Chapter 11 Chapter Ten Capital Roaders

1965-1973 Had Mao Zedong died before 1966, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution would not have happened.Mao deployed, launched, and directed the Cultural Revolution more than anyone else. According to Mao, the Cultural Revolution lasted from 1966 to 1969.The changes it brought about were affirmed by the party's "Ninth National Congress" and written into the revised "Party Constitution of the Communist Party of China".According to the Chinese Communist Party's current view, the Cultural Revolution lasted a full decade, a decade of political struggle and social unrest that culminated in the arrest of the "Gang of Four" - Mao's most radical colleagues.According to the latter view, it is a capricious movement, constantly changing in nature.Even before 1969, it was threefold*: it was a hyper-revolution aimed at creating an idea and

*Translated according to the original text. -- Annotation behavior pattern, Lenin once classified this concept and behavior pattern as leftist socialism (he called it "childish disease").It is a counter-revolutionary movement aimed at smashing and rebuilding many of the institutions established in the 1950s under the conditions of the new democratic and socialist revolutions.It is a movement of revolution for revolution's sake, and Mao believes that this revolution has its own value of existence. Of all Mao's aims in launching the Cultural Revolution, three are obvious.The first is to educate the whole society more deeply, recognize the value of socialism, and set up some corresponding institutions, which has been implemented since the 1950s.Among these values, four stand out: equality, communism, simplicity, and struggle.For Mao, struggle was the main thing.Because he believed that without struggle it was impossible to find anything worthwhile.He also believed that socialism is not a stable state, but a very unstable state, so it needs to be strengthened, otherwise it will degenerate.

Mao was an egalitarian, advocating equality in all things, such as equal opportunity.In his blueprint of an ideal society, members of society should be similar in appearance, education and standard of living.For this reason, he has a soft spot for communist society.Because he was convinced that, if properly inspired and led, the masses of the people can accomplish heroic deeds in any cause.He was extremely disgusted with individualism, which he equated with selfishness. Mao was extremely jealous of the intellectual class in old China, and disliked their rigidity and discrimination against the common people.Instead, he celebrates the simplicity of the peasantry.He linked their strength to immunity from corruption; he wanted to prevent the corruption of soldiers of peasant origin who had "entered the city" and who had fought and worked in the wilderness on small rations and meager pay.In the mid-1960s, he began to worry about the moral situation of Chinese youth, because young people had not experienced war.He told several foreign visitors that he was particularly worried about the situation: the children of the old revolutionaries would become selfish and pampered.

According to the above, Mao liked the system without hierarchy.In industry, he wanted workers to play a managerial role, to have a major say in determining goals and the use of technology.In agriculture, he wanted all activities to be organized on a collectivist basis.In public health, he wants a lot.The best-trained doctors go to the countryside to work, and hope that a group of "barefoot doctors" who lack good training will take root in the countryside forever.In education, especially in the field of higher education, he wants to eliminate entrance examinations and create courses with a lot of practical content.In literature and art, he wanted to use language and symbols that even the less educated could understand, clearly reflecting socialist values.Mao hoped to narrow the cultural and material differences between urban and rural areas and eliminate the distinction between mental and physical labor.

Mao's second aim was to regain the political power he felt had been lost from him.By early 1965, Mao was quite angry, believing that the central authority of the Chinese Communist Party, under the control of Deng Xiaoping and supervised by Liu Shaoqi in the name of the Politburo and its Standing Committee, had gained most of the decision-making power.It was also at this time that he called Deng Xiaoping's secretariat an "independent kingdom", and Mao's wife Jiang Qing called Deng Xiaoping himself an "independent kingdom". Mao's third purpose was to train "revolutionary successors."When the 1960s came, he gradually cared about the problems behind him. In 1963 he was seventy years old.He was also increasingly concerned about the lack of revolutionary enthusiasm among his colleagues.He himself invented the basic theory of "continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat", but he saw that no one around him was enthusiastic about continuing the revolution, especially Liu Shaoqi, who was believed to succeed Mao Zedong as the party leader one day.Mao believed that Liu Shaoqi was the least enthusiastic about continuing the revolution.From the 1950s on, among the members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo, only Lin Biao had no conflict with Mao Zedong.But Lin Biao's body was obviously weak, lacking energy, depressed, and lacking experience in non-military affairs.But Mao Zedong believed that Lin Biao was a better successor than others, including Zhou Enlai.When Zhou had become a member of the Politburo, Lin Biao was only a platoon leader.But he never opposed Mao himself, either publicly or privately.

As Mao became estranged politically and personally from the rest of the old leadership in Yan'an, he turned to his wife, Jiang Qing, for advice, encouragement, and effective support, as well as Kang Sheng and Chen Boda, whom he had known for three years. For more than ten years, they have not distinguished themselves in politics. Jiang Qing was Mao Zedong's third wife.His first wife was Yang Kaihui, and Mao had three children with her. Mao Zedong loved his wife deeply and wrote a poem to express his nostalgia.Yang Kaihui was killed by the Kuomintang in Changsha in 1930.His second wife was He Zizhen, and it was at this time that Mao met her.He Zizhen gave birth to six more children for Mao. Except for one child, all the children were sent to farmers' homes in Jiangxi to foster them, but they died when they were young.She was wounded by shrapnel shortly after giving birth to a child on the Long March and was sent to Moscow in 1938 for medical treatment—perhaps psychiatric treatment.Also in this year, the actress Jiang Qing arrived in Yan'an and soon became Mao's wife. In 1939, she married Mao Zedong and soon bore him two girls. * Mao's colleagues all opposed the marriage because

*Jiang Qing only gave birth to a daughter for Mao Zedong. --The translation note is that Jiang Qing is obviously a conspirator. She came to Yan'an because of her bad reputation in male-female relations and political instability.Mao could only quell their opposition by promising to keep Jiang Qing out of politics. In the 1950s, Mao still kept this promise.And Jiang Yu may have been satisfied with Mao's approach, because at this time her health was in poor condition and she was sent to Moscow for medical treatment at least twice.She looked after children, including one of He Zizhen's children.But she was a vain, ambitious person who took issue with the confinement of most wives of Communist Party leaders to working within women's organizations.Therefore, she always dreamed of playing an important political role one day.In the early 1960s, her health improved and her children were no longer a burden.At this time, the situation changed accordingly. She nodded to Mao Zedong's consultation from time to time, and Mao sometimes listened to her political opinions.By 1963, she had become a major figure.She set out to purge all influential drama that she believed Mao would deem harmful.This involved her in contacts and conflicts with the party's cultural apparatus.She was able to get the cultural establishment to agree to stage eight revolutionary model plays and ballets, all of which were created under her leadership.But she was unable to advance culture and art further in a revolutionary direction.

Kang Sheng was born in a landlord family in Shandong around 1900, and spent the 1920s in Shanghai.Kang Sheng met Jiang Qing in the labor movement in Shanghai and on the outskirts of the art world.When the central organ of the Communist Party left Shanghai in 1933.He went to Moscow.There, he trained for police and love work.Although he was a full member of the Politburo from 1934 to 1956, he rarely appeared in public at this time, perhaps because he established a police agency, first within the party and then throughout the country, along Soviet lines, and this He is not allowed to show his face.Mao clashed with him during the Yan'an rectification movement—he wanted physical punishment for criticized "dogmatists" and others.After Khrushchev denounced Stalin, he was dealt a severe blow and lost his Politburo membership. * But in the early 1960s, his status improved.He became

＊There is an error here. In 1938, Kang Sheng was appointed as the Central Ministry of Social Affairs and Emotional Affairs. Minister of News. He was dismissed shortly after the "Seventh National Congress" in 1945. -- Annotated as a member of the Secretariat led by Deng Xiaoping, and also a member of the small circle with whom Mao liked to discuss Marxian theory and philosophy, he was small and sensitive, and during the Cultural Revolution he had "ruthlessness" Ruthless". The fat, round-faced Chen Boda was a former university lecturer.While in Yan'an, he became Mao's political secretary and learned to write in Mao's style.He was indeed a Maoist, and apart from a few radical journalists, he had no political supporters.He once worked in the "Red Flag" magazine, which is a theoretical publication, and he was the editor-in-chief.He is as ruthless as Jiang Qing or Kang Sheng, but lacks political skills. In 1970, he forfeited his status.Because, when he should know from some signs that Lin Biao has passed the peak of his career, he still put his treasure on Lin Biao.

The official start of the Cultural Revolution is now dated to an enlarged Politburo meeting in May 1966, but the drama actually began before the fall of the previous year.At that time, Mao began to plot against the Central Secretariat. Mao began to orchestrate this after a political setback.Within a period of two years, he instigated a revolution in the literary and artistic world to purge its traditional themes and "feudal" values ​​and to overhaul the country's system of higher education.He also called for the condemnation of plays and newspaper articles which he saw as insinuations against himself.In particular, he objected to a play written by Wu Han, the deputy mayor of Beijing, about Hai Rui, the local administrator of the Ming Dynasty.The play ("Hai Rui Dismissed from Office") tells the story of Hai Rui's rectification of local injustice, which aroused great dissatisfaction among local officials, and finally he was dismissed by the emperor.Mao thought the script was an allusion to his dismissal of Peng Dehuai in 1959.In a series of speeches, he attacked the party's cultural and educational institutions, represented by the Propaganda Department and the cultural and educational departments. At the beginning of 1964, he declared: In the field of culture, especially in the field of drama, feudal and backward things dominate, while socialist things are negligible... If you sit idly by, then the Ministry of Culture will be renamed "Emperor, General and Prime Minister" "Ministry of Wits and Beauties" and "Department of Dead Foreigners". ①

But the authorities did not take much action.Wu Han's script was banned, but neither Wu Han nor his script was publicly criticized.Some writers and artists were sent to the countryside for short-term labor, but to historians who wrote books arguing that class struggle could not explain Chinese history and who attributed the socioeconomic problems of rural China to the "Great Leap Forward" Journalists did not act.Mao gradually became more and more irritable, and finally decided to put all the issues of the Cultural Revolution on the agenda of meetings of Politburo members and local party secretaries. The meeting lasted nearly two months in the autumn of 1965.There is little literature on meetings.But it was clear that Peng Zhen, who was Wu Han's administrative superior, the mayor of Beijing and the leader of the Cultural Revolution Team, had conflicts with Mao.This Cultural Revolution group has existed in the Party Central Committee for a year.Peng declared that "everyone is equal before the truth," and that even Mao made mistakes and should be criticized.Deng Xiaoping categorically opposed calls for radical change in a report.Mao asked implicitly: What if the party leaders change their minds?The answer is that provincial agencies should be empowered to take action against revisionism.The meeting was forced to close without making any decisions that Mao had hoped for.Not since the Long March had Mao suffered such a serious setback. Mao responded by retreating to Shanghai.There, he and Jiang Qingjun had a good political relationship, and his actions in Shanghai made it difficult for party leaders in Beijing.In Shanghai, he turned his finger on Wu Han again. Mao's method was to instigate Shanghai's major newspapers to publish an article savagely attacking Wu Han and his script: describing Wu Han's script as a "poisonous weed" (in the language of the 1957 anti-rightists).The article was published under the name of Yao Wenyuan, a local literary critic known for his viciousness, though Mao revised the draft several times.At Lin Biao's request, the article was quickly reprinted in the "Liberation Army Daily", which made the party center in Beijing face a choice: either openly oppose the party chairman, or submit to him.Since Deng Xiaoping was away on an inspection trip, the responsibility for dealing with this issue fell on the acting secretary Peng Zhen.He tried to compromise and published the article in the academic edition of People's Daily and Beijing Daily, and added a note stating that the article was only a discussion of current academic issues.Mao responded by summoning Peng to Shanghai.In Shanghai, Mao sternly told Peng that he believed that in Wu Han's play, the heroes and villains alluded to Peng Dehuai and himself, and he now wanted to openly criticize Wu.But Peng was not intimidated.After returning to Beijing, he convened a meeting of the Cultural Revolution Group and drafted the "Outline of the Report on the Current Academic Discussion".This "outline" opposes public name-calling and criticizing others, and cites the principle that Peng said before Mao Zedong last fall, emphasizing that "everyone is equal before the truth."At an enlarged meeting convened by Liu Shaoqi, this "outline" was adopted and distributed to the entire party as a document of the Central Committee. How exactly this happened is still a mystery to this day. Before the "outline" was issued, Deng Xiaoping and related personnel had asked Mao for instructions in person.Mao may have said something ambiguous.Because he knows that if the "outline" is issued without his clear statement, then he will be reduced to a nominal leader and will no longer be able to hold real power.Perhaps Deng and others wanted to challenge him, knowing that in the event of a final showdown, a majority of the Politburo Standing Committee would support Liu's decision.Perhaps, both sides are testing each other. Regardless of the truth, it was Mao who won the later victory.By mid-March at the latest, he decided that Peng must resign, and for this he sent Kang Sheng to Beijing with instructions aimed at isolating Peng and putting him under attack.Kang Sheng completed the mission. On April 2, Zhou Enlai (Liu Shaoqi was abroad) who stayed in Beijing told Mao by phone or telegram that he agreed with the instructions brought by Kang Sheng.A few days later, Peng found himself on trial at a Secretariat meeting.The meeting was chaired by Deng Xiaoping, but Zhou Enlai, Kang Zhu and Chen Boda were also present.After the first round of victory, Mao convened a Politburo Standing Committee meeting in Hangzhou, at which it was decided to remove Peng Zhen. Then, the enlarged Politburo meeting held in Beijing also took action.The meeting was presided over by Liu Shaoqi who returned from a visit.Liu was either unwilling to stop or unable to stop Kang Sheng's actions in accordance with another set of instructions he had received from Mao. On May 16, the meeting approved an intra-party circular whose content fully complied with all Chairman Mao's requirements.The notice criticized Peng's report, also criticized Peng, and disbanded the Cultural Revolution Group he led and replaced it with an eighteen-member Cultural Revolution Group established under the Central Committee (not the Secretariat) , and threatened to take further action against "representatives of the bourgeoisie who have infiltrated the party, the government, the army, and various cultural circles." In this way, Mao took control of the situation.But Lin Biao created a sensation at this meeting.Just before the meeting ended, he accused the party's propaganda chief Lu Dingyi and Secretariat member Yang Shangkun of plotting a "counter-revolutionary coup" and demanded a thorough investigation into their actions.He claimed that in order to thwart their plot, he had obtained Mao's consent to move troops into the capital's radio stations and "public security system."A few months later, Mao said in a letter to Jiang Qing that he was taken aback by what Lin Biao had said.Perhaps he was genuinely taken aback, but that did not save Lu and Yang from almost immediate arrest. The struggle against Peng Zhen and the Secretariat had been won, and it seemed logical for Mao Zedong to return to Beijing at this time.But he decided to stay in Hangzhou and let Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping start the Cultural Revolution.Neither of them wanted to do it, but they had to.Whether Mao wanted to give them a chance to make up for his mistakes, or just give them a rope to bind themselves, is another mystery.This mystery may never be solved.Even if they wanted to make amends, what they did was wrong.Instead of trying to please Mao, they planned to implement a policy that would almost mirror the "Last Ten (Amendment)" drafted by Liu Shaoqi during the Socialist Education Movement.They dispatched hundreds of working groups to middle schools and universities in Beijing, asking them to establish Cultural Revolution Committees, and directing the Cultural Revolution Committees to investigate and collect information on past and current revisionist tendencies among school teachers and administrators, but they did not intend to The crowd gets involved. But this measure was sabotaged from the very beginning by Lin Biao, Kang Sheng and Chen Boda.Through the work of military representatives in the political departments of civilian institutions and propaganda teams in middle schools and universities, the three conspired to turn a top-down, party-controlled cleanup into a bottom-up denunciation attack on leaders and teachers.They encouraged students to demonstrate against their teachers, and demanded that "monsters and snake spirits" be called out and criticized, even high-level party officials.By early June, groups of Red Guards made up of students from "good" class backgrounds (non-bourgeois) filled the streets of Beijing and began to clash with the work groups.Behind the scenes, Lin Biao and his accomplices were also extremely active. They reorganized the Beijing Municipal Party Committee and sent military propaganda personnel to control the People's Daily. Before long, Liu and Deng realized that they were facing an insurrection organized by Mao's closest associates.So they went to see Mao, who was still in Hangzhou, and asked him for instructions.Mao just advised them not to rely too much on the working group or use it as a revolutionary tool, and let them figure out the rest.They cannot refuse to take on further responsibility, because to do so would mean undermining the very discipline of the party on which they themselves grew.So, the only course of action possible: return to Beijing and declare war on the Red Guards.They issued two orders banning secret gatherings of teachers and students and outlawing all Red Guard groups.Encouraged by the success of this measure, the working group resumed its counterattack, preventing the Red Guards from taking to the streets.But since the army was controlled by others, Liu and Deng were powerless to stop them. Under these circumstances, Mao eventually returned to Beijing, on his way back.He crossed the Yangtze River in Wuhan.This section of the Yangtze River is about a mile wide. From the photos, it appears that he was floating on the water and wading across the river instead of swimming across the Yangtze River.It was a remarkable move for a seventy-two-year-old man.Immediately afterwards, the mass media described him as a superhuman.After years of unremitting efforts by Chen Boda and his subordinate propagandists, people's worship of Mao reached its peak.He is believed to be a man with magical powers.In the art form, his image is portrayed to be taller than the people around him, and he becomes "the reddest and reddest red sun" in the hearts of the people. On the way to the north, Mao made an accurate decision on the idea that he was determined to implement, and now he could implement it quickly. On July 18, within a day or two of his arrival in Beijing, he told party leaders that when they entered socialism they should also subject themselves to severe tests; Stern warning: If you do not revolutionize, revolution will be directed against you.He insisted on disbanding the working group of Liu and Deng, and specially wrote a letter to the Red Guard combat team: (your) two big-character posters (a favorite expression of radicals--author's note)... explaining To express indignation and denunciation against all the landlord class, bourgeoisie, imperialism, revisionism and their running dogs who exploit and oppress workers, peasants, revolutionary intellectuals and revolutionary parties shows that it is justified to rebel against the reactionaries.I extend my warm support to you. ③ In the spring, Mao won victories at Secretariat meetings, Politburo Standing Committee meetings, and Politburo Committee meetings. * Now he wants to win on the Central Committee (already he himself only attended the Politburo Standing Committee meeting.--The original note has not met for four years).He realized his wish, but mainly by relying on a large number of "representatives of revolutionary teachers and students in colleges and universities" to attend the meeting, and commanded them to cheer for him and Lin Biao, and laughed at those speakers who dared to question them or contradict them.They booed Deng Xiaoping when he spoke.Deng insisted that Lin's repeated accusations that Peng Zhen and others were plotting a coup were baseless.After twelve days of tense and angry debates, the meeting passed the "Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" (referred to as "Sixteen Points").Because the "Sixteen Points" stipulated the revolutionary method vaguely, Jiang Qing and some others could take advantage of it in the future, but the "Sixteen Points" clearly stated that the political targets of the revolution were those "inside the party who took the capitalist road." The establishment "④.From a cultural perspective, it requires the complete elimination of the "four olds" (ie: "old culture, old ideas, old customs, and old habits").Other decisions, not announced at the time, turned the Politburo Standing Committee upside down.Lin Biao's status rose from seventh to second, while Liu Shaoqi dropped from second to eighth. Chen Boda and Kang Sheng became members of the Standing Committee, and their status was higher than Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De and Chen Yun.Deng was in sixth place and retained his post as Secretary of the Secretariat.Zhou Enlai is the only one who ranks higher than him among his friends.Although Zhou himself was not attacked, it appears from this meeting that Zhou is not prepared to defend the way Liu and Deng have handled matters over the past two months. On August 5, during the meeting, Mao took a startling step: he wrote a big-character poster himself, with the headline "Bombard the Headquarters," which was more than anything he had said or written before. Anything more explicit: He wanted the Red Guards to regard the following as their enemies.He wrote: Some leading comrades from the central government to the local government... stand on the reactionary bourgeois standpoint, implement the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, suppress the vigorous proletarian Cultural Revolution movement, confuse right and wrong, confuse black and white, encircle and suppress revolutionaries, Suppressing different opinions, practicing white terror, and being self-satisfied...how poisonous it is! ⑤ Five days later, he addressed the crowd outside the Great Hall of the People, urging everyone to care about "major national affairs." On August 18, he, Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, and Chen Boda participated in a large-scale rally of the Red Guards in Tiananmen Square. This was the first time that there were eight similar rallies. This rally opened the prelude to two years of chaos: in the next two years, almost all senior cadres or people of prestige could hardly escape the attacks of the Red Guards or revolutionary rebels.There are no official statistics on the number of people killed or wounded, nor are there any inventories of vandalized public monuments and works of art or literature owned by the public, let alone private property.Tens of thousands of people died in street violence alone.Many were killed in gunfights between rival Red Guard groups, and many more at the hands of the army.These troops were first ordered to support the Red Guards and eventually to disarm the Red Guards in order to maintain social order.Most of the violence occurred in 1967-1968, when the Red Guards had seized or distributed weapons.But the organized use of weapons was in August-September 1966, when the Red Guards were instigated to carry out the movement to destroy the four olds.They often break into private homes at will, treat some writers, artists and musicians roughly, and tear or burn their books, pictures and equipment.It was at this time that the first deaths occurred.Lao She, one of China's most famous playwrights, committed suicide after being severely beaten.Fu Lei also committed suicide. He was a French literary translator and the father of the famous pianist Fu Cong. On August 18, Deng Xiaoping accompanied Mao, Lin, Zhou, and others to the Tiananmen Gate Tower.He remained in power, and his subsequent actions indicated that his immediate priority was to prevent the Red Guards from splintering the party.His situation was not hopeless.He has allies in other places, and at least two local party committee secretaries clearly oppose the bottom-up revolution of the central government.He could also argue that the Central Committee's decision did not involve the Red Guards at all (the decision only spoke of the Cultural Revolution Committee), and allowed those who were politically under scrutiny to defend themselves.The secretariat has been reorganized, but only one new member, Tao Zhu, is a staunch Maoist (though he quickly left the camp).And his political opponents were busy giving instructions to the millions of Red Guards who poured into Beijing from the provinces in late summer. But by the end of September, Mao realized that most provincial party cadres did not welcome the actions of the Red Guards and refused to have any dealings with them.Some local officials even recruited armed forces to confront the Red Guards.Mao was so angry that he called a meeting of provincial Party secretaries in Beijing.By then, he had become accustomed to this approach and seemed to think he could quickly wow the congregation.But he found he met stubborn resistance.The meeting lasted nearly a month before he finally broke the deadlock. Deng Xiaoping was at the center of this storm. On October 16, he gave a report on the progress of the Cultural Revolution, which drew harsher criticism from Chen Boda and several others.Chen complained that it was more difficult than "climbing to the sky" to have an equal discussion with Deng, and believed that he was the "vanguard" of the "wrong revisionist line"⑥.He claimed that Liu and Deng's "ideological style" was precisely against Mao, and that Liu and Deng would not admit their mistakes and still "try to fight back", saying that Deng was the more stubborn of the two.Lin Biao again raised the idea that Peng Zhen was conspiring to stage a coup, and suggested that Deng might have been an accomplice.But the delegates felt far more sympathy for Liu and Deng than for Chen and Lin.It seemed that for a day or two Mao lost control of the meeting.His response was to ask Liu and Deng to "self-examine".No doubt his calculation was that the local cadres would give up their resistance once they saw that the two men in charge of the Central Secretariat gave in.I don't know who put pressure on these two people through what channels, but this approach is very effective.Mao survived the crisis. Deng made a self-examination a week after his report.He read his self-criticism with a gloomy expression. After Deng's (and Liu's) self-examination, Mao took a magnanimous gesture, telling the delegates that Liu and Deng could not be dismissed for their past mistakes, but he made it clear that he had great respect for them , especially Deng, how dissatisfied with his personal attitude: I deliberately delegated (the highest power).They just established an independent kingdom...From 1959 to now, Deng Xiaoping never asked me for anything...(1958) I was not satisfied with the Wuchang meeting...so I went back to Beijing for (another) meeting.Although you held the meeting for six days, you still refused to let me hold the meeting for one day.It's no big deal not to let me get work done.But I object to you treating me like a dead ancestor. ⑦ He also said that Liu and Deng should be given a chance to see if they have truly reformed.Even if he really meant it, the sworn enemies of Liu and Deng, who are now in power, would never offer them this opportunity. In November and December, Liu and Deng made several public appearances.But after that, they stopped showing up.For Liu, it was gone forever.For Deng, it was more than six years before he appeared in public.At this time, the outside world actually had no idea what happened to them.It wasn't until after the 1980s that it was possible to rediscover what happened to them. From January to August 1967, theoretically speaking, Liu and Deng were still free people.But once they got out of Zhongnanhai's wall, they were no longer safe.Even in Zhongnanhai, they were harassed.As early as the beginning of December 1966, the staff around Liu and his wife Wang Guangmei held a "criticism meeting" at their home to criticize the two of them.On the streets, Red Guards held demonstrations against them.Official and Red Guard publications also frequently published defamatory articles.Liu was the main target, branded as "China's Khrushchev" and "China's largest capitalist roader".In Red Guard propaganda, Deng was referred to as "capitalist roader No. 2," but official newspapers did not say so. The campaign against Liu and Deng was run by Jiang Qing, Kang Sheng, Chen Boda and Zhang Chunqiao.Zhang Chunqiao was an old friend of Jiang Qing in Shanghai.They are all sinister and vicious.Zhang organized the first large-scale and public demonstrations against Liu and Deng, and called on the demonstrators to "beat the dogs in the water" and "let them be infamous forever"⑧. In April, Jiang Qing listed Deng's "ten crimes" in a speech at a Red Guard rally.As the process of the power struggle changed, the struggle against Liu and Deng erupted from time to time. This power struggle broke out in early 1967, which caused the party and the army to experience great hardships during the year.Whenever the radicals felt threatened—as they were in March, before that, they were confronted face-to-face at a meeting featuring Zhou Enlai and a group of other vice-premiers and veterans; or Being able to attack their enemies at will - as they did in July, when Mao left Beijing for a tour of the south - makes the struggle even more intense.Mao's role remains uncertain.From the spring onwards, he was of course in favor of completely dismantling Liu's prestige, which he saw as another potentially dangerous center for winning party and state loyalty.But his attitude towards Deng was less extreme, because Deng could never be his successor, and also because he liked Deng's combative personality, even if it was against him.A few years later, Deng himself admitted that without Mao's protection, Lin Biao and Jiang Qing would have harmed him9. In fact, Deng Xiaoping's "crime" listed by Jiang Qing can be summed up in four points: Deng disrespected Mao; opposed higher education and literary reform; tried to cancel the collectivization of agriculture; implemented "bourgeois dictatorship" and "white terror" in the summer of 1966 .She quoted Deng's speeches and remarks to support her trumped-up allegations.But the quotations are not very well chosen.When Jiang Qing's speech was published in the propaganda materials of the Red Guards, some readers must feel that these words are probably the most appropriate description of Jiang Qing himself.Some people always criticize others to make themselves popular, or to climb on other people's shoulders.They don't pay attention to the essence of others, but only look for the shortcomings of others (that is, pigtails), so as to achieve their own success. ⑩ By the summer of 1967, the organized campaign against Liu and Deng reached its climax. In July, tens of thousands of Red Guards were allowed to besiege Zhongnanhai for the first time, and a "criticism meeting" was held at the homes of Liu, Deng, and Tao Zhu, criticizing them and their wives, and forcing their children to watch.During a criticism meeting, Deng was forced to kneel down with his arms twisted behind his back.The Red Guards called this posture "Jet".At this point, the worst thing he feared was: being kicked out of Zhongnanhai, humiliated at a rally, possibly beaten, and thrown in prison, where he would suffer as Peng Zhen and other deposed leaders did in 1966. The same fate as last year. But Deng escaped bad luck.He was forced to move out of Zhongnanhai and placed under house arrest in a small house. The three children who had been living with him were also sent away.But Zhuo Lin and Deng's stepmother Xia Bogen were allowed to stay with him.Gradually, the attacks on him in the press died away. Liu Shaoqi's fate was much worse.As early as May 1967, with Mao's acquiescence, a "special task force" was set up to investigate Liu.Soon, the "special task force" was under the control of Jiang Qing and Kang Sheng.In the report, the task force described Liu as a "traitor, traitor, and scab." In October 1968, the plenary session of the Central Committee passed the report, and Liu was dismissed from all positions and expelled from the party.Deprived of medicines and medical treatment, he died of pneumonia on the floor of a local prison just a year later.His wife, Wang Guangmei, was imprisoned in 1968 and spent eight years in prison. At this meeting of the Central Committee, Deng was removed from all positions in the party and government departments, but he was allowed to retain his status as an ordinary party member.Mao must have intervened to save him from greater persecution.The blow was big enough, but then came another, bigger blow. In September, his eldest son, Deng Pufang, who was a student in the physics department at Peking University, fell from the roof of a building at Peking University and was seriously injured.关于此事的真相有若干种说法，但有两点是一致的：邓朴方正遭受一群红卫兵的折磨；当救护人员最终把他从摔下来的水泥地上送到北大医院时，他被拒绝接收入院。最后，当矫正门诊部提供给他一张床位时，一切都太晚了，已来不及使他的腰部以下免于瘫痪。出院后，他被送到首都郊区一家残疾人福利院继续生活。当他病倒在床上时，他还得用金属丝编制篮子为生，这种生活一直持续到1971年夏。 1969年10月20日，经过整整两个年头的软禁，邓小平、卓琳、夏伯根突然被赶出中南海，并在军队的监护下，被发配到江西的省城南昌。这是林彪策划的行动中的一部分，目的是把文革中许多被斗倒的老干部和几位老帅，一个个遣送到远离北京的地方去。 林的行动与他的总参谋长黄永胜在1O月18日发出的一则命令密切相关。该命令宣布国家已处于紧急状态，并命令武装部队进入最高戒备状态。黄当然依林的指示办事，但林没有征询毛的意见。当林于1O月19日打电话告诉毛这条命令时，毛认为这或许是"发昏"了。毛反对林擅自发号施令。无论如何，毛不希望在即将于北京举行周恩来与前苏联总理柯西金关于中苏边境紧张局势谈判之际有任何军事事件发生（自从3月份中苏在珍宝岛发生激烈冲突以来，双方一直有小的磨擦）。毛的反应使林大吃一惊，但这并没有使林中止将邓和其他一些老将军以及政治家赶出首都的计划⑾。 假如边境事件真的发生的话，那么周恩来首当其冲是第一位受害者。幸好，中苏边界冲突并未发生，周恩来才有可能留下来照顾被流放的邓小平。否则，如果全由林彪手下的人处理，那么邓将会很惨。在党内，由于周的地位低于林，因此他无权取消林的遣送命令。但他打电话给江西党的领导，要求他们为邓及两名女眷在南昌附近找个流放地，而不是去原计划中的山区。通过让他们与那些不是林的亲信的地方军人一起相处，周能为邓安排一个宽松的环境。邓在飞赴南方时能带去一小部分图书，这当然要归功于周⑿。 在江西，邓、卓琳和夏伯根住在一幢楼的四个房间里。这房子原是一位步兵学校校长的居所。他们能得到食物和燃料供应，但在其他方面他们必须自己照顾自己。大多数饭是夏做的。邓劈木柴，敲碎煤块，以供火炉生火，这是唯一的供暖资源。邓还做大量家务。卓琳刚来时身体不适，不能帮邓做许多事，直到天气转暖，其健康状况有所改善后，才接替邓和夏做一些事情，并和邓一起，开始在房前庭院的空地上种些蔬菜。与此同时，邓和她都在距住处约一英里的一个拖拉机修理厂里劳动半天。 对三个流放者而言，生活可想而知是艰苦的，但警卫人员并没有干扰他们。对邓而言，能够看到书是极大的快慰，按他的官方传记称，在江西的三年里，他阅读了"大量马列著作和其他许多古今中外的著作"⒀。从他重返北京后所发表的讲话内容中可以看出，他从这段经历中获益匪浅，因为这些讲话充满了对中外历史的精辟见解。这与他在文革前的讲话有些不同。 负责看管他们的警卫人员与他们同住一楼，这些警卫当然知道他们是谁，拖拉机修理厂的厂长当然也知道。但那里的工人开始时似乎是一无所知。但不久，他们肯定意识到那位老人（此时邓是六十五岁）和中年妇女（卓琳为五十三岁）一定是党的前任总书记及其妻子。他们每天早晨八点左右在警卫监护下前来上班，中午在警卫监护下离厂。 1971年夏天，邓朴方被允许离京与其父母团骤。自从他伤残之后，他们从来未见过他，他们肯定对他的状况大为吃惊。从此之后，他们和夏伯根共同承担起照看他的重担。他若去洗漱、上厕所或上床睡觉，必须将他从轮椅上搬下来。在邓朴方到他们身边后不久，他们最小的女儿邓榕（在家里称她为毛毛）和最小的儿子邓质方（他一直在西北的一个公社里插队）也来探望他们。邓质方不久就离开了，而毛毛获准与他们呆在一起。 与此同时，文革开始发生了变化。 1969年夏，即在党的九大上林彪成为毛的指定接班人几个月后，毛开始失去对林的耐心，因为他缺乏改造党和政府的热情，而这恰恰是毛现在非常重视的。林的野心是继刘少奇之后出任国家主席（而毛想取消该职位），他还想插手外交事务（此时毛和周正计划打开与美国交往的通道，促进尼克松总统1972年2月的北京之行）。毛决定削弱林的势力。首先他发动了一个打倒陈伯达的运动，因为陈很轻率地使自己成为林获得国家主席职务行动的干将。毛采取名为"搬石头"、"渗沙子"和"挖墙角"的措施，迫使林彪在政治局的军队党羽们作自我检查，因他们与陈关系密切。毛还在几个重要的政治和军事委员会上削弱林的支持力量，并改组了北京军区的领导班子。 林对这些行动的反应是：要求他在空军任参谋的儿子制订一项暗杀毛的计划。该行动计划代号为"571工程"（因这个数字听似"武装起义"之谐音），由一批军衔不是最高的高级军官来实施，且他们大多数来自空军。这项计划并未付诸实施，但即使只是原则上决定实施这项计划，经过毛、周与林彪及其家人的斗争，最终死的不是毛，而是林彪和他的妻子、儿子及上飞机的七个人。 在江西，当邓小平听说1971年10月1日国庆节北京不举行游行、毛和林均未公开露面时，他意识到国家正处于危机之中。11月5日，在一个政治情况通报会上，他和卓琳才知道林彪死了。刹那间，他大概清楚地认识到此事对他本人的意义。他的主要政敌被除掉了，而他的主要朋友周恩来的地位只会加强。毛仍是所有高层政治权力的中心，他现在不得不为将来制订新的计划。不久，邓通过毛以前的警卫员、现任政治局委员和8341部队（该部队负有保卫党的领导人的特殊任务）领导的汪东兴，写信给毛和中央委员会，要求准许他重返北京，并在北京安排工作。 邓和他家庭的生活条件很快便得到了显著的改善。1972年4月，又允许邓朴方住进北京的有良好设备的军队医院；陪同哥哥来京的毛毛，在返回江西的时候，被允许在南昌的一所医学院注册上学。但邓仍未收到有关他的信件的任何回音。因此，1972年8月，他再次写信给毛和中央委员会，重申了工作的请求。他说文革揭露了林彪、陈伯达之流的真面目，他还讲了在过去若干年里自己与林、陈的关系，讲了自己现在的心情。当然，这封信到了毛的手里，他开始考虑"让他继续工作"之事⒁。从毛的角度看，这一着有几个好处：能给那些严重缺乏管理经验的人增加该方面的知识，毛正努力重新建设党的事业，这在党内是受欢迎的，这将给更加热心重建党的事业的周恩来提供一个有能力、忠诚的助手。周本人当然为邓疏通关系，但邓小平一再表示，是毛泽东让他复出的。邓之所以坚持这种说法也是可以理解的。 最后，1973年2月，邓离开了江西。在北京，他、卓琳、夏伯根和毛毛搬进了朋友替他们找到的一栋房子。这栋房子在中南海外面，但离中南海很近。他很快就恢复了工作。这一次他被任命为副总理，同他二十一年前从四川调进北京所担任的职务一样，他的顶头上司也是同一个人--周恩来。 Notes: ①《剑桥史》第14卷，第462页。 ②施拉姆：《毛泽东秘闻》第26O页。 ③《剑桥史》第15卷，第14O页。 ④赖斯：《毛之路》第252页。 ⑤同上书，第264页。 ⑥齐欣（音译）：《邓小平》，第56－64页。 ⑦施拉姆：《毛泽东秘闻》，第266－267页。 ⑧《中国历史上的伟大尝试》，第35页。 ⑨《华盛顿邮报》，198O年8月31日。 ⑩科克：《邓小平》，第23页。 ⑾聂荣臻：《红星之下》第747页。 ⑿同上书。 ⒀《邓小平传略》第5O页。 ⒁同上书。