasty, spicy food.But most of the city is a series of dark and narrow alleys.Due to the hot and humid tropical climate, the stink of rotting waste came to the nose.At night, people only rely on hawker's windproof lamps, stinky earthen lamps and electric lights in front of shophouses for lighting.The election campaign took place on a sweaty day.Every night I drove from one constituency to another, and I made three or four speeches.The mass meeting starts at 7:00 and must end at 10:00, so I stay at each stop for half an hour before rushing to the next stop.Fortunately, I quit smoking and never lost my voice.But after giving speeches in two languages, sometimes three -- Malay, Mandarin and English -- on hot evenings, he was always sweating profusely.Also, when the audience is enthusiastic and the response is overwhelming, I tend to extend the original allotted time to 45 minutes.I'm almost always the last speaker because people usually start to leave after the main speaker is done.Every night Shiba prepared a vest and shirt for me to put on after each speech.The means of transportation I use are getting more and more stylish, because I know I can't lose. In February 1959, after we decided to fight for election victory, Chi bought a Mercedes 220 to replace the worn-out Stuback.The car was new in two shades, a light gray roof and a darker gray body, the engine was fantastic and ran smoothly.Zhi wants people to see us in this car, so they can understand without a doubt that I can afford it even if I am not the Prime Minister.She accompanied me to various mass meetings and sometimes acted as a driver. Various occasions Whether it is a street meeting or a mass meeting, it can be a colorful occasion.Elections bring out the different cultural practices of different races.The Chinese personally presented silk banners embroidered with Siyu or eight-character congratulatory messages to the candidates to show their support.They can be up to three or four meters long and require multiple people to come on stage together to assist the flag presenters to pull them apart in front of the admiring crowd.After the candidate bowed and accepted, he and the flag presenter took a photo with the pennant. Indians present flower garlands, usually white Surong flowers (commonly known as frangipani) or marigolds with gold and silver strands, some weighing up to 1 kg.Sometimes the supporters put 6 to 12 garlands of different sizes on my neck one night, until my whole head was covered, and the neck was very hard to support.Thankfully I'm not sensitive to the flowers they use. The Malays presented the headdresses of gold and silver thread worn by high-ranking chiefs at ceremonies.None of these things come cheap, and people don't often give them away.However, if the candidate is supported by others, he may get 50 to 100 pennants, which can be hung between a string of colored light bulbs to add a festive atmosphere to the mass meeting.Each pennant bears the name of the donor, perhaps a clan group or trade association supporting the candidate in such a public way.Once the group takes a stand, its members help the candidate win.Supporters, if they are shopkeepers, give away things of support -- white cloth for campaign banners, soda to quench the thirst of staff, etc. -- rather than actually participating in the campaign. These were the people of Singapore at that time.They trust us and we must reciprocate with a clear promise to make the future better and safer At a lunchtime mass meeting at Red Light Quay, I explained why we retained the public order law when we came to power, and emphasized that the real struggle now was the PAP's struggle against the MCP.I recounted how Marshall faltered, ran into walls everywhere, and retreated every time it faced a demonstration led by the Communist Party; I also recounted how Lim Yew Hock had to resort to batons and guns, and finally the British sent out helicopters to restore order.I bravely said: "The PAP will not make either of these mistakes. We will not bow to intimidation and threats, nor will we use oppression as a means of governing. We will stand firm against the will of the people, with the support of the people. move, and govern wisely and justly." The laws of public order are not designed to threaten the people, but to protect them. Goode wrote in his May 21 report to Paulo: "Lee Kuan Yew said they would not allow foreign capital to carry out subversive activities. His definition of subversive activities is: to promote goals that are not our people and interests, but the goals and interests of foreign powers; by foreign powers we mean not only the Soviet Union and China, but also the United States and the Western bloc... Anyone who harms the local people for the benefit of foreign powers... also Within the definition of subversion... the above-mentioned speeches, perhaps last-minute electoral frenzy from the podium - Lee Kuan Yew reminded me some days ago that he intends to use this tactic, but should not be seen Cheng has shown that the party will do this when it is in power. However, I worry that this may be the real tendency of the PAP government, or it may make it difficult for the PAP to take a more moderate line afterwards." Saturday, May 30, 1959 was polling day. Everything was calm and orderly. According to the new law, voting was voluntary. It was illegal to drive voters to vote by car, and canvassing was not allowed.Political party workers must not wear political party symbols in and near polling stations.There was no impropriety, intimidation, bribery or corruption throughout the voting process.Polling stations closed at 8:00 p.m., counting votes at seven counting stations began at 9:00 p.m., and ended at 2:45 a.m. We won 43 of 51 seats, with 53.4% ​​of the votes of the 90% of voters who actually voted.The Singapore People's Alliance won 4 seats, UMNO 3 seats, and an independent candidate (A.P. Rajah). Note: ①Buji refers to illegal peripheral horse betting takers, some unlicensed gambling syndicates who collect bets privately during horse racing and let people bet on horses.Later, the Buji Group also expanded the scope of gambling to illegal betting on football matches and other activities.