Chapter 46 Under the leadership of Zhou Enlai in April 5th, the united front work against the national bourgeoisie was carried out

In the winter of 1940, I was transferred from Xinhua Daily to work in the Propaganda Department of the Southern Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.In less than a year, Comrade Qian Zhiguang, the head of the economic group of the Southern Bureau, was too busy with the work of the Eighth Route Army's office in Chongqing, so the organization decided that I should also serve as the head of this group.The task of the economic group was to study the economic issues during the War of Resistance Against Japan, collect financial materials in the Kuomintang-controlled areas through secret party members and sympathizers, and unite progressive economists to theoretically analyze wartime economic issues.However, they dare not care about the work of national capitalists, because there is a problem of class position here.

In the autumn of 1942, Comrade Enlai asked me to talk.He said to me: "The scope of activities of the economic group is now limited to secret party members, sympathizers, and progressive economists. The role of these people cannot be underestimated. But to make the work go further, you must Come forward to deal with national capitalists and do united front work for national capitalists." After hearing this, I remained silent.Comrade Enlai said, "Do you have any objections to the united front work of national capitalists?" I replied, "I still can't figure it out ideologically. Capitalists exploit wage laborers." Exploiters. Although there are differences between the national bourgeoisie and the comprador bourgeoisie, as an exploiting class, they are the same. If I make friends with the national bourgeoisie and establish a united front relationship, what about my class position? The Communist Party wants to defeat the capitalists. Establish a socialist society without exploitation, and then enter a communist society. If we engage in a united front with the national capitalists, wouldn’t that run counter to our historical mission?” Comrade Enlai laughed out loud after hearing what I said.He asked, "Do you support the United Front?" I said, "Of course I do."He said, "Does the party's united front keep the national bourgeoisie out? Even the Kuomintang, Chiang Kai-shek, we have to engage in a united front with them, let alone the national bourgeoisie? The national bourgeoisie has two sides, one that exploits workers and one that is patriotic." From the perspective of Marxist class theory and from the specific situation in China today, the patriotic side of this class is the theoretical basis for us to engage in a united front with it, not to mention that united front work is not only about unity , in addition to unity, there is also struggle. There is unity and there is struggle, which is in line with the duality of the national bourgeoisie. Some of our comrades are afraid of losing their position and only focus on struggle while ignoring unity. This is not correct This is the 'Left' thinking at work. You are an old party member, and you have also suffered from the 'Left' thinking. The reason why I ask you to do united front work against the national bourgeoisie is because you have studied economics, If you have some understanding of production and trade, market prices, and fiscal and taxation, you can easily talk with national capitalists.”After thinking about it for a while, I accepted the task assigned to me by Comrade Enlai.

Comrade Enlai then said to me, "Okay, since you have accepted this task, you must do it well. It has been more than ten years since the Japanese militarism invaded China since the September 18th Incident. It started four or five years ago. To defeat Japan and oppose the Kuomintang’s compromise and surrender, you have to unite all forces that can be united. If you want to do the united front work of the national capitalists, it is to persevere in the war of resistance and win the war of resistance. This is the working class and the interests of the broad masses of working people; this is the position of the Communist Party and the working class. Will it damage your political position if you are asked to engage in a united front against the national bourgeoisie?"

In order to do a good job in the united front work against the national bourgeoisie, I had to find assistants outside the economic group, because the comrades in the economic group were all faceless party members, and it was difficult for the secret party members and progressives newly contacted by the economic group to openly communicate with the nationalities. dealing with capitalists.After much deliberation, I turned to Luo Shuzhang and Hu Ziying, two elder sisters who had contacts with upper-middle-class capitalists, as consultants, and asked them for advice. These two older sisters introduced me to various gangs in the business world, especially the Shanghai Gang capitalists in Chongqing.The first step is to pay a door-to-door visit, and the business card is to use the position of editor of "Xinhua Daily".It was not easy to make friends with national capitalists at that time, not because of the rugged mountain roads in Chongqing, but because of the terror of the fascist rule of the Kuomintang.Many capitalists were afraid that after receiving me, the Kuomintang agents would "settle accounts" with them.And C. c.They have long used their lackeys, such as Pan Xulun, to attack us.Some deluded capitalists not only shut me down, but also loudly "see off" after a quarrel.They believe that the Kuomintang is orthodox and is the representative of the country; while the Communist Party, the Eighth Route Army, and the New Fourth Army disobey government and military orders and undermine the unity of the national government.The reason why the Kuomintang army was defeated was not because of the disunity of the country's military orders and government orders, nor because of the independence of the Chinese Communist Party.What they say is blatantly the KMT C. C．that set.Of course I couldn't help explaining the situation to them, and they wouldn't let me finish.How can this not be noisy?However, there are still some national capitalists who can be negotiated.This can be represented by Zhang Naiqi, Hu Ziang, Hu Juewen, Liu Hongsheng, Wu Yunchu, Gu Gengyu, and Pan Changyou.

Since the autumn of 1942, I have been in the mountain city of Chongqing, and started the united front work against the national bourgeoisie.On January 11, 1945, Wang Ruofei, Pan Yangnian and I openly entertained people from the industry in the "Teyuan" in Chongqing.Soon, Comrade Zhou Enlai entertained Chongqing industry people on a larger scale.On September 17th of that year, Comrade Mao Zedong held a tea party in the "Guiyuan" to entertain people from the industry. He met with Liu Hongsheng, Pan Changxian, Fan Xudong, Wu Gengmei, Wu Yunchu, Zhang Naiqi, Yan Yaoqiu and others, and clarified the Chinese Communist Party's policy on national industry and commerce. Comrade Qian Zhiguang and I were present as companions.On October 19th of that year, at the invitation of the Southwest Industrial Association, Comrade Zhou Enlai attended the "Star Friday Dinner Party" of industrialists and gave a speech on "The Current Economic Trend".Under such circumstances, our united front work for industry and commerce has been carried out smoothly.

In May 1946, the Kuomintang government moved back to Nanjing, and our party also set up the Nanjing Bureau and the CCP delegation in Nanjing Meiyuan New Village; and set up a Shanghai office at No. 107, Ma Sinan Road, Shanghai, called the Shanghai Working Committee of the CCP Nanjing Bureau. It is called "Zhou Mansion".The scope of activities of the Shanghai Working Committee of the CCP delegation is quite large.There are not only representatives of cultural circles and journalists from various countries, but also a large number of industrial and commercial entrepreneurs as the targets of our united front.

Under the long-term activities of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee (underground party), some patriotic industrialists and businessmen have long become friends of the party.This provides me with extremely favorable conditions at work.It was at this time that I made friends with Sheng Pihua, Bao Dasan, Luo Yanfang, Zhang Yibo and others.I often go to their offices to talk about current affairs and tell them the party's policies in ordinary language;However, some business people who had become friends in Chongqing avoided us because of the increasingly tense situation. Under the impetus of the Shanghai Working Committee and the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee (underground party), people's organizations from all walks of life in Shanghai sent representatives Ma Xulun, Wu Yaozong, Luo Yanfang, Sheng Pihua, Zhang Jibo, Bao Dasan, Yan Baohang, Lei Jieqiong, Chen Zhenzhong (St. University), Chen Lifu (Soochow University), and secretaries Hu Ziying, Luo Shuzhang, etc., went to Nanjing to petition, demanding peace, opposing civil war, demanding democracy, and opposing dictatorship.Before the delegation left Shanghai, more than 50,000 people held a farewell meeting at the North Railway Station.After the delegation left the North Station by car, all the farewell personnel held demonstrations and chanted slogans such as "oppose the US government's interference in China's internal affairs", "withdraw the US navy and air force stationed in China immediately", "oppose the civil war and demand peace" along the way.This is a great success of the party's patriotic democratic united front.When the delegation arrived at Xiaguan Station in Nanjing, they were beaten by Kuomintang agents, and four representatives were seriously injured.This is the "Xiaguan tragedy" that shocked China and the world.After hearing the news, Comrade Zhou Enlai, Mr. Dong and Sister Deng went to the hospital to express condolences and lodged a serious protest against the Kuomintang.

When the news came, the patriotic people of Shanghai were filled with righteous indignation.The Shanghai Industrial Commission sent me to report the situation to the Nanjing Bureau by train the next morning.After listening to my report, Comrade Enlai instructed me to return to Shanghai that night, and told me to convey to the working committee that we must be more vigilant to prevent the reactionaries from destroying Shanghai.Comrade Enlai also specially instructed the Shanghai underground party that those exposed during the movement should retreat immediately; he emphasized the long-term and complicated nature of the underground struggle in Shanghai, and that attention should be paid to concealing the organization, accumulating strength, and avoiding acute illness.

The people's delegation from all walks of life in Shanghai returned to Shanghai on the 29th.According to the organization's decision, I extended condolences to Sheng Pihua, Luo Tingfang, Zhang Jibo, Bao Dasan, Hu Ziying, and Luo Shuzhang, and spoke highly of their patriotic behavior.During the process of the delegation's petition to Nanjing, although some individuals got off the bus halfway, the representatives and secretary of the delegation were brave and resolute.This made me realize more clearly that among the two sides of the national bourgeoisie, its patriotic side obviously exists.

Comrade Enlai will come to Shanghai from Nanjing to instruct the work in about 10 days.He instructed me, "You are an open Communist Party member, and KMT secret agents will not ignore your activities. For United Front friends in business and industry, pay attention to their safety and do not bring your tail into their offices and homes. But , This does not mean that you should sever contact with them." According to the instructions of Comrade Enlai, I carefully communicated with friends in the business circles. The Kuomintang captured Zhangjiakou and Dandong on October 11, 1946, and brazenly ordered the convening of a pseudo-National Assembly.The crisis of civil war is getting worse.Comrade Enlai sent a group of cadres to work in Hong Kong, and I was one of them.He went to my dormitory to talk, instructing me on my mission in Hong Kong, and repeatedly urged me to continue the united front work against the industrial and commercial circles. Hong Kong has no fewer industrial and commercial circles that can be used as the target of the united front than Shanghai, and the environment in Hong Kong is also better than that in Shanghai. Difficulties.But the general trend is developing brightly, and the difficulties can be overcome.Following Comrade Enlai's instructions, Zhuo Fen and I set off for Hong Kong at the end of October.

The business community in Hong Kong comes from all over the country.In addition to British-funded enterprises such as HSBC and Swire, there are also businessmen from Guangzhou, Chaozhou, Shanghai, Fujian, and Hakka.I have nothing to do with them in the past. After arriving in Hong Kong, I gradually got in touch with the business circles in Hong Kong through the introductions of comrades who stayed in the "East Vertical" to run businesses in Hong Kong, friends from the democratic parties who came from Shanghai, and a few familiar journalists, such as Fei Yimin. Contact occurs.In terms of working methods, from individual visits to small dinner parties; later developed to the establishment of "business clubs".I would like to thank Comrade Huang Changshui for the establishment of the "Business Club". (After graduating from Jinan University, he went to Nanyang for activities; after Japan surrendered, he went to Hong Kong to do business.) After the introduction of Comrade Wang Yuting, Lao Huang and I became friends.When I proposed to him to form a business club to unite progressive and intermediate business friends, he readily agreed.He entrusted a lawyer to register with the Hong Kong British Government and rented two large rooms on the second floor of a certain Connaught Road West.The registration procedures went smoothly, and the "Business and Commerce Club" became a legal organization in Hong Kong and Kowloon.Chen Zupei and Chen Junleng also collaborated with him in establishing this club.I also sent several secret party members—Zhou Kangren, He Ping, Wen Kanglan, and Wang Yuting—to support his work.The club was formed in the fall of 1948.There is at least one potluck every week.Every time someone makes a systematic speech.Ma Yinchu, Zhang Naiqi, Huang Changshui, Sheng Pihua and I all spoke successively.There are more and more people participating, and sometimes there are not enough chairs to sit, and some people have to stand to listen and speak.What this club propagates is patriotism, the corruption and collapse of the Kuomintang government, and the new democratic industrial and commercial policies and the inevitable victory of New China.Usually the club is quite quiet, but when it comes to symposiums, the members are crowded. Attracted by the bright future of the country, everyone is talking excitedly and enthusiastically.Looking back now, this business club, when promoting the belief that the new China will inevitably be born, has had an impact on some business circles in Hong Kong. Zhang Naiqi's Shangchuan company was the natural place where Shanghai business circles came to Hong Kong to find the party.Naiqi's cooperation with us at that time was quite good, and he was quite active in this matter.When Wu Yunchu and Yu Huancheng talked about looking for the party in his office one after another, I had just walked into Zhang's office door, and the old man met and talked more harmoniously. Beginning in the winter of 1947, in order to avoid persecution by Kuomintang secret agents, the Party's Shanghai Bureau planned to send important figures from the democratic parties, cultural circles, and business circles from Shanghai to Hong Kong.The Party Working Committee in Hong Kong made arrangements for the lives of these famous people from Shanghai, and since the winter of 1948, they have been sent to the liberated areas in batches using merchant ships that went to the liberated areas for business.Mr. Li Jishen and others were the first to leave Hong Kong, accompanied by Comrade Zhang Hanfu.The business circles and those who are closely related to the business circles, such as Sheng Pihua, Bao Dasan, Luo Tingfang, Ma Yinchu, Chen Shutong and Shi Fuliang, went north after celebrating the 1949 New Year in Hong Kong.Due to the division of labor, I am responsible for contacting them.I often invite them to business club events.Sheng Pihua's speech attracted a lot of attention.I also invited a few of them, Fei Yimin from Ta Kung Pao, and other people who knew the situation in Shanghai, to discuss Shanghai's economic work after liberation through a dinner party in a rather quiet small restaurant in Happy Valley. The victories in the three major battles of Liaoshen, Pingjin and Huaihai further inspired the patriots in Hong Kong.In the joyous atmosphere, the business club became more active.In order to celebrate the liberation of Nanjing, the Hong Kong branch of the party held an open and rather large-scale reception on the eighth floor of the Kolo Setar Building on King's Road in the name of the "Xinhua News Agency" and the "Mass" weekly newspaper.In Hong Kong, which was occupied by the British for more than a hundred years, it was the first time in history that the Chinese Communist Party held such a public reception.Attending the reception were not only democrats who had not yet left Hong Kong, but also people from the cultural and business circles who had long lived in Hong Kong.Almost all the friends from the Hong Kong Business Club came to participate. On the orders of Comrade Zhou Enlai, I quietly left Hong Kong for Peking with two comrades Pan Hannian and Xia Yan on the day after celebrating the liberation of Nanjing.After seven days and nights of sailing by sea, I arrived at my long-awaited destination.After analyzing the battle and political situation, Comrade Enlai instructed us to report to the East China Bureau in Danyang as soon as possible and follow the PLA troops into Shanghai.Regarding the work after entering the city, Comrade Enlai instructed: Hannian assists Comrade Chen Yi in the work of the city; Xia Yan assists Hannian in Shanghai's cultural work; my task is to assist Comrade Zeng Shan in taking over Shanghai's bureaucratic capital and dealing United front work in the business world. I lived in Beiping with Han Nian and Xia Yan for more than a week.I have had quite a lot of contact with business people who arrived in Peiping from Hong Kong.I asked them for advice on taking over Shanghai's bureaucratic capital and restoring the economy.Huang Yanpei, Chen Shutong, Ma Yinchu, Zhang Naiqi, Sheng Pihua, Bao Dasan, Zhang Jibo, Hu Ziying and others all put forward some opinions worthy of our attention.I went to report to Comrade Enlai, and he affirmed my approach, and pointed out: "When encountering major problems, exchanging opinions with the business circles and relevant figures in the business circles is unity; on some issues, there may be disputes, which is struggle And this kind of struggle is for the purpose of unity. When you go to work in Shanghai, you must continue to use this method and principle of unity, struggle, and struggle for unity with the business community and its representatives.” Comrade Enlai also instructed After I arrived in Shanghai, in addition to helping Zeng Shan take over the bureaucratic capital and stabilize the market, I also asked the municipal party committee to consider the establishment of a federation of industry and commerce. Sheng Kangnian, son of Sheng Pihua, went south with us.Kang Nian has made certain contributions in contacting the party and the business circles, and in introducing the situation of Shanghai industry and commerce and the business circles.Although this person has shortcomings, he likes to show off, but his role as a link between the party and the industrial and commercial circles cannot be erased. In 1950, he organized a "July 1 Study Session" among representatives of the upper-level business circles, which was approved by Hannian.Hannian gave a report at this study meeting, and I also spoke at this study meeting.Because of organizing this society, some people accused him of forming a small group to confront the party.I don't have any materials in this regard, and judging from their studies and activities, I can't see such seriousness.He had much more contact with Hannian than I did; once Hannian fell, he got worse.He is a person who has long since passed away!When I reported to Comrade Enlai about Sheng Pi's character and his attitude towards the party, I also talked about Kang Nian.Comrade Enlai nodded frequently to my report; Comrade Enlai knew Kang Nian, and he did not write off Kang Nian's beneficial activities to the party! After entering Shanghai, the Military Control Commission announced that Comrade Zeng Shan was the director of the takeover committee, and Comrade Liu Shaowen and I were the deputy directors.However, Shaowen is also the head of the East China Textile Department, and he is very busy. In this way, I am actually the deputy director of the takeover committee.The bureaucratic capital of the Kuomintang has invested in many enterprises.Since these enterprises have a part of the investment of bureaucratic capital, when the bureaucratic capital is confiscated, they will inevitably have relations with the people of the national bourgeoisie concerned.Under such circumstances, Comrade Zeng Shan asked me to spend more time dealing with capitalists in Shanghai.Some comrades on the takeover committee of the Shanghai Naval Management Committee have neither time nor interest in dealing with capitalists.After being taught by Comrade Enlai in 1942, I realized the importance of this work to a certain extent. Therefore, I fully accepted what Zeng Lao said. In order to improve the relationship between the Party and the national bourgeoisie in Shanghai, and to correct and improve the understanding of the middle and upper businessmen in Shanghai to the Party and the people's government, after repeated consideration by the Municipal Party Committee, I, in the name of the Director of the Municipal Bureau of Industry and Commerce, made a speech on the afternoon of August 23. A symposium for the business community was held upstairs in the Bank of China.After I announced the opening of the meeting, Rao Shushi, Mr. Chen, and Han Nian spoke one after another, explaining their doubts, encouraging them to improve production and management, and contribute to the recovery of Shanghai's economy.The meeting lasted from 2:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m., and several representatives competed to speak.It was at this meeting that I made friends with representatives of Rong Yiren, Liu Jingji and Guo Dihuo.This symposium can be said to be the first large-scale meeting between the head of the East China Bureau of the Party and the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and the middle and upper class entrepreneurs in Shanghai.Kang Nian told me afterwards that the symposium was very successful: first, the leaders of the Communist Party of China, especially Mr. Chen’s speeches, can be said to be heart-to-heart, not only did not put the capitalists on the list of being defeated, but also mobilized their enthusiasm; The second is that this symposium, except for a few reporters, was almost all from the business community, which proves that the Party attaches great importance to the business community.In this way, the capitalists in Shanghai can feel at ease. Then there is the issue of preparing for the organization of the Shanghai Federation of Industry and Commerce.After repeated discussions by the Municipal Party Committee, it was agreed that Sheng Pihua would be the chairman of the Municipal Federation of Industry and Commerce.Three months after liberation (the afternoon of August 26, 1949), the preparatory meeting for the Shanghai Federation of Industry and Commerce was established on the fourth floor of the Bank of China.Mr. Chen attended the meeting as the mayor and I as the head of the Bureau of Industry and Commerce.Mr. Chen also gave a warm and touching speech.The meeting elected Sheng Pihua as chairman; Hu Juewen, Lu Geizhang (public representative) and Rong Yiren as vice chairman. On February 16, 1951, the Shanghai Federation of Industry and Commerce was formally established, which was of great significance to the united front of the national bourgeoisie.This proves that the party and the state not only recognize the organizational legitimacy of the national bourgeoisie, but also protect their legitimate interests in every policy.This gave the overwhelming majority of the national bourgeoisie the confidence to follow the Party. During the recovery process of the national economy, especially after the "Conference of Directors of Industry and Commerce" expanded processing orders, private industry and commerce not only recovered but also developed.With the development of land reform throughout the country and the progress of the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, the domestic market developed rapidly, and the contradiction between private industry and commerce and the state-run economy became more and more acute.In terms of their thinking at the time, that is: private and state-run companies should be on equal footing in terms of status; in terms of profits, they should be equally divided.In the autumn of 1951, when Shanghai's industrial and commercial circles held a city-wide representative meeting, I gave a report criticizing this kind of capitalist liberalization at the meeting.Shanghai "Liberation Daily" published the full text on the first page.In November of that year, because I attended a meeting of the United Front Work Department of the Central Committee, Comrade Enlai's secretary informed me: "The Prime Minister wants to talk to you."It was 4 o'clock in the afternoon when I arrived at Xihua Hall.The Premier met me in his office and asked about the economic situation and ideological situation of Shanghai's industrial and commercial circles.After listening to my report, Comrade Enlai said: "The situation of the capitalists in Shanghai cannot be ignored. I agree with your criticism of them, but I think it is not enough. It is necessary to break away from the leadership of the socialist economy and disrupt the normality of the market. Now, the Shanghai Municipal People’s Congress is in progress, you should take the night train back today, report to Mr. Chen, and express my opinion clearly at the meeting.” I arrived in Shanghai, urgently He hurriedly reported to Mr. Chen and Han Nian (Comrade Liu Xiao was ill). After listening to the report, Mr. Chen firmly said, "The Prime Minister's instruction came just in time. Tomorrow you will fire him at the meeting, unite the front and unite the front, no We should only unite and not fight." In the afternoon of the next day, at the conference, I seriously criticized the various mistakes of the industrial and commercial circles in wanting to get rid of socialism, get rid of state planning, and engage in liberalization in terms of processing and ordering goods.The terms I use in speaking are quite harsh.Its level of sharpness has never been seen since I entered Shanghai.After hearing Yan Er's voice, he said to people, "Xu Dixin is a person who doesn't shoot cannons casually. He suddenly fired such a cannon, which is probably an ominous sign." The meeting was tense for several days. The general made a long speech and said, "Xu Dixin's cannonball is quite powerful. Now I will tell you the truth. His speech was asked by Premier Zhou. Premier Zhou hoped that Shanghai Industrial and Commercial The world obeys the leadership of the socialist economy. Isn't there an old saying in China? 'A gentleman loves others with virtue'. Xu Dixin conveyed Premier Zhou's instructions, you must think carefully, this is good for you." The following spring "Five Antis Movement" After the start, Yan Ersheng and others secretly said, "The cannon shot by Xu Dixin at the Municipal People's Congress in November last year was the flare of the Five Antis." At that time, Shanghai was the economic center of national processing and ordering.Therefore, the "Five Antis Movement" against bribery, cutting corners, tax evasion, theft of state assets, and the theft of state economic intelligence, of course, has Shanghai as its main target.The Central Committee sent Comrade Bo Yibo to Shanghai to lead the battle.The municipal party committee discussed how to fight this battle for several days.Later, Mr. Chen put forward the idea of ​​"dividing troops in two ways", which means to gather a group of representative large and medium-sized capitalists in the market, expose and settle accounts with each other, and face back to back with the exposure of the masses of workers; The capitalists face-to-face with the workers in the enterprise, and the masses of workers expose and criticize.Comrade Yibo agreed with this opinion and asked the central government for instructions, which was also approved.Mr. Chen volunteered to take charge of the previous battle.Therefore, comrades from the Municipal United Front Work Department and the Industrial and Commercial Bureau studied the list, and there were a total of 303 households.There are large, medium and small capitalists, but the big capitalists are the main ones.Mr. Chen appointed Hannian and me to take part in this work.Hannian helped Mr. Chen grasp the situation; and I was responsible for the specific work.Mr. Chen earnestly explained the policy to me.Regarding the issue of the "five poisons" of capitalism, we must not be sloppy. We must earnestly grasp the party's policies, but we must not use any means to do it randomly.Among the more than 300 representative capitalists, if someone commits suicide, it will be a failure of our work.I work on site every day, and Hannian always calls every day to inquire about the situation and give his opinions.When the movement reached its climax, two capitalists (one surnamed Dong and the other surnamed Yang) looked very abnormal, and their whole bodies trembled when they spoke.I was very worried and asked Sheng Kangnian and a cadre to talk to them one after another, explaining the party's policies towards the business community in detail and gently.I called Hannian.He agreed with my opinion and approach, and said that these two people are by no means a cold, but a political disease, and we must take this issue seriously.Facts have proved that these two people were prepared to die because they were afraid that they would not be able to pass the test and would not be able to step down.After enlightenment, they were relieved and handed over the two bottles of sleeping pills in their pockets that were about to commit suicide.I reported the matter to Mr. Chen, and Mr. Chen said that we should beware of the third person who is about to commit suicide. The key is to implement the party's united front policy.The movement entered the late stage, and how to implement the principle of the central government on dealing with the five types of households. Several comrades advocated that the number of "refunds" should be used as the standard. Those with a small amount are "basically law-abiding households" or "completely law-abiding households".Mr. Chen criticized this opinion, thinking that this is not a practical way to seek truth from facts.He said that the capital is large, the number of processing orders is naturally large, and the number of refunds is bound to be large.Refunds cannot be viewed in isolation, it must be combined with the quantity of processing orders, and their attitude in the movement must also be considered; otherwise, the vast majority of these 303 people will become "completely illegal". And "basic lawbreakers".How can this conform to the principle of "uniting the majority and attacking the minority"?The Municipal Party Committee agreed with Mr. Chen's opinion.Several capitalists whose compensation exceeds 10 million yuan have been approved by the central government as basic illegal households.When Hannian announced at the meeting on behalf of the municipal government that Rong Yiren, Guo Dihuo, Liu Jingji, and Jing Shuping were basically law-abiding households, they cheered in amazement! In the later period of the "Five Antis" movement, Li Weihan, Huang Yanpei, Chen Shutong and others came to Shanghai to learn about the situation of the Five Antis.At a meeting of the Municipal Party Committee, Comrade Wei Han proposed to Mr. Chen that he would transfer me to work in Beijing.Mr. Chen said, "Is there any reason to disobey the central government's decision?" In those few days, Chen Shutong secretly told me that not long ago, Premier Zhou informed him that the National Federation of Industry and Commerce was to be established and he was asked to be the chairman.He was surprised by the Prime Minister's notice.He said to the Prime Minister: "I am a Hanlin of the Qing Dynasty. In today's words, I am a senior intellectual. How can I become the leader of the national business community?" The Prime Minister said: "You are not a capitalist, I understand, but , you are closely related to the capitalists, especially the entrepreneurs and bankers of the Jiangsu and Zhejiang gangs, so you can do a good job. And you are a patriotic old man. It is for these reasons that the party trusts you and asks you to come out and pick this The burden." The uncle thought for a while, and had to agree; but he put forward a condition to Premier Zhou, that Xu Dixin be transferred from Shanghai to Beijing to be his assistant.At that time, many leaders were watching a play in Huairen Hall, and Comrade Mao Zedong was also present.After discussing with Chairman Mao on the spot, the Prime Minister agreed to Chen Shulao's request.When Uncle Lao told me the ins and outs of this incident in Shanghai, and Comrade Li Weihan proposed to transfer my job at the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee meeting, I knew that I would become a Beijinger. The preparatory meeting for the National Federation of Industry and Commerce was held shortly after the end of the "five evils" movement.Chen Shutong was elected as the chairman, and Sheng Pihua and Rong Yiren were promoted as vice-chairmen.In my capacity as a representative of a state-owned enterprise, I was also promoted as the deputy chairman.After the conference, I stayed in Beijing for a few more days because I revised the first volume of "General Political Economy".One day I went to the Zhigong Party to talk to Comrade Yan Xichun, and suddenly a call came from the General Office of the State Council, saying that Premier Zhou had something to ask me for.So I got into the sent car and hurried to Xihua Hall.I asked the Prime Minister what tasks he had. He smiled and said, "You have worked hard these past few months. Today is Sunday. I am free. I want to hear what you have been doing these past few months."He also said, "In order to comfort you, I invite you to visit the Summer Palace this afternoon, okay?" This is a special treatment, of course I am grateful!When we got out of the car and entered the Summer Palace, he told me that those who visit the garden must get on the boat through the back door and row the boat from the back lake to the front lake.Sister Deng also boarded the boat together.The boat was not big, and apart from the Prime Minister, Sister Deng and I, there was also the adjutant who had protected the Prime Minister in Chongqing. They were all acquaintances for more than 10 years, so they didn't feel restrained.While eating watermelon, we talked about a wide range of topics, and I couldn't remember them all.However, there is a passage that I cannot forget.The Prime Minister asked me: "How do you feel about your work in the past few years?" I said, "In the past few years of work, I have been busy all day long, and there are many mistakes and shortcomings. I know it well, but there is one thing. I can't figure it out."The Prime Minister asked, "What's the matter?" I said, "I have stayed in the White Areas for a long time and worked in Hong Kong. I have no perceptual knowledge about Yan'an and the liberated areas. After liberation, I got the opportunity to let go of work, but the long-term Bai If I don’t do united front work in the white areas, it will definitely not be like this!” The prime minister said with a smile: “You and the leaders of the Xinhua Daily should go to the liberated areas to study sometime. , Go to work. However, if there is no one doing underground work in the white area, if no one is doing united front work, is it okay? Now, many well-known democrats serving in the central government and people's governments at all levels, are they not the result of united front work? The united front work and underground work in the white areas had to be done by someone. Overall, without armed struggle, the revolution would not be able to talk about victory, but without underground work, without united front work, the victory of the revolution would be inconceivable. Armed struggle is the main link, but it requires the cooperation of underground work and united front work. It should be said that your long-term united front work in the white areas is necessary and meaningful. As for the united front of business and industry, after we enter the city, the significance is even greater. As long as you look at the problem dialectically and comprehensively, you will understand the significance of the united front work, especially the united front work in industry and commerce.” The Prime Minister’s words more than 30 years ago are still alive today. In the autumn of 1952, I was transferred to the Central United Front Work Department and the Central Administration for Industry and Commerce. Because my work has something to do with the national bourgeoisie, I was sometimes asked to attend meetings of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. In the summer of 1953, Comrade Mao Zedong proposed the general line of industrialization of the country by the party and the state during the transition period, and socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce.Everyone was in favor at the time, but how long?Opinions are not unanimous.Comrade Enlai is in favor of the general line, but he believes that the transformation of capitalism cannot be carried out too quickly. If it is carried out too quickly, it will be bad for the country and the national economy.According to the Prime Minister's opinion, 15 years may not be enough to realize this historic task, and it will take a little longer.It is a pity that due to the "Left" thinking that was eager for success was playing a leading role at the time, it was less than 4 years from the announcement of the general line for the transitional period in 1953 to the climax of public-private partnerships in the entire industry! Premier Zhou considered the transformation of capitalism in combination with the united front against the national bourgeoisie.Not only the problem of solidarity with capitalists is taken into consideration, but also the problem of how to use the experience of capitalists in the production and management of enterprises to serve the country.On the issue of fixed interest, Premier Zhou clearly pointed out that this is the redemption policy.The redemption policy of the national bourgeoisie is not only an economic issue, but also a political issue, and not only economic but also political accounts must be settled.The fixed interest rate was originally scheduled for 7 years, starting in 1956 and ending in 1963.After discussing with Comrade Chen Yun, the Prime Minister believed that it was necessary to reconsider the term of fixed interest.He had called me to report the situation.He repeatedly asked about the life and political and ideological conditions of the bourgeois people.After repeated reflections, he believed that after 1963, it was necessary to extend the fixed interest rate for three years. He proposed at the State Council meeting and made a suggestion to the central government, which was approved by the central government.In 1962, Premier Zhou once again considered the actual situation of the business community and believed that the conditions for ending the fixed interest rate in 1966 were not yet ripe, and it was necessary to extend it, so he proposed to the central government to extend it for another 3 years.Comrade Mao Zedong approved the extension for another two years, but when the "Cultural Revolution" came, the extension of the fixed interest rate was overwhelmed. After the announcement of the general line for the transitional period, all localities gave the task of processing and ordering to the key state-owned factories; small private factories were not given production tasks.国务院第八办公室成立之后，许多地方的党委纷纷来电，要求小厂也应得到生产任务，也应使工人得到工资。资本家在这种情况下，坐着不管，看着各地党委如何解决工人的要求。我把情况向总理和陈云同志汇报。总理听了汇报之后，明确地指出，“中国工人阶级只有一个，没有两个。国营工厂的工人是中国工人阶级的一部分；私营工厂的工人也是中国工人阶级的一部分。谁也不能说私营工厂的工人不是中国工人阶级的成员吧”。在说明这个道理之后，总理指出：“我们的加工定货必须统筹兼顾，既要一视同仁，又要有所不同。”总理还让陈云同志给干部做一次报告，说明加工定货必须贯彻统筹的原则。这就是对民族资产阶级统一战线的一个具体化。 “文化大革命”爆发之后几个月，周总理在国务院小礼堂召开各部部长的会议，同时，又通知我同黄玠然两人去出席。在他的报告尚未开始的时候就高声地问：“许涤新和黄玠然来了没有？”我站起来说，“来了。”他说，“文化大革命”已经搞了好几个月，是否再搞下去，中央要考虑。但是，无论如何，党和国家对民族资产阶级的统一战线政策还是要进行下去，同民族资产阶级的人们交朋友，还是要继续下去的。1956年他们把企业交出来了，但是，他们还在祖国大地上生活着，他们还是我们的统战对象。党的统战政策要求我们团结一切可以团结的人们，调动一切可以调动的积极因素。今天要你们来参加会议，就是要提醒你们决不可因为运动，而放弃对民族资产阶级的又团结又斗争的统战政策和任务。这是我最后一次听到总理关于对民族资产阶级统一战线工作的指示。他的话说得不长，但是，意义深远，印象深刻。10年之后，当他为党为国苦斗数十年而告辞人世的时候，我到北京医院太平间去同他的遗体告别。面对着这位一生为革命而出生入死的伟大领袖，我无法控制我的悲痛，只好把眼泪吞在肚子里。我在心里暗暗地说：“总理，你放心吧，你的无私的高贵品质，将永远为中国和世界人民所敬仰和学习；你为着中国人民的整体利益和长远利益的苦心焦思，是一定不会落空的。” 十年浩劫，民族资产阶级的朋友们，也在苦难中度日子，但是，他们的大多数人还是跟着党走的。苦难说明他们经得起考验。 党的十一届三中全会之后，党不但宣布知识分子是劳动人民的一个构成部分；而且，宣布作为阶级，民族资产阶级也已不存在。 恩来同志关心民族资产阶级朋友们的进步。 1953年秋，全国工商业联合会正式成立之后，我陪盛丕华老先生去见周总理。在谈到民族资产阶级的前途时，恩来同志说了四句话：“水到渠成，瓜熟蒂落。阶级消灭，个人偷快！”很明白，周总理所说的“阶级消灭”，指的就是民族资产阶级的消灭。 通过做好对民族资产阶级的统战工作，以达到消灭这个阶级，这就是周恩来同志数十年来一贯的指导思想。