Chapter 31 Postscript Conversation with Chairman Mao-1

The third series of my main experience Section 61 Postscript and Chairman Mao's Conversation (1) Talked with Mao Zedong in Yan'an in January 1938. When I visited Yan’an in early January 1938, I had a conversation with Chairman Mao. I once recorded the "Letter to Shandong Rural Work Colleagues and Classmates" (printed and distributed by the rural bookstore in Wuhan) that I wrote that year.Later, Hong Kong's "Guangming Daily" published a long serial "What I am trying to do" and mentioned it.The details are slightly different before and after, you can refer to it.Today’s article is mainly to postulate the conversations I had when I visited Yan’an again in March 1946, and the conversations I had during several visits to Beijing in Beijing from 1950 to 1952.

In the conversations in Beijing, the chairman always sent a car to pick up the chairman's apartment in the Zhongnanhai Yi Nian Tang; after the autumn and September of 1953, there were no more. 1. Minutes of the conversation during the visit to Yan'an in March 1946 Let me first talk about the motivation for going to Yan'an this time.That was after the opening of the old CPPCC in Chongqing, I declared that I would not participate in the coalition government to be formed, and I had to interview in order to obtain the consent of the CCP. The old CPPCC meeting began on January 10, 1946 and ended on January 30.According to the agreement, a coalition government of all parties should be formed, a national assembly should be convened, a constitution should be formulated, and then a president should be elected according to law to enter the normal political track.On the eve of the closing ceremony, Zhou Enlai, the representative of the party, will return to Yan'an to ask for instructions, and then sign the agreement, and then go to the NLD headquarters at No. 300 Guofu Road to exchange opinions.At this time, I wrote a letter to Chairman Mao in advance and entrusted Zhou Gong to take it, expressing that I would withdraw from real politics and engage in ideological and speech work, and that I would not participate in the coalition government.Unexpectedly, this intention was not agreed by the party.Chairman Mao answered a letter in his hand, which was brought back to me by Zhou Gong, and briefly stated that participating in the government and engaging in public opinion work are not hindered.Zhou Gong's face-to-face language is especially severe.He said: The one-party dictatorship of the KMT closed the door and did not allow all parties to participate. After all of us worked together to fight for it, now that the door has been knocked open, you are retreating at the door. The influence is bad and absolutely not allowed.On the one hand, I published the two articles "Eight Years of Efforts Come to an End" and "What I'm Committing to in the Future" in the newspaper to express my sincere heart, and on the other hand, I couldn't help but visit Yan'an.

You must know that the constitutional government that was and will be implemented at that time was ingeniously designed by Zhang Junmai, and was approved by the Kuomintang, the Communist Party, and various small parties inside and outside the Democratic League. I alone thought that it could not be implemented in China.This constitutional government is modeled on the British political system, and in terms of form and structure, it inherits Sun Yat-sen's five-power constitution.The British political system was originally what I dreamed of when I was young in the late Qing Dynasty. After entering the Republic of China, I gradually realized that it could not be implemented in China (see the article "The First Road to Our Political Difficulty" published in 1931).Under the agreement of all parties at that time, I alone could not disagree, and could only feel bored in my heart.But it is impossible for me to participate in the implementation of the matter along with the crowd.When implementing constitutionalism in various aspects that lack vision, I personally want to withdraw from real politics, stand on a critical position, and express my long-cherished opinions, which is of my own necessity.Going to Yan'an is to confide the twists and turns to Chairman Mao and the others.

At that time, the traffic between Chongqing and Yan'an depended entirely on US military aircraft.There are two U.S. military personnel stationed in the Executive Department of the Beiping (Beijing) Military Mediation Office, and two people stationed in Yan'an.Therefore, in terms of communication, we rely on them a lot.I made the trip on behalf of Duke Zhou.I remember that the people traveling with me were all Chinese. They first went to Peiping, and then changed planes to Yan'an the next day. General Xiao Ke and other co-members were on the same flight.When the flight arrived in Yan'an, Chairman Mao was there to receive him.I went with him to his residence in Zaolin to rest and eat.It was reported that Chairman Mao was recuperating on sick leave, and Liu Shaoqi was called the acting chairman, as if he was paid for it as a matter of routine.In order to enhance my mutual friends' understanding of me, I hope that more people will be present when I pour out my thoughts.Chairman Mao agreed to gather ten people to listen to me.Later, in the discussion forum, I remembered Ren Bishi, other knowledge or ignorance, I can't remember it all now.

I will state my views on China's political future in two paragraphs.First discussing the constitutionalism agreed upon by the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference at that time will definitely not work.It may take less than two or three years, or it may fail in one year. ——By the way: Chairman Mao seems to have no confidence in constitutionalism, but Liu Shaoqi and others think that is the way out for Chinese politics.But Chairman Mao still told me personally that they were going to move to Qingjiangpu in northern Jiangsu; he would live in Qingjiangpu all the time, and he would go to Nanjing when the central government held meetings.It seems to assume that constitutional government can be implemented for a while. ——When the overall situation reaches the point where the constitutional government of bipartisan cooperation fails and there is no way out, I have a pre-prepared plan here, and I would like to provide reference for friends of the CCP.Of course, until then, don't think about it.

I don’t want to talk too much about the inevitable failure of British and American constitutionalism.The plan I prepared vaguely has a prerequisite, that is, Chiang Kai-shek's death, or his downfall.It was difficult to say clearly, but Ren Bishi noticed it at that time and asked me: "Do you mean to wait for Chiang Kai-shek to die?" I nodded.It's a pity that this gentleman passed away soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China because he was clever! Continuing on, what I have prepared is a plan for cooperation in all aspects of politics. It is neither a one-party monopoly nor multi-party competition, but multi-party cooperation.Chiang is the sworn enemy of any kind of cooperation.If Jiang does not go, the emperor system still exists in name only in China, and the public is uneasy and the overall situation is uncertain.At that time, I never expected that the CCP would be able to expel them with military force, and would actually establish a dictatorship of the proletariat as it is today.At that time, I only expressed my views and propositions based on common sense and common sense.

My claims are based on my understanding of current problems in China, and the current situation in China is based on the fact that Chinese society was fundamentally (organized) different from the rest of the world in the past.This was the first time I went to Yan'an eight years ago, and I debated with Chairman Mao back and forth on two old issues that had not been resolved all night.At that time, he said that I emphasized too much on the particularity of Chinese society and neglected that Chinese society still has its generality. I rebuked him for ignoring the particularity of Chinese society and looking at China too much from the generality.In fact, the proposition I want to present at this time is still the one I put forward eight years ago.But what I saw today was more realistic, and my thinking was more mature.

The suggestion eight years ago was to make all parties in the country (mainly the two major parties) take a step forward from the unity and resistance against the enemy at that time, and determine the grand plan of cooperating to build the country.It started by exchanging views on the two major issues of "seeking national liberation externally and completing social transformation internally", and consulted with each other to formulate national policies.If this matter is fruitful, the second step is to transform the parties that have always been divided and confronted into a comprehensive organization of parties that work together to build the country.

The third series of my main experience Section 62 Postscript and Chairman Mao's Conversation (2) Political running activities will inevitably produce parties. The formation of parties has its own social basis (such as class, region, industry or other) on the objective side, and each has its own claims and requirements on the subjective side.However, the main premise depends more on what problems the Chinese are facing.Does the problem come from outside, or from inside?The country's peril is its first problem, so the national salvation movement is the essence of their common ground.This objectively determines that they should cooperate with each other and should not be hostile to each other.But the country's peril has its own internal causes, and it is necessary to reform the society itself.As a result, they often have different positions from each other, and fall into separation and even confrontation.It is not good and impossible to obliterate the difference.This objectively determines that there should be no confusion in cooperation, and that there should be cooperation and participation. If we don't talk about cooperation but synthesis, the emphasis is on cooperation.

It may be easier to cooperate with each other to solve China's internal problems, but how easy it is to say!As I think, in order to integrate all parties and establish an organization to take on the task of saving the country and building the country, we must earnestly follow the following principles: (1) All parties should only speak on each specific practical issue when exchanging opinions when formulating national policies, and avoid involving their own fundamental ideological beliefs.That is to say: all parties inevitably have their own philosophical thoughts or beliefs as the foundation of their current opinions and propositions, but they should avoid talking about them.

(2) In exchanging views with each other, seek common ground while reserving differences as much as possible.That is to say, the differences between views on a problem are easy to highlight, but they should be kept separately, and only how to solve it, or how to deal with the method and policy of the current problem, until they are unified. (3) All parties tend to lean towards socialism in terms of the long-term goal of building a country. Even if the so-called socialists do not necessarily agree with each other, it is still possible to set it down.Covering is a long-term prospect, and it is not a must for the present. (4) After the first national policy is formulated, it is necessary to continue to discuss and revise current issues at any time. As long as all parties agree, there is no need to stick to the old chapter. The above description is not the original words of my speech on the spot, but it is the essence of my long-term thinking. What follows from this is that the party complex is not responsible for administration, but is in the position of supervising the government's implementation of policies.Here I have stolen Mr. Sun Yat-sen's theory of separation of power and governance.The power lies with the people, and the party complex is the one who represents the people and holds the power from the standpoint of the people of the whole country, and gives the administrative power to the administrative department.The executive branch, commonly known as the government, is faithful to the implementation of the policy (if you have any opinions during the implementation, you can always reflect it to the party complex).Such a separation between the two is extremely necessary, and it is a major prerequisite for the party complex itself to maintain a consistent position at all times.Otherwise, it will lead to disputes between parties and shake the foundation. At that time, Mr. Mao and Zhu Ergong listened to my speech very attentively, but Mao did not express anything. When Mr. Zhu heard my last words, he suddenly said: "This may happen in thirty years!" No one else said a word. The next day, Chairman Mao invited some of his comrades to have a meeting with me. At that time, there was news that Jiang did not respect the draft constitution of the agreement and made many changes. , Nine, and ten times are also up to him, but I want the eleventh!" Regarding the revision of the draft constitution, Sun Ke and others were criticized by his party, and Sun Tong and Shao Lizi repeatedly pleaded with Zhou Enlai's representative to revise it .Zhang Junmai of Zhou Gongshang made the following concessions on the three major issues: (1) the National Congress returned from the invisible (referring to the national referendum); , changed to be responsible to the president, and deleted the vote of no confidence in the Legislative Yuan; (3) Each province can formulate a provincial constitution and change it to formulate provincial self-government regulations.How can such a major issue be changed after the parties have reached an agreement?However, the opposition actually gave in to the Kuomintang.The Central News Agency happily trumpeted it.The Yan'an side was quite surprised, and urgently called Duke Zhou to come back and make a report.It was not convenient for me, a non-Party person, to attend the report and discussion meeting, so I flew back to Chongqing the next morning. As mentioned above, my conversation in Yan'an is impossible to remember clearly today because it happened many years later.But the main points of its content are generally as follows: (1) Understand the old China and build a new China.Ideologically, it is impossible to only start from imitating foreign countries without breaking away from one's own historical background and social reality. (2) If we want to build a new China, we must implement certain principles and purposes. It is impossible to follow the path of multiple parties competing with each other and taking turns to be in power, such as the European and American countries. (3) Although the path of one-party dictatorship (such as Fascism, Nazism, and Bolsheviks) seems to be able to advance with a certain policy, it is difficult to build on the basis of this disorganized society of small producers. (4) In everything, we must take into account the ideal requirements of the future, and also meet the possible aspects of the actual social conditions.Therefore, neither multi-party competition nor one-party dictatorship is our future.This comes down to the claim of the partisan complex I have devised.I once had an article "Foretelling the Election Disaster, Pursuing the Constitutional Government" which is very representative of my views and thoughts at that time, that is, the general idea of ​​my conversation with the CCP in Yan'an. Readers may wish to refer to it. In this revisit to Yan'an, in addition to talking, he also went to the countryside to visit Nanniwan and other places. At the same time, he stayed there for ten days in order to wait for Zhou Gong to return to Yan'an from Chongqing to learn about the changes in the political agreement of the CPPCC.The first time I went to Yan'an, I never saw Comrade Liu Shaoqi, as if he was in front at that time.See you for the second time.I still remember that his and Peng Dehuai lived next to my temporary residence, and I even visited them.Chen Shaoyu (Wang Ming) also came to my residence, his face was thin, he was not in a good mood, and he just recovered from a serious illness after the farewell.Chen, as one of the representatives of the Communist Party in the Political Council, we can often meet inside and outside the Chongqing Conference.During this visit, Comrade Zhu De also mentioned to me that when he returned to Beijing via Moscow after studying in Germany, he wanted to visit me but failed; He was the editor-in-chief of the "Republic of China" when I was working in 1912.Brother Sun Bingwen's wife, Ren Weikun (known as "Comrade Mother", mother of Sun Yang and Sun Weishi; Sun Yang and Sun Weishi's brothers and sisters both died in the "Cultural Revolution"), also met during this visit.Ren Weikun was also a colleague of the "Republic of China" back then, and she was one of the three female editors in the newspaper. The third series of my main experience Section 63 Postscript and Chairman Mao's Conversation (3) In 1948, he was engaged in the writing of "The Essentials of Chinese Culture" in Chongqing. 2. After 1950, several conversations at the Yi Nian Hall in Zhongnanhai, Beijing. Summary of the conversation on March 12, 1950 I came to Beijing from Sichuan in January and a half of 1950. At that time, Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou were negotiating with Stalin in Moscow but did not return. On March 10, under the arrangement of the United Front Work Department, I accompanied the party leaders to Qianmen East Station to welcome the two of them back to Beijing.A feast was held the next evening, and I was invited to attend.During the meeting, the chairman said to me: Let's talk tomorrow night. We met at Yi Nian Hall after 7:00 pm on the 12th, and Mr. Lin Boqu (Secretary General of the Central People's Government) was present.We talked until 12 o'clock in the middle of the night and had dinner, and then we talked for a while after dinner. Here are the ones that remain in my memory: The chairman asked me: This time, can you join the government?I hesitated a little, and replied: Is it not good to keep me outside the government?At this time, I still didn't believe that China could be unified and stabilized in this way. I thought that if I joined the government, I would fall on the side of the Communist Party. — This psychology has its roots.Over the years since the overthrow of the imperial system, China has been turbulent with disputes, unable to cope with the international environment externally, and unable to carry out all construction internally. It is going downhill every day.I have always longed for a unified and stable overall situation, and seeing that it is not difficult to achieve temporary unity, the difficulty is that unity can be stabilized for a long time. At the end of November 1949, Liu Bocheng’s Second Field Army and Lin Biao’s Fourth Field Army entered Sichuan one after another. I saw the equipment and treatment of the sergeants of the two armies. , quite separatist.And will the KMT make a comeback?These are all questions. ——These words are in my heart, but I can't say them. I said to the Chairman: It is easy to take over the world, but it is not easy to rule the world - it is much more difficult to rule the world.Today, of course we want to build a new China (modern China), but we must first understand the old China. "Knowing the old China, building a new China" has always been my slogan.Although I don't participate in the government, I suggest that under the leadership of the government, we should set up a research institute for Chinese culture, or a comparative research institute for world cultures. I would like to prepare consultants and participate in the research work.The chairman said yes, but didn't say much further. The chairman immediately advised me to go out of Beijing to visit other places.He said: Didn’t you work in rural areas in Henan and Shandong in the past?Now that these places are all liberated, go and see what changes.There are also the provinces in Northeast China that have been liberated before, even the old liberated areas, you should go and see them!I originally intended to learn about the CCP's local policies and measures, and immediately agreed on a plan to visit various places, and then made the trip in early April. I told the chairman about my running a school in Sichuan.The chairman instructed Mianren College of Liberal Arts to hand it over to the Department of Culture and Education of the Southwest Region, and all faculty, staff and students will make appropriate arrangements.Among them, those who have worked with me for many years can also be ordered to come to Beijing and still work with me.At present, the chairman told Mr. Lin and Lin Boqu: When Mr. Liang's personnel arrive in Beijing, please Mr. Lin decide to arrange them.As far as Mianren Middle School can be continued for a period of time, it will be handed over later, all handled by the state.Afterwards, most of the staff and students of Mianren College of Literature were merged into Southwest Normal College. Among them, Chen Yasan, the deputy dean, came to Beijing and was placed in the CPPCC in the name of my secretary.Mianren Middle School was finally handed over and changed to Chongqing No. 22 Middle School. Some of my problems have been solved as above, and there are many ramblings in addition, I don’t feel it until 12 o’clock in the middle of the night.Ask the chairman about the meal.I immediately declare that I have been a vegetarian for many years, please give me one or two vegetarian dishes.The chairman suddenly said loudly: No!All vegetarian dishes!Today is the united front! When the meal was open, Mr. Lin invited Jiang Qing to take a seat, so the four of them sat at the same table.There are no reporters after dinner.When I said goodbye, I didn't dare to ask the chairman to see me off, but the chairman insisted on sending me outside the door to board the car.However, it seems unpleasant to see his words. I recalled my visits to Yan'an in previous years, especially after the two all-night debates in the spring of 1938. I felt comfortable and unobstructed when I left the house. Why can't I get it this time.If that conversation was a success, this time it was a failure. After thinking about it for a while, I suddenly realized.It turned out that more than ten years ago, people in Yan'an debated endlessly late at night, and they were happy with each other.Debates can easily arouse the spirit of striving to win, but if this kind of spirit is not enough, it is felt that the chairman is actually taking the initiative, and I am inspired by him to win.The chairman and I, at this time, are almost the so-called "outrageous and grand, and things will follow".But this encounter was not the case.The chairman intends to pull me into the government, and I intend to evade it, and each has its own gains and losses.These are all selfish thoughts.Ordinary people will say that each other thinks about the overall situation of the country, how can we say "selfish and distracting thoughts"?This is why most people don't learn it. ——This refers to the study of the ancients of Confucianism, the study of Mahayana Buddhism. Minutes of Conversation September 23, 1950 After the last talk, I followed the plan ordered by the Chairman and discussed with the United Front Work Ministers Li Weihan and Xu Bing about visiting various places.I proposed that three or four members of the secretary's entourage should be accompanied, and negotiated the issue of the names, qualifications and treatment of each secretary.Then the United Front Work Department of the Central Committee notified the provincial authorities who planned to visit, and invited them to entertain and visit. On April 9th, I set off with my secretary Li Fu and others, and the situation in various places in the weekly calendar is otherwise recorded.Finally, I returned to Beijing from the Northeast on September 16. At 9:00 pm on the 23rd, I was called by Chairman Mao to talk in the Yi Nian Hall for about an hour. Let me first talk about what I heard in Lushun, Dalian, where American and Soviet planes encountered conflicts in the nearby sky. On the eve of my departure from the Northeast, Shenyang had implemented a blackout at night.The chairman said that there is no war yet.Because we don't want to fight; judging from the situation of the troops deployed by the US at home and abroad, it doesn't look like we want to fight.In my report on the Northeast, I mentioned the situation of the Ma Hengchang Group in the industry and the meetings held to learn from the Ma Hengchang Group. The workers have realized that the new country is a country where the workers are the masters of the country, which is a very gratifying phenomenon.Later, Wang Chonglun and other advanced deeds followed, all of which showed the class consciousness of the workers.This kind of awareness is the foundation of our country, and it should be developed and popularized. The chairman is delighted. Finally, I will ask the chairman to read the draft of the Institute of Chinese Culture or the Institute of Comparative Studies of World Cultures that I have brought with me.This matter was discussed last time, but the chairman frowned and said displeasedly: research can be done, don't be busy at this time!I replied that I was not in a hurry to hold it, but I met Premier Zhou at Huairen Hall a few days ago (16th), and the Premier asked me to draft this document and hand it over to him for discussion and approval at the Council of State Council meeting.The chairman said: Since you have all discussed it, let's do it!And said it twice.If I say otherwise, the chairman's opinion should prevail, and we will discuss this matter at a later date. ——From then on, I will suppress this matter and not mention it, and when I see Duke Zhou, he will not ask. Thinking about it today, this matter was fortunately suspended.Emphasizing class struggle is the current trend advocated by Chairman Mao, but knowing the old China will be a naysayer and will not be allowed; when the research institute is smashed, it is better not to hold it now. A side note here is that shortly thereafter—October 25—there was an act of China sending troops to resist US aggression and aid Korea.China's aid to North Korea ended in a tie with the United States, ending in an armistice agreement, which established its prestige in the world, and the big powers had to look at each other with admiration. At this time, it was the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, and the land reform, that is, the movement to divide the land in the countryside, was still going on in many areas of the country. The chairman persuaded me to visit and study.I spent many days running inside and outside the pass, and refused to go out again.He also expressed his willingness to write down his observations and impressions from his visits in the past six months.The chairman nodded and said yes.