Chapter 27 The third series of my main experience-7

The third series of my main experience Chapter 49 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (20) 10. Comrades for the founding of the unified nation The trip to North China and East China can be regarded as the end when we return to Luoyang the day before September 18 as mentioned above.After meeting twice with the Commander-in-Chief (Li Huang) in Luoyang, he arrived in Xi'an.Talked with Chairman Jiang (Ding Wen) in Xi'an, and asked the Eighth Route Army Office to generate electricity for the generals in front of him, thanking him for his care along the way. On October 3, fly from Xi'an to Chengdu.

The day I arrived in Chengdu coincidentally happened to be the day Jiang Gongfei flew to Chengdu to prepare for his inauguration as the chairman of Sichuan.Because I also stayed in Chengdu, I went to Jin Dynasty.One day after the Double Tenth Festival, I made an appointment to have a casual meal, and I would report a general report on my experience on the battlefield.He also specially reported the situation of the enemy in Shandong, the situation of the provincial government, and the situation of the Eighth Route Army.Jiang Gong gave instructions on how to deal with Shandong affairs.At this time, the conversation has been very long, and the party issue has not yet been raised, and the time for asking for instructions will be paid again.Jiang agreed to talk again when he returned to Chongqing.

The reason I went back to Sichuan was that the problem of partisanship was acute and serious, and I presumed that the rear area must urgently demand a solution. This was an opportunity for me to contribute my opinion.Therefore, we are going to negotiate with three parties: one is the Kuomintang, the other is the Communist Party, and the third is the third party.The so-called third party refers to the parties and factions other than the two major parties, as well as figures without party or faction.I myself belong to the third party, and this is the one I know the most in my daily dealings, so this is also the one who negotiated first.At this time there were Mr. Huang Yanpei, Yan Yangchu, and Li Huang who were in Chengdu, so they met successively to discuss business.

I generally report the acute and serious partisan problems I have seen (including the Shandong issue and the Hebei issue, which have not been described in this article).The third party has no evasion of responsibility here.And scattered, no one can do their best, so the third party unite and work together, the first thing at the moment.Mr. Huang, Yan, and Mr. Li Zhu all agreed with it very much, and they made an appointment to go to Chongqing to find more friends to discuss it. On October 23, I flew back to Chongqing.At this time, Jiang Gong just went to Guilin, and then turned to the front of Hunan, but was not met.And the CCP's political participants, such as Chen Shaoyu, Qin Bangxian, Lin Zuhan, Wu Yuzhang, Dong Biwu, etc., are in the middle of the political participation meeting and have not yet left Chongqing. On the evening of the 26th, I interviewed at No. 50 Zengjiayan, and all the above-mentioned people were present for the discussion.

When I talk, I will start with what I have seen and heard on the battlefield.All about how the Eighth Route Army acted wrong, and how my students were killed by them, all outright.Mr. Qin (Bang Xian) listened to my talk and wrote on paper at the same time, but all of them did not express any opinions on these matters.It seems to mean that you have seen and heard all the time, but we have not seen and heard it, and we have no other reports, so we have no way of judging whether it is right or wrong. We can neither deny it nor admit it all at once.I then pointed out the seriousness of the problem, and then proposed the solution I advocated (see Section 8 above: My Views on Solving the Partisan Problem), with a special emphasis on the fact that the military must separate from the party and be united with the country.Mr. Qin also wrote down all these many words.Then Chen and Qin answered first, followed by Yu Lin, Wu and Dong Zhulao.When they replied to me, they generally said: Your theory is different from ours, but your conclusions are quite consistent with ours.As for the unification of the country by the army, it is logically so. Comrade Zhou Enlai once said this to the outside world during the "Double Twelve" season of 25 years.But in fact, the Kuomintang must do the same before we can do so. ——The expression of this aspect is just like this.

My friends in Chongqing were busy with the constitutional movement at that time.Because the constitutional government bill was just passed in the Political Council in September, the government originally promised to make an announcement on the Double Tenth Festival, but it was not implemented at that time, saying that it would wait for the resolution of the Kuomintang Central Plenary Session in early November. Therefore, in order to promote constitutional government, the opposition parties have no Let it go for a long time, work hard. I was not present at that political meeting.At that time, we were in the military headquarters of Commander Zhu Huaibing at the foot of the Taihang Mountains in northern Henan, and we only heard a little news.Fortunately, shortly after the meeting, I arrived in Chongqing, and I was able to get a general idea of ​​the situation when the proposal was discussed and passed.As far as I know, the original motivation of all parties in the proposal was to seek the legal status of various parties so that they could have the freedom of public activities.From this issue, we turn to the early implementation of constitutional government.Just at this time, Wang Jingwei organized a puppet government, called for the implementation of constitutionalism, and indirectly promoted the passage of this proposal.The timing is not ripe.

In my personal opinion, unity and unity should be the priority.That is to say, all parties (I am among them), I think it is also appropriate to get rid of it from unity, and only from unity and unity, not from constitutionalism (it is expected that constitutionalism will not be realized).You have not forgotten about unification. Everyone means that seeking constitutionalism is seeking unification. There are two things. I think that we must go from unification to constitutionalism, but not from constitutionalism to unification. Therefore, I am not as enthusiastic about the constitutional movement as I am about the unification movement.At the beginning of the unification movement, I was concentrating on the alliance of a third party first, and I did not participate in the constitutional government movement.

Fortunately, my friends don't blame me for being paranoid.And for the alliance of the third party, I have had this intention for a long time, and I am already negotiating before I start it.After discussing with each other many times, on the one hand, the name of this organization was determined to be "Unified National Founding Comrades Association", and on the other hand, the twelve articles of the letter of the association were approved.The original text is recorded at: Comrades of the Unification and Founding of the People's Republic of China: 1. We sincerely accept the Three Principles of the People as the highest principle of the War of Resistance and nation building, and fully support their thorough implementation, emphasizing that "the country is supreme and the nation is supreme."

2. With the purest heart, we support Mr. Jiang as the leader of the Republic of China and urge the legalization of his leadership. 3. We believe that in the future, China only needs to complete the revolution through construction, from progress to equality, and all domestic violent struggles and sabotage actions are no longer necessary and are opposed. 4. We believe that in the future, China will need to build with principles and plans.This construction includes new politics, new economy and even the entire new social and cultural construction, and they must be organically coordinated with each other.

5. We admit that today is more unified than before; but for the sake of external resistance and internal construction, we demand further unification.Today's unification is not due to force, but is formed by the unanimity of the people's anti-Japanese demands.In the future, it should still be pursued in this direction; to focus on the will of the Chinese people, to unify the will, and to seek the unity of the country. 6. We advocate that after the promulgation of the Constitution, constitutional government should be implemented immediately and a constitutional government should be established.All facilities that contravene the Constitution shall be immediately suspended, and all laws and regulations that contravene the Constitution shall be declared invalid.

7. All political parties that abide by the Constitution shall exist openly on an equal footing; however, there shall be a connected organization among all units to make joint efforts for the decision and implementation of the national policy. 8. All armies belong to the country; unified command, unified organization, and advocate the real reorganization of the army in order to enrich the national defense strength. 9. We do not agree with the implementation of party affairs by political power or force, and strictly oppose all civil wars. 10. We require the cleanliness of the administration of officials, and the minimum condition is to eradicate corruption and save waste. 11. We advocate that active-duty soldiers should concentrate on national defense, general affairs officials should devote themselves to their duties, and young people in school should devote themselves to their studies, and it is not appropriate to make them participate in political party activities. 12. We advocate respect for the freedom of thought and learning. (These twelve articles should be compared with the ten articles of the program of the League of Democratic Political Groups later, and the similarities and differences between them should be found.) These twelve articles were initially drafted by Mr. Zhang Naiqi and Zuo Shunsheng.Mr. Zuo is also responsible for collecting opinions from all parties.In it, I also participated in some opinions, and at the end, I jointly took the responsibility of reviewing with Mr. Shen Junru and Mr. Zuo.After everyone approves it, it will be decided. The third series of my main experience Chapter 50 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (21) This organization, oral explanation (it is inconvenient to stipulate in writing) is intermediate, and it is a third party status.Of course the Kuomintang and the Communist Party did not invite him to participate, but those who occasionally belonged to the Kuomintang but actually belonged to another faction, such as Mr. Shen and Mr. Zhang Shenfu, were included.Those who participated did not necessarily represent a party or a faction, and individuals without party or affiliation, such as Mr. Zhang Biaofang (Lan), Mr. Guangmingfu, etc., also participated.The majority of those who participated in the political affairs were political participants, and there were some people who were not political participants, such as Mr. Zhang Naiqi.As far as parties are concerned, all those who have people in the political council are included.However, Mr. Luo Longji, Hu Shiqing, and Luo Wengansan from the National Socialist Party participated, but Mr. Zhang Junmai was not. The organization confirmed that in order to avoid misunderstandings, the colleagues took the twelve articles of the letter of the association and entrusted Mr. Wang Shijie and Zhang Yuejun to forward to the highest authority on their behalf, and presumed that Mr. Huang Yanpei and I represented everything in person.Mr. Huang handed over the documents to Wang and Zhang Ergong, and asked them to make an appointment for an audience date.A few days later, when Jiang Gonggong went to meet him, Mr. Huang had already gone to Luzhou on business, so I had to go to see him alone. When I met Jiang Gong, Mr. Zhang Yuejun and Mr. Wang Shijie both sat with him.I explained that the motivation for the establishment of this association was to be stimulated by partisan issues, so as to improve the overall situation and take responsibility for myself.Mr. Jiang repeatedly asked us to speak fairly, but he didn't know that it was difficult for us to speak up.When we criticize the government in one word, we are accused of being close to the Communist Party or standing on one side; when we criticize the Communist Party in a word, we are accused of being close to the government or being used by the Kuomintang, as if we have no position , can only take the position of others as the position, which is very painful.In this way, the people of the whole country are forced to face each other on two sides, which is extremely bad for the overall situation.What is extremely unfavorable to the overall situation is unfavorable to the government.Together, we are forming a third-party position.Since Jiang Gong encouraged each other by speaking of justice, he first gave us the status of speaking of justice, and that is to allow us to have this joint organization. If Mr. Jiang did not stay in trouble, he expressed his understanding. It must have been decided after research.Just ask me, who are the participants.I roughly counted, and when I reached Mr. Shen and Mr. Zou Taofen,!I replied that as far as I know, the two of them have no prejudices; rather than letting them be outside this organization, it is better to be inside.Jiang Gong nodded, agreeing.That's about it for the conversation.This is November 29, 2008. When I left Jiang's residence, Mr. Wang Shijie drove me back to the YMCA.In the car, he asked me, you are a political party.I answer no.This is just a union for the current problem.The current issue is in danger of splitting the civil war. We pledge our national position and resolutely oppose it; this is where the title of "unification and founding of the country" comes from.People from all walks of life are participating now.There is still a lot of distance between each other, and we need to gradually increase our understanding of each other.Even if someone wants to form a party, it is impossible to say now.Personally, I do not recognize that China's multi-party system is reasonable.To put it a bit more violently, I am opposed to European and American-style constitutionalism.Mr. Wang couldn't understand my words in a hurry. He misunderstood that I opposed China's constitutional government.He turned to me and asked: Do you think China will never need constitutional government?Maybe he also thought I was the one who drove the car backwards! During the meeting in December, the colleagues planned to publish a publication, and Mr. Yu Jiaju was recommended to be the editor-in-chief. He raised some funds and appointed everyone to write articles.It was not published later, and the details are unknown, because I left Yu at that time.In the new year, until the first half of 2009, the colleagues kept meeting.Before the meeting of the Political Council, many people arrived and there were many parties.Colleagues discussed a joint proposal, which was drafted by me.After I draft it, everyone discusses it.Opinions vary.In the end, it is still my personal proposal, and the co-signers are willing to co-sign, and this matter will be recorded later. The political participation meeting is over, and many colleagues leave.Then came the bombing period in May, and it was even more impossible to live in Chongqing.There was a tendency to lose contact with the colleagues. Fortunately, Mr. Zhou Shiguan (a member of the Ningxia political council) lived in a house that was suitable for avoiding air raids.Every time a colleague enters Chongqing, connect with him, and call for a meeting when necessary. The issue of the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army has a long history, but he (Ying Qin) and Bai (Chongxi) Hao sent a telegram (September 19) to make them nervous.Before Haodian, in order to care about the overall situation, we invited Mr. Qin Bangxian, the representative of the CCP in Chongqing, to attend every meeting, and asked him to report on his situation and his negotiations with the government (at that time, all negotiations were made by Qin and He).The government also indirectly supplies us with information and materials.Later, Mr. Qin returned to northern Shaanxi, and Mr. Zhou Enlai came to Chongqing, and he was often invited to make an appointment.Ye Jianying, chief of staff of the 18th Group Army, repeatedly showed us new maps in various colors in order to let us know the situation of the troops ahead.Therefore, the importance of the status of the third party is unknowingly formed by the two aspects of the problem.Although this one is pitiful and has no power, where else can one find a third party besides this one? The problem became more and more serious later, and in early January of the new year, the New Fourth Army incident in southern Anhui occurred.Then there was the protest of the CCP, not attending the Political Council.The comrades' association here, of course, cannot sit back and watch the stalemate in the overall situation, so there was a period of running around in February and March this year.See the first section above for the matter, so I don't need to narrate it any more. It can be said that it was the Comrade Association or the Alliance of Democratic Political Groups that was running around in February and March, because on the surface they did not appear in the name of a group, but in fact the Comrade Association has been reorganized into an alliance.The League was formerly based on the Comrade Association, and its members were still those people, only the friends from the National Salvation Association were missing (there was also a Mr. Zhang Junmai).As for the strengthening of its organization, the program is different, and it comes in response to the needs of the current situation, so I won't discuss it here. The third series of my main experience Chapter 51 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (22) 11. A Proposal in April 1940 The members of the Unification and Jianguo Comrades held a political participation meeting in early April of the 29th year (1940). They originally discussed and made a joint proposal. Everyone discusses, concentrates on thinking, revises and improves, and presents it at the conference.What I was in charge of was proposals on party issues at the time.However, after I drafted it, everyone discussed it. In terms of wording and methods, opinions differ from each other and cannot be unified.So it was proposed by me personally, and co-signers are free to co-sign.The title of this case is "Please determine party affiliation, seek further unity, absolutely avoid civil war, and maintain the country in this case."As a result of this case, a "special committee" was created in the Political Council to take the responsibility of reviewing and making recommendations (on this matter).Although later, no results were received, but at last there was such a thing, and now I will briefly describe it. Here, let’s talk about the KMT-CCP ​​issue first.The KMT-CCP ​​issue began in Hebei and Shanxi, followed by Shandong, Jiangbei, and Jiangnan.The incidents of conflicts have been going on for a long time, and the government's introduction began with the report of Chief of Staff He Yingqin at the Standing Committee of the Political Council in January and February of 2009.I write this proposal to speak from the report.My opinions and opinions are based on my usual understanding of this issue.My understanding can be divided into three levels. 1. Problems evolve naturally, and there is no need to ask who is responsible.As soon as many people open their mouths, they like to ask the two sides to fight, which one is wrong.This is the most stupid thing to say.It should be known that neither of the two parties was an ordinary political party in a constitutional country, and they can recognize each other's existence.But in fact, the incompatibility of the revolutionary parties that each takes the revolution to build the country is inherent.This one.Not long ago, it was clear that there had been ten years of hard work, and even though they stopped for a while, they were relieved for the first time.This second.Knowing this, the situation is inevitable, and no one can be blamed, it is very clear.What's more, political, military, civil and military struggles are inseparable. With such a vast area and so many people, it is impossible to find out who made the first move and who made the first move.In fact, they always interact with each other, unknowingly evolved, this is the third.There is also a fourth point, that is, when the relationship between the two parties improves, there is no time to clarify the relationship between them.For example, the Northern Shaanxi Border Region in politics, and the Eighteenth Group Army in military affairs are almost a mystery in the country's organizational system.The hasty war of resistance left many unresolved issues, which naturally led to disputes. 2. Citizens should take a serious attitude towards this issue.The above statement seems to be a trick for neither party to blame.It seems that to be an intermediary mediator, you have to speak like this.In fact, I am against this attitude.Chinese citizens should not regard this matter as a quarrel between neighbors and stand aside to mediate.This is a family matter, a personal matter, and we must strictly interfere with it.Both parties should be blamed for their mistakes. 3. The solution to the problem must be resolved peacefully under the supervision of public opinion.Know that there are two parties involved in a problem, and no one can solve the problem.The solution to the problem will definitely concern the majority of citizens who have vital interests but are not involved in the problem.A legitimate solution, and the only possible solution, must be obtained under the supervision of public opinion. That's why my proposal said that things are not a matter of individual details, and it is really useless to inquire about the right and wrong of each individual issue.He also said that to solve the problem, we should start by determining the relationship between the parties in order to achieve a further unity than today (meaning that the parties are integrated into one).The responsibility for solving the problem rests with the Political Council.The original text says: After the anti-Japanese war, the ruling Kuomintang not only attracted outsiders from outside the party, but first became the National Defense Council, and then the People's Political Council, to unite and discuss state affairs.Although the actions of the two parties do not take place within the Political Council, it should be noted that they are not outside the Council.On the Kuomintang side, President Jiang Gu Mingming is also the speaker of the council.Mao Junzedong, the leader and person in charge of the Communist Party, is also a colleague of Guming Mingwu who participated in politics.The discord between the two parties is due to the fact that this association has not been able to play a role in unity.Assuming that this problem is not resolved today and allowed to expand, the Political Council should be held accountable.I can't shirk my responsibility, and I have greatly failed the original intention of the ruling Kuomintang. As for the method proposed in the original bill, there are three points: one is to urge Mao’s political senators to attend quickly (according to Mr. Mao never attended, and the rest did not show up at the time); the other is to organize a special committee to study solutions; the third is special The committee shall be organized by three to five members designated by the speaker. In fact, I knew that the solution to the problem would not be easy, so I didn't have any extravagant hopes.I only hope to create a strong atmosphere of public opinion that does not allow civil war inside and outside the meeting, so that military actions can be restrained and a reasonable solution can be found.Secondly, I hope that under the urging of the conference, Mr. Mao will come to Chongqing, and the situation may change, which will be the beginning of solving the problem.But in fact, none of them were done. At that time, I made an inquiry first, and then put forward this suggestion.Inquiry cases will be sent out on the first day of the meeting.The general idea is to ask whether the government has strictly stopped the actions of both parties and how to eliminate them fundamentally according to the report of the chief of staff at the meeting committee.Now that the proposal has been written, many people dare not sign it because they are afraid of causing trouble.Only a few acquaintances, such as Huang Yanpei, Leng Yan, Jiang Hengyuan, Zhang Junmai, Luo Wenqian, Hu Shiqing, Zuo Shunsheng, Zhang Shenfu, Yan Yangchu and others helped, and a few old gentlemen such as Zhang Yi, Zhong Rongguang, Hu Yuanzhen, Zhang Lan, Guangyu All the princes were enthusiastic about the proposal of this case and signed it.Mr. Huang is experienced and sophisticated. He advised me not to raise it hastily. I should first ask the speaker Jiang Gong for instructions, or at least explain it to Secretary-General Wang (Shijie).I was not that thoughtful, and I added 20 co-signers. The conference proposal was about to close, and I didn't have time to ask for instructions, so I sent it out. By the time the inquiry was sent to Minister He for an answer, probably I had already been noticed and suspected.Until this case was filed,,.The political senators of the ruling party initially wanted to dismiss the case, but later changed the case by emphasizing military discipline and military orders.In the end, Secretary-General Wang asked Chairman Jiang for instructions, and Jiang Gong personally wrote the order, and the convener of the review meeting should be Mr. Huang Yanpei.After the Secretary-General Wang asked Mr. Huang to discuss, he was about to write two papers (one paper could not be finished, so there were two papers), and asked Mr. Huang to forward it to me, and asked him to discuss everything with me. At this time, I can't remember the original text of Jiang Gong's hand letter.The general idea is that this is an issue of military order and discipline, not a party issue. There is no room for discussion on military order and discipline. However, if colleagues who participate in politics are willing to study it, it is not impossible. In the end, the government has its own balance.Mr. Huang discussed with me and said that since the authorities think it can be passed, there is no problem in passing it; in order to avoid unnecessary quarrels at the meeting, it is best to omit various procedures. , So at the review meeting, Mr. Huang, Chairman, first omits the reading (as usual, the secretary reads the original text of the whole case); second omits the explanation (as usual, the original proposer gives an oral explanation).Then the Chairman said that the intention of the original proposal was very good, and the so-called establishment of a special committee seems to be feasible, so there is no need for further discussion.Everyone agrees and passes with a show of hands.Tao Candidate Bai Chuan made a speech. He originally proposed three to five members of the special committee, which seemed too small. Since the speaker should appoint the candidates, the number of people may also be determined by the speaker, and there is no need to limit it.In addition, there are only a few days before the meeting, so it seems that the work of this committee does not have to be limited to the meeting period, that is, it can still report to the speaker after the meeting.There was no objection from everyone, and it passed. After the review meeting is completed, it is sent to the general assembly.Chiang Kai-shek personally chaired the presidency, omitting various procedures as before.Only the Secretary-General reads out the review opinions, and the speaker asks everyone who agrees to raise their hands, everyone raises their hands, and it is passed.So a big case was settled in less than two minutes.Things were not going well, but my original intention of creating a public opinion atmosphere was not achieved.There is also a telegram to urge Chairman Mao Zedong to attend the first floor, but neither the review meeting nor the general meeting mentioned it. Finally, a special committee was established with eleven members designated by the speaker.The Communist Party is represented by Qin Bangxian and Dong Biwu; the Kuomintang has Xu Xiaoyan, Li Zhongxiang, etc.; in the middle are Huang Yanpei, Zhang Junmai, Zuo Shunsheng, etc. (I can’t remember them all).Vice-chairman Zhang Boling and Mr. Huang acted as the chairperson and deputy convener, who convened regular meetings on their own. It is said that there were two or three meetings, in which the two sides talked a lot, but there was no quarrel, and each time there was a conclusion. — This is what Mr. Huang told me.At the last meeting, the political councilor Qin reported that he had negotiated a rough compromise with Minister He, and there were three points in total: 1. The measures of the Communist Party shall be cancelled by reciprocating official letters. 2. The Shanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region is defined as 18 counties, designated by the central government; their affiliation will probably be subordinate to the Executive Yuan. 3. The army is organized into three armies, six divisions, three supplementary regiments, three security regiments, and three detachments; a total of about 230,000 people. If so, the meeting resolves as follows; 1. The local political system and its functions and powers must be formally formulated and promulgated by the central government in order to achieve unity.It is hoped that the central government will resolve this matter as soon as possible. 2. People's movements in various places should abide by the Anti-Japanese War and nation-building program, and obey government decrees; all political prevention measures should be withdrawn, so as to achieve the effect of unity. 3. With regard to currency, it is hoped that the central government will provide a considerable amount of supply according to local needs; at the same time, the local currency will be canceled to avoid disordering the currency system. 4. The economic war of resistance should be strictly implemented by the government ordering all parties, and the enemy's goods should never be imported into circulation. 5. For resolutions on the right, the convener shall present the speaker in person; the meeting will be adjourned, and the special committee will end. The third series of my main experience Chapter 52 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (23) 12. Summary of the full text The above is divided into eleven sections, which describe my personal experience since the War of Resistance.The eleventh section, the proposal in April of last year, if it goes on, it will be the first section, a passage in February and March of this year.The beginning and the end are interlocking, and all the plots before and after, and even the order of dates, can be found clearly in the full text.Now I am going to say a few words specifically to make a summary. What am I trying to do?If you read the full text, you will naturally understand it, so there is no need to repeat it.What I want to say now is that all the things I worked hard during the War of Resistance are actually what I have been working hard before the War of Resistance.Furthermore, even after the war of resistance is over in the future, there are still things I will work hard on. Let me first talk about what I have been working hard before the Anti-Japanese War.I am working hard on rural construction, as everyone knows.The content of rural construction is nothing more than to arouse the masses, organize the masses, and train the masses; in a word, it is to mobilize the masses.The mobilization of the people in the War of Resistance was to coordinate the people with the army, and the rear with the front; in short, it was for the sake of the War of Resistance.The mobilization of the people before the Anti-Japanese War was to inspire the power of the people, to do fundamental construction work, and to advance towards a new economy, new culture and new politics; in a word, it was for the construction of the country.However, before the Anti-Japanese War, although they focused on the fundamental work of nation-building, they had already prepared for the Anti-Japanese War; this is what was mentioned above.During the Anti-Japanese War, although the main focus was the foreign war of resistance, at the same time it was inseparable from the fundamental work of nation-building.So there is no big difference before and after. In Nanjing, I drafted the "Outline of Rural Work Plan in Extraordinary Times", but failed to implement it; in Sichuan, I drew up various plans and suggestions for improving military service, but failed to implement it. ——This is mostly conceived for the rear.When I was stationed in Xuzhou, I wrote a book "Guidelines for Anti-Enemy Work" for colleagues in Shandong's rural areas, but it didn't have much effect; it was conceived for the front or the enemy's rear.In the first paragraph, the nature of the work before the Anti-Japanese War and the work during the Anti-Japanese War are the same, regardless of the connection, and the instructions are very clear. The excerpts are here for reference. Rural work, in normal times, aims to build a new society and complete the Chinese revolution.But today, its goal should be shifted to resisting the enemy; during the war of resistance, the construction of a new society should be carried out.This is the overall goal.Under this overall goal, there are four major steps to conquering us with the enemy, and there are also four goals for confrontation.Hereby give pointers to the following: 1. The enemy's first plan is to occupy us militarily.Therefore, the first goal of the work of resisting the enemy should be to fight against the enemy so that its military objectives cannot be achieved.In the areas where the national army is fighting, the people are mobilized to form guerrilla forces to cooperate with the regular army and to take on the tasks of espionage and guidance in order to defend the homeland.In areas already occupied by the enemy, although regular troops are not allowed to cooperate with them, they should still use the opportunity to sabotage the enemy, contain the enemy, and hinder the enemy's various work.If it is large, it can partially recover the lost land, but if it is small, it will prevent the enemy from occupying it. 2. The enemy's second plan is political rule over me.Therefore, the second goal of the anti-enemy work should be to fight against the enemy and its puppet regime (such as the maintenance committee, or the pseudo county magistrate, etc.), so that its political goals cannot be achieved.In the areas where the enemy's puppet regime is affected, such as along the railway line or in the towns along the highway, there should be secret organizations to passively resist and even attack the puppet regime in various ways.In areas where the enemy has not established a puppet regime, or where it has established a puppet regime, it is necessary to consider the situation and either form some form of local self-defense self-government force, or establish a temporary regime representing the people.We always seek to stabilize the social order, so that agriculture can produce as usual and farmers can live as usual. If they are passive, they can not accept the rule of the enemy, and if they are active, they can serve as bases for guerrillas. 3. The third step of the enemy's plan for me is economic extraction.Therefore, the third goal of the work against the enemy should be to fight against the enemy so that its economic goals cannot be achieved.This is to make the rural society tend to be united and organized, and rely on the strength of the organization to solve various problems in economic life (such as lack of kerosene, discuss the establishment of oil workshops, lack of coins, discuss stockpiling grain, and use grain as the standard to issue coins ), to achieve self-sufficiency in the villages, so that the enemy cannot carry out his various plans (cannot buy agricultural products, cannot use counterfeit banknotes, cannot sell enemy goods, cannot deploy economic aggression agencies). 4. The fourth step of the enemy's plan for me is to destroy our national culture.Therefore, the fourth goal of the work of resisting the enemy should be to fight against the enemy so that the final goal of destroying ourselves cannot be achieved.This is to stimulate national consciousness, understand where the national spirit lies, and remember it without losing it.All actions that destroy our culture (such as promoting Japanese customs, revising textbooks, etc.) are strictly rejected and resisted. However, in the midst of fighting against the enemy, we must still not forget the original goal of building a new society, and make the above-mentioned tasks more meaningful in building a new society at the same time.For example: In political work, inspire the political awareness of the people, develop their organizational skills, and guide their political life towards democratization; in economic work, promote farmers' cooperation, cultivate farmers' independent ability to adapt to the environment, and shift the economic focus to the countryside , economic life tends to be socialized; in military work and cultural work, the establishment of a strong national defense foundation, tangible and intangible, and so on. The War of Resistance cannot be fought without the people's resistance; the country cannot be built without the people: in short, the people must be mobilized.However, the Chinese people are in the countryside, and people's work is rural work.Rural work has always been my profession.