Chapter 17 Chapter 17 The History of the Constitutional Talks

Marshall had read my speech before leaving Singapore and thought I was sabotaging it.He was already in London, and in a speech to 200 Malaya students, he lashed out at me and warned them that I was bringing communists into the People's Action Party and for the Communist Party in 1959. Pave the way for the seizure of power.This is not a good sign.However, I wasn't the only one who had trouble with him. The Umno leader of the Federation of Malaya, Tunku, has the exact opposite personality of Marshall.He walks the talk and is absolutely dependable.He doesn't pretend to be smart or deliver long speeches.He is a very simple and straightforward person, and his judgment of people hits the nail on the head.Most importantly, he knows how to use power.His father is the Sultan of Kedah.Under the shadow of his royal father, he learned how to make people do what he told them to do.Secondly, as a prince, he also has the absolute support of the rulers of the Kyushu Federation.These rulers unanimously opposed the British government's proposal to form the Federation of Malaya in 1946.Most importantly, the Tunku was a veritable pro-British and anti-Communist.He spent nine years of his youth as a student in England, three of them studying law at Cambridge University, and the other six trying - but never very hard - to pass the bar exams.His law degree is literally from Cambridge.He was fastidious and sociable, and often told me about his wonderful time in England.This was a turning point for the British.The British found him a local leader who could command the solid support of the Malays and the strong support of many Chinese and Indians.

In July 1955, the Federation of Malaya held general elections, and the coalition formed by Umno led by Tunku Rahman, the MCA and the Malaya Indian National Congress won an overall victory.The Tunku and some of his colleagues then became members of the Executive Council under the British High Commission.At this time, Malaya, like Singapore, gained limited autonomy.However, they differed from us in that they were fighting against the MCP guerrillas and the rebellion could only be put down with the assistance of the British, Australian and New Zealand troops.In addition, the British demanded that the state of emergency be ended before Malaya gained independence.

After taking office for a few months and consolidating his position, the Tunku persuaded the Umno General Assembly to pass a resolution guaranteeing the independence of Malaya by 31 August 1957 at the latest.This strengthened the Tunku's strength against the MCP.He suggested an amnesty to the Communist Party of Malaysia: if the Communist Party of Malaysia gave up the armed struggle, he was ready to pardon them.This proposal led to a meeting between the Tunku and MCP leader Chin Peng on 28 December 1955 in Baling, a small town in northern Kedah near the Thai border.The talks lasted only one day, and Tunku refused Chen Peng's request to officially recognize the Communist Party of Malaya.Chin Peng insisted that implementing an amnesty under Tunku's conditions would be tantamount to surrendering and humiliating the MCP.Therefore, he said: "We will continue to fight to the end." Tunku said he would never give in.

"Alliance" and "Merger" In January 1956, the Tunku set off from Singapore for the constitutional talks in London, England on board the Italian cruise ship "Asia".On the way, he told reporters that Marshall believed that Singapore should enjoy equal status if it formed an alliance with Malaya.He disagreed with Marshall that if Singapore were given equal status, "the Malays in Malaya would be alarmed. The main reason why the British separated the two regions was to protect the interests of the federal Malays" .However, he agrees with the People's Action Party that the leaders of Singapore and the Federation should hold talks to discuss the future alliance between the two places. When the "Singapore Standard" published this news, Rajaratnam interpreted "future alliance" as "future merger" in the news lead.Rajaratnam was dead wrong indeed.The Tunku thought differently. What he wanted was not the union of two territories, but the arrangement of a union of two different entities.He did not want Singapore to become a state of Malaya as this would upset the racial balance in Malaya.He also didn't want Singapore to become an independent state and be able to sit on an equal footing with Malaya.He wanted Britain to dominate as usual, to make Singapore self-governing and to ally itself with such a Singaporean government.

British Colonial Secretary Po Ai visited Kuala Lumpur in August 1955 to assess the situation and the Tunku himself.He found the Tunku to be a reliable person, so he agreed to set the independence date of Malaya on August 31, 1957.In addition, since the end of the talks in February 1956, the Tunku has taken over all the positions of the Executive Council from British officials, and Malaya has in fact become an autonomous state. Political developments in the Federation changed Singapore's outlook.Before that, Malaya had to have Singapore as part of it before it had a chance of gaining independence.But now, Singapore has fallen into a situation of isolation and helplessness.The British plan was to allow Malaya to be independent and ruled by the Malays.Singapore remained a colony indefinitely because of its strategic value to the United Kingdom and the old Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand.In this way, Singapore can only become an autonomous region at best, with a semblance of independence but no real sovereignty.The final say on defence, internal security and foreign policy rested with the British.

However, Marshall has limited knowledge of the actual situation, and he is optimistic, believing that he can get something as good as Tunku from Po Ai. On April 4, he introduced a resolution in the Legislative Assembly setting out the terms he hopes to win from the British government at the next constitutional talks.The operative part of the resolution reads: "This House instructs the delegations of the political parties ... to seek to secure for Singapore an independent status in the Commonwealth, and recommends that the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of Singapore enter into an agreement under which the United The Royal Government will control Singapore's external defense while directing foreign relations other than trade and commerce."

Before Marshall introduced the above resolution, I had many private debates with him.I said that as long as Britain has the right to tell Singapore what to do in terms of defense, no matter what arrangement it makes, it is not independent.However, he still refused to deviate from his goal - to strive for semblance of independence, a sensational independence.In support of his motion, I said that the draft resolution "is a way of saying that we understand that the UK will not give us full independence, because to do so would disrupt the international arrangements and international bases in the entire world's defense strategy" .

So, before the London conference, I'm going to try to make sure that the future constitution doesn't open the door to a communist takeover, but that it gives us enough space for a non-communist government to recharge its batteries, Don't be a puppet of Britain, but a protector of the interests of the people.Marshall never understood our need for this delicate balance of having sufficient power to act in the interests of the people, but also having the British backing us should the Communists gain the upper hand.Lim Chin Siong would never understand that if Singapore achieves a near-independent status without sovereignty, it means that sovereignty is still in the hands of the British government.What he wanted, or what he was ordered to fight for, was a constitutional system that would allow the Communist Party to grow and grow.

Three months passed unknowingly after the Tunku talked about the "future alliance" between Malaya and Singapore.Lim Chin Siong and I took the Yargu passenger plane to the United Kingdom to attend the constitutional talks.The delegation consisted of 13 members from various political parties led by Marshall.On the eve of my departure, I issued an official statement from the PAP explaining why our policy had been revised: "We want to merge with Malaya before we even achieve self-government...Unfortunately, the Federal Chief Minister does not agree Our proposal... Now we are left alone to seek the best political progress for Singapore, but we will still seek to merge with the Federation."

Marshall had read my speech before leaving Singapore and thought I was sabotaging it.He was already in London at the time, and in a speech to 200 Malaya students, he lashed out at me and warned them that I was bringing communists into the PAP Pave the way for the seizure of power.This is not a good sign.However, I wasn't the only one who had trouble with him.At the opening of the plenary session of the London Talks, the British Colonial Secretary Bomi first launched an attack.He delivered a speech in a calm, determined tone, stating the UK's position.It is believed that Marshall has deviated from Singapore's position of only striving for internal self-government. "But now he seeks sovereign independence. Her Majesty's government was not consulted or agreed to start discussions from this new starting point."

Before leaving Singapore, Marshall publicly stated that he would resign if he failed to win independence during his trip.Therefore, instead of following the current situation and watching the changes, he decided to move forward bravely.Decided to once again demand that Britain grant Singapore full independence.Yet both sides are tired of the talks, which, despite many lengthy meetings and private discussions, are clearly going nowhere.Marshall is chasing -- a mirage.The talks ended in fiasco, but not for nothing, at least it wiped Marshall's political fanaticism out of Singaporean politics.At this point, Marshall had to resign.My guess is that Lim Yew Hock will be the next Chief Minister of the Labor Front government and we will enter a new phase. On 7 February 1957, after Marshall resigned, Lim Yeow Hock, who took over as Chief Minister, called a meeting of representatives of various political parties.The purpose is to draw up the outline of the new constitution.A month later, he sent a report to the House of Representatives on other projects.His proposals were realistic and fitting: We "will seek from Her Majesty's Government the status of a self-governing state, with all relevant rights, powers and privileges in internal affairs; and in external affairs to regulate trade, commerce and cultural exchange".This is not independence, Singapore's sovereignty is still in the hands of the British.No one is trying to hide this unpleasant fact.As I later pointed out, this meant that "the British had the right to abolish the constitution at will, and they had sufficient military power in Singapore to make any abolition practical."The debate in the House went very well. We headed off to London without fanfare.The second constitutional talks were less than 11 months away from the first, but the atmosphere was completely different.The differences between the political parties have been eliminated before the talks, and all proposals have been agreed in principle by the political parties.The Tunku told Lim Yew Hock that he was willing to have a representative from Singapore sit on the three-party Internal Security Committee. Secondly, based on Marshall’s experience in leading a 13-member delegation, Lim You Hock reduced the number of delegations to five, including two from the Labor Front, one each from Umno and the Liberal Socialist Party, and I represent the People’s Action Party.The talks discuss each issue in detail and in detail.Under the proposed constitution, the Legislative Assembly would consist of 51 elected members, from among whom the prime minister and ministers would be chosen.The House of Representatives has jurisdiction over matters other than foreign affairs and defence.When relevant incidents involve both internal security and defense, the Internal Security Committee has the power to make the final decision.The Internal Security Committee includes three British members, three Singaporean members and a representative from the Federation of Malaya, chaired by a British member.Among the three Singapore committee members, one is the prime minister.Singapore will have a self-governing head of state, who will not be the British governor, but the head of state. controversial issue Lim Yeow Hock entrusted the drafting of the Constitution to the Queen's Counsel, Walter Raeburn.However, I have to read the relevant documents one by one to ensure that once the PAP forms a government, it will not be subject to too many restrictions in its work.There is only one question worth disputing.At the 15th plenary meeting, Poi said that the Queen's government could not allow the Communist Party to dominate Singapore, and he was convinced that the Singapore delegation did not want this to happen.He therefore proposed a non-negotiable clause barring anyone who had participated or been accused of participating in subversive activities from standing as a candidate in the first general election under the new constitution.I objected on the spot, arguing that "this condition is disturbing because it violates the principles of democratic practice and there is no guarantee that the government in power will not use this provision to prevent not only communists but also democrats who oppose government policies from running for election". I say this for the record.In fact, Lim You Hock mentioned this matter to me privately in Singapore after meeting Bo Ai in London in December 1956, and Bo Ai had invited me to drink tea alone at his private residence in Eaton Square to discuss this matter.After some chatter and banter, he asked me what would happen if my prison comrades like Lim Chin Siong were to run for election in the next general election.I said, he will definitely win, and his opponents in the Bukit Timah constituency election will definitely lose their deposit.Po Ai showed a look of surprise, and said: "In our country, once a person is arrested under Regulation 18D (the British wartime regulation, which is equivalent to our emergency regulation), he will not be trusted by voters. Oswald Mosley, leader of the fascist party of the Nazis, was a member of the Reichstag. After his arrest and imprisonment, he never won a seat in the Reichstag." I looked at him seriously and said: "In your In the country, such people are regarded as collaborators and traitors. In Singapore, when you are imprisoned by a government that includes the British Governor and the British Minister of State, you become a hero and a champion of the people, and your reputation immediately increases." He Ask me: "Do you agree if I implement the clause that they are not allowed to participate in the first general election so that the first democratically elected government born under a constitutional system of full internal self-government has a better track record when it starts functioning? ?” I replied, “I will condemn this practice, and you will have to live with the consequences.” He said, “My shoulders are broad enough to carry the load.” Physically and figuratively, it was true.But when I told him I would protest, I also emphasized that this may not be the end of the meeting. After five weeks of discussions, the talks were successful and ended in a solemn atmosphere. In May 1958, I flew to London, preparing to attend the third round of constitutional talks starting on the 13th.Arrived just in time to meet Pomi in the House of Commons at 3:30 in the afternoon, and then took his car to attend the talks at 4:00.We exchanged views, and I told him my personal assessment of Singapore's future development.He asked me about Lim You Hock's chances in the next general election. I said that Lim You Hock's chances were declining month by month. He was completely unable to parry Zhou Ruilin's attack.I made it clear to Po Ai that the PAP is expected to win the next general election.I refer specifically to the Internal Security Committee and its members.This committee acts as a safety net to ensure that Singapore will not be taken over by the Communist Party.With the Malayan representative having the decisive vote in the committee, any arrest warrant issued by it would be politically defensible; it would not directly damage an elected Singaporean government. Now the remaining work is how to solve the detailed rules.Serious as this work is, it is also quiet.During this period, both Singapore and the UK have privately acknowledged that the PAP is likely to win the next general election. No wonder what I say carries more weight than the Chief Minister. On my way back to Singapore from London, I decided to stop in Rome for four days before returning to resume my normal work.I spent more than half of my time in the old city, visiting the ruins of the Roman Conference Square and the Victor Emmanuel Monument.The monument has a bronze relief, showing how Roman hegemony expanded its territory to Europe and the Mediterranean.I thought for a moment that all empires in history had their ups and downs. It was inevitable that the British Empire, like the Roman Empire, would one day decline. However, a scene I saw later was of great reference value and left a deep impression on me.One morning, as I strolled to St. Peter's Basilica, I couldn't help but feel a pleasant surprise.The Pope just appeared in a palanquin carried by several Swiss guards.Television is filming the process.When the Swiss guards carried him to the center of the church corridor, the crowd around him couldn't help cheering in unison and shouting "Long live the Pope".The nuns standing around the sedan chair were inexplicably excited.Having attended mass meetings held by the Communist Party, I instinctively looked up to see where the cheerleaders were.I found them just above me, a group of choir boys sitting on a circular platform above the pillars.This made me realize that the Roman Catholic Church originally used this method of mobilizing the masses hundreds of years before the Communist Party.The Roman Catholic Church established a perfect system very early, so it is no wonder that after nearly two thousand years, it is still enduring.I remember reading about the Catholic system.It turns out that the pope is elected by about 100 cardinals, who are appointed by the previous popes.Shortly after my return from Rome, I suggested that the PAP elect a central executive committee, modeled on the pope's election system.While we were working out the details, Pope Pius XII died on October 9th, and the cardinals gathered in St. Peter's Basilica to elect a new pope.Within three weeks, the election of Pope John XIII was announced.We noticed the efficacy of this system and made the necessary changes to the party constitution at the extraordinary party meeting held on November 23rd. The revised party constitution stipulates that party members are divided into ordinary party members and cadre party members.Ordinary party members directly join the party through the party headquarters or party branch; cadre party members must be selected by the central executive committee and join after approval. There are several hundred of them.Only the cadres selected by the Central Executive Committee have the right to nominate candidates to the Central Executive Committee, just as the cardinals appointed by the Pope have the right to elect another Pope.This blocked the way for outsiders to come in; and because the Central Executive Committee controls the core of the party, it is impossible for outsiders to seize the leadership of the party in the future.