Chapter 3 Chapter 2 True and False

The Kuomintang and the Communist Party set up a decisive battle on both sides of the Yangtze River.The Communist Party is not afraid of decisive battles. In the decisive battles of Liaoshen, Huaihai, and Pingping, the Communist Party has won consecutive battles, and its morale is high.Mao Zedong and the Communists headed by him are about to take advantage of the victory to pursue, and Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang are about to lose their final rule over China. In the face of strong pressure, Chiang Kai-shek temporarily gave up the dispute with Li Zongren and others from the Guangxi faction, and supported He Yingqin as the head of the Executive Yuan of the Li government.

Chiang Kai-shek "seeked peace" and "retired", but he was ready to go to the fore at any time to fight against Mao Zedong.Li Zongren actively "seeked peace", but his intention was to realize the rule of the river and establish the "Northern and Southern Dynasties" through peace talks. Starting from the fundamental interests of the people of the whole country, Mao Zedong also agreed to conduct peace talks on the basis of the eight conditions he put forward in his statement on the current situation on January 14 in order to alleviate the suffering of the people.

Although Jiang and Li's "seeking peace" undermined each other, they were consistent in preparing for war and maintaining the rule of the Kuomintang.This determines that this "peace negotiation" cannot be successful. Can Mao Zedong and other CCP leaders be confused by the smoke screen of Chiang Kai-shek and Li Zongren's peace talks?Mao Zedong has dealt with Chiang Kai-shek for more than 20 years, and he knows his plot very well.As for Li Zongren's mind, Mao Zedong had already seen it clearly.If it is a real peace talk, the Communist Party welcomes it, but if they use the peace talk as a cover to try to rule the river or delay the liberation army from crossing the river, then their calculations are wrong.

In the winter of 1948, when the Huaihai Campaign was in full swing, some of the KMT's military and political officials saw that the situation was over, and they had the idea of ​​restarting the peace talks with the CCP. Bai Chongxi, the leader of the Guangxi faction of the commander-in-chief, initiated the peace talks in Hankou, and called Sun Ke, the new executive president, Zhang Qun, Zhang Zhizhong, and Cheng Siyuan, and forwarded it to Chiang Kai-shek, saying: "Recently, the hearts of the people have been scattered and morale has been depressed, which has caused military defeat and the loss of the main corps. If there is no chance to take a breather and rectify, no matter how much you sacrifice, you will not be able to save each collapse.” Demanding the resumption of peace talks with the CCP.

At the same time, three suggestions for peace talks were proposed: (1) the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union were invited to mediate and mediate; (2) public opinion organizations appealed to both sides for peace; It is within our control to make arrangements for internal and external peace talks quickly to buy time." On December 30, Bai sent another call, reiterating: "Should quickly convey the sincerity of the peace plan to the allies, and the people of the country, so that external forces can support peace, and the people support peace."At the same time, Zhang Zhen, chairman of the Henan Province of the Kuomintang, and Cheng Qian, director of the Changsha Appeasement Office and chairman of Hunan Province, successively held peace talks in private, and even sent telegrams publicly, claiming to ask Chiang Kai-shek to step down to save the situation.

As for Chiang Kai-shek, although he hated the atmosphere of peace talks within the Kuomintang, he remained silent for a time and did not make a public gesture. At the same time, he secretly stepped up his retreat and appointed Chen Cheng as the chairman of Taiwan Province; The military aid materials and equipment were directly shipped to Taiwan; the eldest son Jingguo and others were sent to his hometown of Xikou, Fenghua, Zhejiang Province to operate, preparing to retreat behind the scenes and continue to manipulate the political situation. What is the CCP's attitude towards the atmosphere of informal peace talks within the upper echelons of the Nanjing government? On December 25, 1948, the CCP announced a list of 43 war criminals, Chiang Kai-shek topped the list, Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi and others were also at the top.

On December 30, Mao Zedong issued a New Year's message titled "Carrying the Revolution Through to the End", pointing out that "to overthrow the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang throughout the country, and to establish a people's democratic dictatorship led by the proletariat with the alliance of workers and peasants as the main body throughout the country." Republic", this is the main task of the Chinese people, the Communist Party of China, all democratic parties and people's organizations in China in 1949.The article also criticized the "middle forces" that the Kuomintang and its supporters, the United States, spread the atmosphere of peace talks at this time and wanted to stop the Chinese revolution halfway, asserting that they would "never show mercy to wicked people like snakes."

Under the situation of domestic and foreign difficulties, on January 1, 1949, Chiang Kai-shek was forced to issue a New Year's proclamation, announcing a summation.But between the lines in the entire statement, as the head of the Chinese government, he still "tolerated" the "rebellion" of the Chinese Communists with extremely unreasonable conditions and an extremely arrogant attitude.He proposed to retain the current constitution of the Nationalist government, the rule of law, and the armed forces. He also threatened that this was a "test of the sincerity of the Communists." In a flash", he wanted to impose the responsibility for the civil war on the Chinese Communist Party.Chiang Kai-shek's real intention was to continue the rule of the Nationalist government on the mainland, to cater to the growing calls for peace, and to take back the banner of peace talks from the hands of Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi of the Guangxi family, and in exchange for international sponsorship, especially the United States. He, in fact, uses defense as offense, deceiving the world and stealing fame.

Statement of Chairman Mao Zedong of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Current Situation On January 4, Mao Zedong published the article "Comment on War Criminals Seeking Peace", refuting one by one the five conditions for peace talks proposed by Chiang Kai-shek's New Year's Announcement. On January 14, Mao Zedong issued the "Statement on the Current Situation". On the one hand, he pointed out that Chiang Kai-shek's five conditions for the peace talks were "hypocrisy" and were "conditions for continuation of war, not peace." At the same time, he pointed out: "Although China The People's Liberation Army has sufficient strength and sufficient reasons, and it is indeed sure that it will wipe out all the remaining military forces of the reactionary Kuomintang government within a short period of time; but in order to end the war quickly, realize real peace and reduce the suffering of the people, The Chinese Communist Party is willing to conduct peaceful negotiations with the Nanjing Kuomintang reactionary government and any other Kuomintang local governments and military groups on the basis of the following conditions." The statement announced eight conditions for peace talks.

The statement was issued when Chiang Kai-shek's resignation was a foregone conclusion, and Li Zongren, the representative of the peace faction, was about to take the stage, indicating a major change in the CCP's attitude towards peace talks.This statement is also the basic position of the CCP in the entire peace talks in the future. At the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held from March 5 to 13, 1949, Mao Zedong reiterated his policy of peace talks between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and no bargaining was allowed.The exchange condition was that they would not fight the Guangxi faction and other peaceful factions, and would not reorganize their army for about a year. Some members of the Nanjing government allowed him to join the Political Consultative Conference and the coalition government, etc., adding flexibility to the policy and completely It reflects the CCP's policy of peace talks.

On January 21, 1949, Chiang Kai-shek stepped down, and Vice President Li Zongren assumed the presidency. The Kuomintang government represented by Li Zongren came into being in response to the peace talks. When it came to power, it was eager to make a positive gesture for peace.On the second day after Chiang Kai-shek stepped down, Li declared in his inauguration statement that "the government is willing to start negotiations on the eight conditions proposed by the CCP." On January 31, Li went to Shanghai to gather with some officials of the Executive Yuan who had escaped from Shanghai in Nanjing, and met several times with leading figures from all walks of life in Shanghai. People's Peace Delegation", with Shao Lizi as a personal representative, flew to Beiping on February 13 for peace talks.At the same time, it announced the cancellation of the nationwide martial law, unsealed all newspapers and magazines that were closed due to violation of the "Anti-Insurgency" decree during the "Anti-Insurgency" period, and stopped spy activities and other seven peace measures.This was indeed of positive significance at the time. So far, the Kuomintang-Communist peace talks had a consensus basis, and at least formally the door to peace talks was opened again. On January 24, 1949, Li Zongren held a brief ceremony at the Memorial Sun Yat-sen Meeting and took office as Acting President. After Li Zongren took office as acting president, he faced an unmanageable mess.As he himself recalled: “After taking office as acting president, I immediately faced three major tasks that needed to be dealt with urgently: First, I want to make peace with the CCP and end the civil war; Second, I want to seek internal unity, strengthen democratic reform, calm people's hearts and prevent the Communist army from crossing the river, and seek a glorious peace; Third, strive for U.S. aid to curb inflation, which is a greater threat than the communist army. " At this time, the Kuomintang authorities, whether it was Chiang Kai-shek, who lived behind the scenes in Xikou, or Li Zongren in Nanjing and Bai Chongxi in Hankou, who were in front of the stage, were not sure about the peace talks between the KMT and the Communist Party, and each had their own plans. What they wanted to achieve through the peace talks The purpose is only to realize the "Northern and Southern Dynasties" split pattern of "ruling the river", and finally use the rich people and financial resources in the south of the Yangtze River to make a comeback, and then compete with the Communists in the Central Plains. On the eve of the National Government's peace talks delegation going to Peiping, Zhang Zhizhong, the chief representative known as "Peace General", went to Xikou to meet with Chiang Kai-shek and asked for instructions on the peace talks strategy.Zhang proposed that through the peace talks, the integrity of several provinces south of the Yangtze River can be ensured, and they will be led by the Kuomintang, just like the Northeast and North China are led by the CCP.When necessary, make concessions to Hubei, Jiangxi, Anhui, and Jiangsu provinces and jointly manage the three cities of Hankou, Nanjing, and Shanghai, and Jiang immediately agreed. ("Memoirs of Zhang Zhizhong", Volume 2, p. 787) At this time, Li Zongren took peace as his own duty, but he also knew that in terms of the current domestic situation and the balance of power between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, war is impossible, and peace is not easy, and he ranks among the top war criminals listed by the CCP. Needless to say.Therefore, I always want to bargain and keep the southeast half of the country, and adopt the delay method of taking one step at a time.Li Zongren's hesitation between war and peace is actually an attitude of preparing for war and seeking peace, which intensifies the arrogance of the main combat faction. This has formed a strange phenomenon of the Kuomintang's refusal to fight to the end rather than surrendering unconditionally while going north to seek peace. . The Chinese Communists were neither confused by the Kuomintang's smoke screen of peace talks, nor were they intimidated by the Kuomintang's militaristic and stubborn arrogance.Regardless of whether the peace talks were successful or not, the People's Liberation Army would cross the south of the Yangtze River, and ignored the Kuomintang's condition that the two sides "stop all combat operations, defend their original defenses, stop advancing, and not develop into gaps" (the Ministry of Defense of the Nationalist Government Minimum requirements for the Kuomintang-Communist Armistice Agreement). By the end of January 1949, the People's Liberation Army had swept across the entire area north of the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. In April, the East, West, and Central armies of the People's Liberation Army and the three armies gathered in the north of the Yangtze River, and the arrow of the battle of crossing the river was imminent. Although the CCP clearly sees the differences in the attitudes of the Kuomintang authorities towards the peace talks between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, there are sufficient political reasons, and the military is fully confident of achieving the victory of the Battle of Crossing the River in one fell swoop. The peace negotiations created a good atmosphere and environment, and also made more kind-hearted peace-loving people see clearly who was going to persist in fighting the civil war. Therefore, after making full preparations, they did not immediately attack the Jiangfang of the Kuomintang army, but instead It is to give the Kuomintang authorities enough time to consider gains and losses.For this reason, the People's Liberation Army gave up the best time to launch the battle of crossing the river, overcame serious difficulties such as insufficient food and grass and poor traffic caused by the gathering of large troops, and waited patiently. Li Zongren was in a situation of being ostracized and isolated by Chiang Kai-shek, so he invited Zhang Zhizhong. Zhang Zhizhong was the central figure of the Kuomintang's peace faction. After Chiang Kai-shek went to the field, Bai Chongxi recommended him to Li Zongren as the executive president, but Zhang Li refused to accept it.Zhang knew very well that Chiang Kai-shek was manipulating behind the scenes, the government and court were separated, Li Zongren's position was very weak, and there were many dangers in the future of the peace talks, so he didn't think about returning to Beijing for the time being, and even the representatives of the peace talks resigned. On February 14, Li Zongren invited He Yingqin to Beijing, and even called Zhang Zhizhong to return to Beijing to strengthen his political status, but Zhang finally refused.Later, Li asked Cheng Siyuan to write a long letter to Zhang, which contained words such as "Li came to power and governed, but only wanted to achieve peace, and the success of the peace talks depends on Zhang. If Zhang does not come out, what is the common people?" After sending this letter and telegram to Zhang, Zhang returned to Nanjing from Lanzhou on February 20. Zhang Zhizhong went to Nanjing to hear and see. As he had expected, Chiang Kai-shek had resigned. In fact, he was still directing everything in Xikou and communicating with all parties, especially senior generals from all over the country came to Xikou in an endless stream.However, the instructions issued by Li Zongren are like blank paper. The seven administrative measures he announced, especially the release of political prisoners, and the release of Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng, who the people of the country are most concerned about, cannot be realized at all.People around Li Zongren also complained indignantly. Zhang Zhizhong saw that this situation was not right. The current situation was difficult, the party and the country were in crisis, and Chiang Kai-shek was still in power behind his back, and the country was in peril.So Zhang Zhizhong came up with the idea of ​​persuading Chiang Kai-shek to go abroad so that Li Zongren could let go and promote peace, which was also beneficial to Chiang.Zhang discussed his ideas with Li Zongren, Zhang Qun, Wu Tiecheng, Wu Zhongxin and several others, and they all agreed and made a preparation.Zhang then and Wu Zhongxin went to Xikou to meet Chiang Kai-shek. At noon on March 2, a plane landed at Ningbo Lishe Airport.Walking out of the plane was Zhang Zhizhong, the peace negotiating representative sent by the Nanjing side, and the other was Wu Zhongxin, Secretary-General of the Presidential Office. Almost at the same time, a car from Ningbo also arrived at Lishe Airport. Qu Wu, son-in-law of KMT veteran Yu Youren, was sitting in the car.Together with Zhang Zhizhong and Wu Zhongxin, he will go to Xikou to meet Chiang Kai-shek. Chiang Kai-shek sent Chiang Ching-kuo to the airport to meet Zhang Zhizhong and others. Qu Wu and Chiang Ching-kuo were good friends, they had studied together in the Soviet Union.Now they sit in a car and talk very affectionately.Jiang Jingguo asked: "Aren't you in Xinjiang? Why are you here?" "Brother Jing Guo, Mr. Wen Bai called me here, saying that Acting President Li wanted me to run for the peace talks. The whole country is very concerned about this matter!" Jiang Jingguo asked with a side face: "You came from Xinjiang for this matter?" "Yes!" Jiang Jingguo said seriously: "Do you think that peace talks with the Communist Party can be negotiated?" "this……" "Let me tell you, peace talks are absolutely impossible! Degong and the others do not understand the true intentions of the United States at all!" Qu Wu said: "Didn't Mr. Jiang mention peace talks in his statement?" Chiang Ching-kuo sneered secretly and said: "If we want to negotiate peace with the Communist Party, the United States will still support my father. The social systems of the United States and the Soviet Union are different, and they are incompatible. We have all studied their theories in Soviet Russia. , what else do you not understand?" What he said made Qu Wu's heart feel cold, he knew in his heart that coming to Xikou this time was a waste of time. Zhang Zhizhong went to Xikou this time, talked with Chiang Kai-shek for 5 days, and lingered for another 3 days before returning to Nanjing. Zhang Zhizhong went to Xikou for the second time on March 29, and Qu Wu was with him.Because the peace talks representatives will fly to Peiping on April 1, before going north, they must report to Chiang Kai-shek the major event of the peace talks agreed by the Nanjing government. "Is it necessary?" Qu Wu asked Zhang Zhizhong. "For such a big matter, the old man must nod. Although he retreated to Xikou, the power is still in his hands. If you don't get his consent, even if you sign the agreement, it will be useless." When Zhang Zhizhong and Qu Wu came to Xikou this time, the atmosphere was quite different from the last time, giving people a sense of mystery.Many people arrived at the mouth of the stream, some showed up, some didn't, as if they were doing something important. Chiang Kai-shek met Zhang Zhizhong and Qu Wu in Ci'an, and his attitude was very cold.Zhang showed the "belly case" to Chiang Kai-shek. Chiang Kai-shek read it carefully from beginning to end, put down the manuscript, and said with a smile: "Well, I have no objection. Wen Bai, you are taking on the most difficult task this time, so be careful!" Why did Zhang Zhizhong receive a cold reception when he arrived in Xikou?Chiang Ching-kuo wrote in his diary on March 29: "Because Zhang Zhizhong was about to go to Ping'an, he sent a telegram to his father yesterday to come to Xikou to report the peace talks plan made by the government face to face. My father said, 'it doesn't matter whether he comes or not'. He actually came to Xikou today. His father treated him very coldly, and only invited him to visit the scenery near Xikou. I also have a deep understanding of Zhang. He is a speculative figure with no position, and everything has become a stereotype , so I don't want to talk to him more. We had expected Zhang Zhizhong's preparation to surrender.In Nanjing, he entrusted someone to convey Chen's suggestion to his father: he hoped that his father would 'go abroad' as soon as possible.His reasons are: 1. It can avoid attacking the target.2. Responsibility for failure in peace and war.3. Make general generals less dependent.Fourth, you can increase your knowledge.Zhang Zhi's suggestion seems to be borrowing chopsticks for the Communist Party to raise money on behalf of the Communist Party. Not only Mao Zedong was happy, but Li Zongren and his followers were also happy. " Jiang's father and son did not appreciate the good intentions of Zhang Zhizhong and other visionaries in the Kuomintang. On the 30th, Zhang Zhizhong and others were accompanied by Jiang Jingguo and left Xikou to Lishe Airport.Jiang Jingguo was still in the car with Qu Wu. When they parted, he said to Qu Wu: "Mr. Wen Bai is too naive! If you still talk about peace now, there will be no good results in the future. I think he will die without a place to bury him!" When he returned to Nanjing, Qu Wu told Zhang Zhizhong what Jiang Jingguo had said. Zhang was stunned for a moment, and the boss said angrily, "Why didn't you tell me earlier? I want to question him face to face. His father said that everything should be careful, but he said that there is nothing wrong with death." The place of burial, what does that sound like?" After Chiang Kai-shek "resigned from the field", He Yingqin served as the president of the Executive Yuan of the Li government. On March 12, as soon as He Yingqin's cabinet was established, Li Zongren asked him to quickly organize a formal peace negotiation delegation.He Yingqin held several meetings for this purpose, and after discussing with Chiang Kai-shek in Xikou by telephone, he finally decided on the list of the Nanjing government's peace talks delegation at the end of March.Head: Zhang Zhizhong, members: Shao Lizi, Huang Shaohong, Zhang Shizhao, Liu Fei, Li Zheng; Secretary General: Lu Yuwen; Advisors: Qu Wu, Li Junlong, Jin Shan. After the establishment of the official delegation, He Yingqin organized them and some cabinet members to hold four meetings in a row, and finally formed a plan for peace talks, which served as the basis for negotiations in Peking. The content of the "belly case" is as follows: 1. Since the two sides affirm that it is the demand of the people of the whole country to settle the country through peaceful negotiations, the two sides should discuss how to preserve the vitality of the country, how to relieve the suffering of the people, how to formulate national policies, and how to establish a political system. , in order to seek long-term stability, so the issue of war responsibility should not be mentioned again. 2. Agree to rewrite the new constitution. The drafting of this new constitution should involve a considerable proportion of people from our side. 3. Regarding the issue of legal system, it is related to the preceding item and can be discussed together. 4. The armies of both sides shall be reorganized in phases and years, respectively according to the areas where they are stationed, and a sound military system shall be established to achieve the goal of nationalizing the army. 5. The section "Confiscation of Bureaucratic Capital" is agreed in principle, but it must be negotiated and implemented separately. 6. In the section "Reforming the Land System", it is agreed in principle, but the implementation regulations must be negotiated separately. 7. With regard to the "abolition of treaties of treason", the government will review the past treaties signed with foreign countries in accordance with the spirit of national independence and the principle of equality and reciprocity. If there is any damage to the country's territorial sovereignty, it should be revised or abolished. 8. It is agreed to convene a political consultative meeting, and a coalition government will be formed from the meeting. However, in the meeting and the coalition government, our party and the Communist party should participate in the same number, which belongs to the quota of the third party, and also in each of the regions of the two parties. half of it. 9. After the delegation arrived in Pingping, it proposed to the CCP that the two sides should cease fighting on the spot before the official negotiations started, and discuss the truce proposals proposed by the Ministry of National Defense (attached). The above nine items are only pre-determined proposals for negotiation and are not proposed in writing.In addition, its content is only the principled limit of our possible concessions. During the negotiation, we should still strive for each item, and when it is unavoidable, the party will gradually make concessions. The minimum requirements of the Ministry of National Defense for the armistice agreement between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party: 1. The first-line troops of Qingdao and the Yangtze River Basin connecting the western Hubei, Shaanxi, and Suiyuan areas should immediately stop all combat operations, keep their original defenses, stop advancing, and must not develop into gaps. 2. The communist army immediately lifted the siege and blockade of Xinxiang, Anyang, Taiyuan, Datong, and Yulin, and allowed the national army to purchase food and daily necessities. 3. The national navy and air force shall immediately stop their sea and air attack operations, but the reconnaissance of the air force and the delivery of supplies by air, and the delivery of supplies by the navy's river and sea patrols to various seaports are not restricted.In addition, in order to defend against attacks on the Yangtze River and at sea, the national army may take self-defense actions if it finds that the communist army has assembled materials and troop convoys for crossing the river. 4. Both sides immediately cease all hostile propaganda. 5. There is no restriction on all actions taken by both parties to guard against spies and maintain order in the rear. 6. In order to avoid misunderstandings and conflicts, unless otherwise agreed, the restoration of the first line of communication between the two sides shall be temporarily closed during the armistice period until a separate agreement is made. 7. A separate agreement shall be made on the exchange of prisoners between the two parties. Li Zongren, He Yingqin and others have drawn up the "peace negotiation case" after repeated research, which essentially rejected the eight conditions put forward by the CCP.They attempted to prevent the People's Liberation Army from crossing the river and realize their dream of "dividing the regime across the Yangtze River". The two key points of the "belly case": (1) truce on the spot; (2) rule across the river, which is the common point of Chiang Kai-shek, Li Zongren, and He Yingqin, and Chiang Kai-shek agreed. The purpose of Chiang Kai-shek's pushing Li Zongren out of the front desk was to use him to conduct peace talks with the Communist Party in order to gain breathing time, and prepared to take advantage of the natural danger of the Yangtze River to reorganize his armaments, strengthen his defense, and wait for a counterattack; while Li Zongren was singing "peace, peace talks" At the same time, military deployment and preparations are actively being carried out secretly. On the evening of March 31, Li Zongren hosted a banquet at the Presidential Palace to send off the peace talks delegation headed by Zhang Zhizhong. As soon as the banquet was over, he held a military meeting overnight to study how to strengthen the defense force of the Yangtze River defense line.Song Xilian, who participated in this important military meeting at the time, disclosed: ... After the banquet, Li Zongren held an important military meeting in his office that lasted only two hours.Participants included He Yingqin, Bai Chongxi, Gu Zhutong, Zhang Zhizhong, Lin Wei, Xiao Yisu (Lin and Xiao were both Deputy Chiefs of Staff of the Ministry of National Defense at the time), Tang Enbo, Wang Shuming (Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force), and Liu Shiyi (Director of Military Affairs at the Presidential Office) , Guan Linzheng, Song Xilian, etc., a total of 12 people.The meeting discussed the following three important issues: First, strengthen the defense deployment of the Yangtze River.After Xiao Yisu’s report on the deployment of troops along the Yangtze River, the meeting ordered the Beijing-Shanghai-Hangzhou Garrison General Command and the Central China Military and Political Chief’s Office to order all troops to strictly guard against the Communist Army’s southward crossing, and to make reports on issues such as naval patrols along the Yangtze River, air force division reconnaissance, and transportation supplies. necessary decisions. Second, transfer troops stationed in Xinjiang to the east.The Ministry of National Defense pointed out that it believed that the front line was too long and the troops were not enough to allocate. The garrison in Xinjiang was nearly 100,000. Under the current situation, it seemed unnecessary. It suggested that most of the troops stationed in Xinjiang should be transferred eastward.Li Zongren and He Yingqin both agreed and asked Zhang Zhizhong for his opinion (Zhang was the military and political chief of Northwest China at that time).Zhang tactfully replied: "I have no objection to the transfer of the new troops to the east, but the distance is far away, and it is not easy to walk or drive. It is best for the Ministry of National Defense to call Tao Zhiyue, the commander-in-chief of the Xinjiang garrison, to come to Beijing to study After discussing, we will make a decision." Li Zongren accepted Zhang's opinion and asked the Ministry of National Defense to follow suit. Third, the allocation of 10 artisans. In 1948, Chiang Kai-shek planned to reorganize 1.5 million to 2 million troops in the area south of the Yangtze River, and set up many recruit training headquarters in various places.When the prelude to the three major battles had just been unveiled, Chiang Kai-shek was as anxious as an ant on a hot pot, desperately struggling on many fronts.In October of this year, he secretly sent Zheng Jiemin (undersecretary of defense and director of the Bureau of Secrets) to Washington to contact the US aid.Zheng Jiemin has been active in the United States for more than a month, and with the help of Wei Demei and others, he obtained the American equipment of 10 divisions (this is what Zheng Jiemin told me in person after returning from the United States in December).These equipments were successively shipped to Shanghai and Taiwan in February and March. At this meeting, Bai Chongxi requested that he be allocated equipment for 4 divisions, saying that he had several recruit training centers in Guangxi and 2 recruit training centers in Wuhan. .Gu Zhutong said that there are currently many recruit training offices across the country, and everyone wants to receive weapons. This matter must be distributed by the Ministry of National Defense according to the actual situation.Bai Chongxi took advantage of this to complain, saying: "In the past, many good weapons were not issued to troops that could fight, and were sent to troops that could not fight. In the end, they were all given to the Communist Party. Now that the situation is at this point, do you still want to control it? ?" Gu Zhutong was not to be outdone, and immediately refuted.One insisted on the equipment of the four divisions, and the other refused. They talked back to each other, their voices became louder and their spirits became more and more vigorous, their faces became red and their necks were thick, and they threatened to insult each other or even use force. ... Finally, Li Zongren said a few words of encouragement, and the meeting ended.From this two-hour meeting, we can see Li Zongren's mask of peace and the ugliness of dog-eat-dog among the reactionaries. At 2:00 p.m. on April 1, the peace talks delegation of the Nanjing government headed by Zhang Zhizhong arrived in Peiping by special plane "Air Palace".Members include Shao Lizi, Zhang Shizhao, Huang Shaohong, Liu Fei, and Li Zheng, and more than 20 consultants include Qu Wu, Liu Zhongrong, Li Junlong, Jin Shan and other staff.Secretary-General Lu Yuwen arrived one day earlier. On this day, Li Zongren, He Yingqin and the legislators all went to the airport to see him off.These farewellers hope in their hearts that the peace talks will be successful and a situation of "drawing the river to rule" can be obtained, so that their interests can be kept from being damaged. The "Tianwang" special plane passed through the sea of ​​clouds. Zhang Zhizhong sat on the chair with his eyes closed, thinking of Li Zongren's words in his heart: "A dead horse is a living horse doctor." When the plane flew over Beiping, Huang Shaohong suggested: "I don't know how many times I have been to the upper reaches of Beiping City on the ground, but I have never seen it comprehensively from the air. I suggest that the plane circle one or two times over the city for everyone to take a closer look." After circling over Beiping, the plane landed at Xiyuan Airport.When they got off the plane, there were very few people who greeted them. After introductions, they found out that only Qi Yanming, secretary-general of the Chinese Communist Party delegation, Xu Bing, deputy mayor of Beiping City, and Liu Yalou, chief of staff of the Fourth Field Army, obviously had relatively low standards. Zhang Zhizhong and the representatives were very puzzled: "Why didn't Zhou Enlai come?" Zhou was the chief representative of the CCP and had a very good relationship with Zhang Zhizhong. On the plane, the representatives thought that Zhou Enlai would definitely come to the airport to greet him. The Nanjing government delegation was taken to Liuguo Hotel (later changed to International Hotel) to stay there. In the evening, representatives of the CCP delegation Zhou Enlai, Lin Boqu, Ye Jianying, Lin Biao, Li Weihan and Nie Rongzhen hosted a banquet for all members of the Nanjing government delegation. After the meal, Zhou Enlai had a private conversation with Zhang Zhizhong. Zhou Enlai's attitude was very serious from the beginning, and he questioned Zhang Zhizhong: "Why did you go to Xikou to meet Chiang Kai-shek before leaving Nanjing?" Under Zhou Enlai's gaze, Zhang Zhizhong was startled by the sudden question and was about to explain it. Zhou Enlai didn't wait for Zhang Zhizhong to think about it, and then said: "You did this completely to strengthen Chiang Kai-shek's position, which played a role in confusing the public and disrupting the peace talks. Still manipulating the controls behind the scenes." Zhang Zhizhong didn't expect Zhou Enlai's reaction to his going to Xikou to be so strong, and explained repeatedly hastily: "I can't not go to Xikou, because I want to go, neither Jiang asked me to go, nor Li asked me to go. The reason why I thought about going was that although Jiang had stepped down, the power was still in his hands. Although we accepted Mr. Mao's eight-point agreement as the basis for the peace talks, I had to figure out how far Jiang agreed. It is easy to discuss. Second, although Jiang is not the president, he is still the president of the Kuomintang. Except for Zhang Shizhao, the six of our representatives are all members of the Kuomintang, and they are also obliged to visit him. I have gone. Three things: Recently, some people in Beijing and Shanghai have expressed their opinions and put forward many proposals, creating obstacles to the peace talks. I went to Xikou and released the news immediately after returning to Beijing, which will act as a deterrent to these people.” Zhou Enlai was not satisfied with Zhang Zhizhong's explanation. He said: "No matter what you say, it can only show that Jiang is still manipulating the command and that you don't want real peace. We cannot accept this kind of fake peace directed by Jiang." "Mr. Zhou is too picky, I'm going to see Jiang, this is our KMT's own business." "But this is something that affects the peace talks between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. This cannot but make us suspect that what you want is fake peace." Zhou retorted. "I was entrusted by Mr. Li Zongren to negotiate in Beiping. Of course, it is for the realization of real peace for the country and the nation, not the fake peace you say." Zhang Zhizhong said. "The bloody tragedy that happened in Nanjing today is proof. The students asked the Nanjing authorities to accept the eight peace conditions we proposed. What crime is there?...Mr. Wen Bai, when he led the delegation to Beiping and was about to start negotiations, this incident happened The tragedy must make us doubt the sincerity of the Nanjing authorities' peace talks." Zhou's words made Zhang Zhizhong unable to answer, and he said that he would contact by phone to find out what happened. The emotions of the two parties eased down, and when the negotiation entered the topic, the Nanjing representative could not come up with a formal plan.The CCP had already expected this, so the CCP proposed to use the form of individual dialogues, listen to the opinions of the other party, and propose a mature plan within 5 days. After extensive and specific exchanges of views, the representatives of the two sides basically found out the bottom line of the other party, and the draft "peace agreement" drafted by the CCP was basically ready, and they believed that according to the military situation ahead, the pace of negotiations should be accelerated. Zhang Zhizhong agreed to such an arrangement. Afterwards, representatives from both sides continued their individual talks and exchanged views from the 2nd to the 7th.On this basis, starting from April 8, Mao Zedong met with representatives of the Kuomintang peace talks.Zhang Zhizhong on the first day, Shao Lizi and Zhang Shizhao on the second day, Huang Shaohong and Liu Fei on the third day, Li Zheng and Lu Yuwen on the fourth day. On April 8, Mao Zedong met with Zhang Zhizhong at Shuangqing Villa. As soon as Mao Zedong saw Zhang Zhizhong, he shook hands with him with a smile on his face and said, "Thank you. When I arrived in Chongqing in 1945, I was grateful for your warm reception." In 1945, Mao Zedong went to Chongqing to negotiate with the Kuomintang. Zhang Zhizhong came and went to pick him up, held a welcome and farewell party, and temporarily moved the whole family to another place, giving Mao Zedong his own "laurel garden" and service personnel. On this day, Mao Zedong discussed many issues with Zhang Zhizhong. Zhang Zhizhong asked: "If a coalition government is formed, should the national government hand over power to the new government?" Mao Zedong said: "I don't know when the coalition government will be established, maybe two or three months, three or four months. During this period, the Nanjing government should exercise its powers as usual. Don't disperse, don't let everyone run away, Nanjing It's gone." Zhang Zhizhong said: "We did not follow Mr. Sun Yat-sen's teachings to carry out construction. We are ashamed of the country and the people. In the future, you will be in power, and you will have a great responsibility for what you do." Mao Zedong said: "In the future, all of us will do it together, and it will be done in cooperation. The most important thing at present is to end the war and restore peace together, so as to facilitate the great production and construction throughout the country, so that the country and the people can make steady progress. Enter the realm of prosperity and happiness." On April 10, Mao Zedong met with Huang Shaohong and Liu Fei. When the car in which Huang and Liu arrived at the gate of Shuangqing Villa, Mao Zedong was already waiting in the yard outside the gate.As soon as the car arrived, Mao Zedong came to the car himself, came up to shake hands with the two.Seeing Mao Zedong's sincerity, enthusiasm and courtesy, Huang and Liu couldn't help thinking of what Zhang Zhizhong said to them at dinner last night: "With Mao Zedong, you will understand that the failure of the Kuomintang is due, and the success of the Communist Party is not accidental." Mao Zedong asked them very kindly: "Beiping is very windy and sandy, and the climate is dry. Are you two from the south? Are you used to it? I heard that Mr. Ji Kuan (Huang Shaohong) had a heart attack. You should take a good rest. Don't be tired." caught." Huang and Liu thanked Mao Zedong for his concern for them. Mao Zedong asked again: "Where is Mr. Ji Kuan from Guangxi?" Huang Shaohong replied: "Rong County, Guangxi." Mao Zedong said: "Tolerance means tolerance. We talked with Mr. Wen Bai the day before yesterday, and we planned to adopt a lenient policy. We can not mention the names of war criminals in the peace clause. Although Mr. Li Delin is not from Rong County, there is no need to care about individuals. gains and losses." Mao Zedong then turned to Liu Fei: "Mr. Wei Zhang, are you from Hunan?" Liu Fei said, "I'm from Liling, and I'm from the same county as the chairman, and I'm a fellow villager." Mao Zedong said happily: "Ah, my fellow. My eyes are full of tears when I see my fellow." When Huang and Liu saw Mao Zedong's friendly and easy-going attitude, they immediately relieved their tension.Liu Fei said: "Chiang Kai-shek can't fight anymore, let Li Zongren come out for peace talks. The people need to recuperate, and peace is the general trend." Mao Zedong said: "Our Communist Party is unwilling to fight a civil war. It is Chiang Kai-shek who started the civil war. As long as Li Zongren talks about peace in good faith, we welcome it." Huang Shaohong said: "Li Delin is now engaged in peace talks, and there are many obstacles. There is Chiang Kai-shek behind him, and Degong can't decide anything. The Kuomintang's affairs are all broken by Chiang Kai-shek, an ignorant man." Mao Zedong waved his hands again and again, and said: "No, no, Chiang Kai-shek is not knowledgeable, but this 'trick' is a 'trick' of power!" Mao Zedong went on to say: "However, Li Zongren does have difficulties. He has no relatives to rely on now." 黄绍竑和刘斐听毛泽东这样说，都来了兴趣，问道：“哪六亲无靠？” 毛泽东扳着手指对他俩说：“第一，蒋介石靠不住；第二，美帝国主义靠不住；第三，蒋介石那些被打得残破不全的军队靠不住；第四，桂系军队虽然还没有残破，但那点力量也靠不住；第五，现在南京一些人士支持他是为了和谈，他不搞和谈，这些人士也靠不住；第六，他不诚心和谈，共产党也靠不住，也要跟他奉陪到底哩！” 毛泽东说到这里，起身在房中踱了几步，走到黄、刘二人面前说：“我看六亲中最靠得住的还是共产党，只要你们真心和谈，我们共产党是说话算数的，是守信用的。” 毛泽东与二人无拘无束地交谈着，一直谈到午饭开始。 在饭桌上，刘斐就自己疑虑的一个问题巧妙地问毛泽东：“主席，您会打麻将吗？” 毛泽东不明白刘的话中意思，如实地说：“晓得些，晓得些。” 刘斐接着又问：“您爱打清一色呢，还是爱打平和？” 毛泽东立即笑了，连忙说：“平和，平和，只要和了就行了。” 4月3日上午，周恩来在六国饭店接见黄启汉。 周恩来对黄启汉说：“我们希望你回一趟南京，把我们的几点具体意见转告德邻和健生两位先生。” 黄启汉立即答应。接着周恩来说：“请转告他们：第一，在和谈期间，人民解放军暂不渡过长江；但和谈后，谈成，解放军要渡江，谈不成，解放军也要渡江；第二，白崇禧在武汉指挥的国民党军队，应先撤退到花园（在汉口北）以南一线；第三，希望白在安徽让出安庆；第四，希望李宗仁在任何情况下，都不要离开南京，能够争取更多的国民党军政人员留在南京更好。考虑到李的安全，他可以调桂系部队1个师进驻南京保护，万一受到蒋军攻击，只要守住一天，解放军就可以来支援了。” 周恩来的一席话，使黄启汉很感动。他于当天下午就乘飞机飞回南京。下午6时住进了傅厚岗69号李宗仁官邸。 李宗仁见到他后，问道：“北平的和谈情况怎么样？” 黄启汉把南京和谈代表团的活动情况，以及周恩来的一席话一股脑儿地说出来。李宗仁听得很认真，偶尔还露出一丝微笑。他觉得奋斗了几个月的和谈，终于见到了一线曙光。 随后，李宗仁对黄启汉说：“你去武汉看看健生，把和谈的情况告诉他，听听他的意见。 4月5日，黄启汉在汉口见到白崇禧。 听完黄启汉对和谈情况的一番介绍后，白崇禧把黄领到挂在壁上的地图前，说：“你看看，安庆是渡江的一个要道口，让出安庆就是为共产党军队渡江开了方便之门。” 黄说：“长江这样长，共产党军队要渡江的话，哪里不可以渡？要你让出安庆，依我个人的看法，这无非是看看你采取什么态度罢了。” 白崇禧想了想说：“这样吧，在安庆驻防的是我们广西部队一七四师，我要参谋处打电报调刘汝明来接防，以避免广西军队和共产党军队直接冲突。” 接着，白崇禧又说：“最好共产党军队不要渡江，以长江为界，他们在江北，我们在江南，划区而治，事情就好办多了。” 黄启汉说：“这是办不到的，周副主席说过，和谈期间，共产党军队不渡江，和谈后，谈成也要渡江，谈不成也要渡江。划区而治，南北分裂，破坏统一，为帝国主义和蒋介石卷土重来创造机会。这一点谁都看得清楚，共产党决不答应。” 桂系的中坚分子李品仙说：“共产党的话听不得。” 黄启汉说：“事到如今，不听共产党的话，那就只有再听老蒋的话啦，还有什么别的路子吗？”说完这句话，黄进一步向白崇禧进言：“最好把我们的部队全集中到武汉来，只要我们按兵不动，就可以避免和共产党军队冲突，必要时，全部撤退回到广西去，静观时局发展，再作打算。” 白崇禧沉思一会儿说：“现在还未到此地步，再过一些时候，长江水涨，共产党军队要想渡过长江，也不那么容易了。” 黄启汉在汉口的几天，看到白崇禧的态度相当顽固，他每天还在那里忙于听取军事情况汇报，亲自部署武汉防御工事。 就在黄启汉去武汉的当天，又一个“神秘使者”从北平飞到南京。他就是毛泽东向他保证能够安全返回北平的刘仲容。 在南京政府和谈代表团到达北平几天以后，4月5日午后，刘仲容接受了毛泽东的委托，同朱蕴山、李民欣、刘子衡一行4人，乘搭由南京方面派出的中国航空公司飞机飞离北平，于当天暮色苍茫中降落在南京明故宫机场。 当晚，刘仲容单独到傅厚岗官邸去见李宗仁，向李宗仁转达了毛泽东和周恩来的谈话。 4月9日上午，白崇禧得知刘仲容从北平回来，立即飞到南京，了解和谈的最新情况。黄启汉同机回到南京，他没有去白的公馆，而是先到了傅厚岗。 李宗仁见到黄启汉，就问：“在武汉和白崇禧谈得怎么样？” 黄启汉说：“没有什么结果。健生一定要实现'体面的和平'，实现'划江而治'，不让解放军渡江。” 李宗仁说：“过江看来不能接受。” 黄启汉说：“这次白崇禧、李品仙、夏威都来了，大家应好好商量商量。一定要考虑我们自己（指桂系）的去向，再也不能犹豫不决了。” 李宗仁听黄的一番话也有道理，他们同蒋介石不一样，蒋在台湾还有一块立足之地，大陆上住不下去，他可以到小岛上去。蒋已经把大量的钱财运去了，可他李宗仁有什么退路呢？李宗仁心想：“要是真打起来，长江防线一被突破，他李宗仁往哪里去呢？” 晚上，李宗仁、白崇禧、夏威、李品仙4人在小会客室里密谈至深夜。第二天早晨，黄问李宗仁：“德公，昨夜商量得怎么样？” 李宗仁的情绪很不好，他冷冷地答：“没有怎么样。” 黄又问：“那调一个师的桂军来南京的问题决定了吗？” 提起这件事，也许触动了李宗仁的某根神经，他立刻气急败坏地说：“调来干吗？调来守住南京，还不是瓮中之鳖！”过了一会儿，李又说：“就说要调来，我也不能做主。” 4月10日，李宗仁让程思远替他写一封信给蒋介石，大意说：和谈正在进行，结果未可预卜。回顾宗仁主政以来，形格势禁，难于集中权力，迅赴事机。果和谈万一破裂，战事重启，则宗仁断难肩此重任，深愿引身求去，以谢国人，未尽之意，托阎百川（即阎锡山）、居觉生（即居正）两先生代为面达。阎锡山、居正原定当日下午乘专机飞宁波带给蒋介石，因天气恶劣，飞行1小时后又折回，第二天才去溪口。 4月11日，李宗仁同意刘仲容再去北平。李说：“你去吧，看毛先生那边是不是还可以再商量，我们要为和谈再作努力。” 1949年4月4日，新华社播发了毛泽东所撰写的《南京政府向何处去？》的重要评论。文章指出：“两条路摆在南京国民党政府及其军政人员的面前：一条是向蒋介石战犯集团及其主人美国帝国主义靠拢，这就是继续与人民为敌，而在人民解放战争中和蒋介石战犯集团同归于尽；一条是向人民靠拢，这就是与蒋介石战犯集团和美国帝国主义决裂，而在人民解放战争中立功赎罪，以求得人民的宽恕和谅解。第三条路是没有的。” 评论继续说：“在南京的李宗仁何应钦政府中，存在着三部分人。一部分人坚持地走第一条路。无论他们在口头上怎样说得好听，在行动上他们是继续备战，继续卖国，继续压迫和屠杀要求真和平的人民。他们是蒋介石的死党。一部分人愿意走第二条路，但是他们还不能作出有决定性的行动。第三部分是一些徘徊歧路、动向不明的人们。他们既不想得罪蒋介石和美国政府，又想得到人民民主阵营的谅解和容纳。但这是幻想，是不可能的。” ... 李宗仁听了这篇措辞强烈的广播，犹如五雷轰顶，他的“划江而治”的美梦，像肥皂泡似的破灭了。正在李宗仁发呆时，美国大使司徒雷登进来了，劝慰道：“总统先生不必太悲观吧？据我所知，国防部已经向政府保证，长江天堑至少可守半年；而京沪线作战，也有把握打3个月到6个月。如果贵总统能够真正领导反共战争，我想美援还是继续，而且还要加强哩！”李宗仁闻言道：“实在太感谢了，如果贵国继续大力援助，情况就不同了，说不定我们这匹'死马'真能'复苏'过来。” 美国大使走后，李宗仁和他的智囊团研究再三，觉得不能太软，要表明自己的态度，便于4月7日晚11点给北平去了电报。全文如下： 李宗仁的“卯阳电”可谓用心良苦，措辞美妙，既表示了“和平诚意”，又为战犯进行了解脱。“纵有汤镬之刑，宗仁愿一身欣然受之而不辞。”话中有软有硬，软硬兼施。给人的感觉，李宗仁在“认错谢罪”，其实，口气之间，已经表示拒绝投降，希望取消八项条件中的第一项。难怪，美国大使司徒雷登也夸奖说“这个电稿拟得太妙了”。但是，这样的花招是瞒不过中共眼睛的。 第二天，毛泽东对李宗仁发了复电。电文如下： 李宗仁收到毛泽东的复电后，随即召集国民党“和谈指导委员会”进行研究，并由何应钦出面，于4月9日给张治中发去了“卯佳电”，“卯佳电”根据国民党中常会的决议，要求张治中坚持以下各点：“一、为表示谋和诚意，昭信国人，在和谈开始进行时，双方应即下令停战，部队各守原防。共军在和谈进行期间，如实行渡江，即表示其无谋和诚意，政府应即召回代表，并宣布和谈破裂之责任属于共方；二、为保卫国家独立自主之精神，以践履联合国宪章所赋予之责任，对于向以促进国际合作、维护世界和平为目的之外交政策，应予维持；三、为切实维护人民之自由生活方式，应停止所有施行暴力之政策，对人民之自由权利及其生命财产，应依法予以保障；四、双方军队应在平等条件之下，各就防区自行整编，其整编方案，必须有双方互相尊重同时实行之保证；五、政府之组织形式及其构成分子以确能保证上述第二、三、四各项原则之实施为条件。” 以张治中为首的国民党和谈代表团在收到何应钦的“卯佳电”后，无不摇头、叹息。他们心里清楚，划江而治的希望已经破灭，要求双方停火，实际上只是请求对方停止进攻。最大的困难是关于战犯问题，这一条得不到解决，则和平条款不可能得到蒋介石的同意，即使谈妥也无法签订，他们深知国民党已无力再战，希望中共让步，争取尽可能好的条件。 1949年4月13日，毛泽东铺开信纸开始给周恩来写信。 毛泽东写完信，吩咐机要秘书立即将信送给周恩来。 在同一天，周恩来派人将《国内和平协定草案》送交国民党方面，并通知当晚9时开正式会议。 张治中来北平前，曾去溪口，劝蒋出国，到北平以后，更痛感蒋的留居国内，实为和平的最大障碍，所以又再去信，痛陈利害，摘录如下： “……默察大局前途，审慎判断，深觉吾人自身政治经济腐败至于此极；尤其军队本身之内腐外溃，军心不固，士气不振，纪律不严，可谓已濒于总崩溃之前夕。同时在平十日以来所闻所见，共方蓬勃气象之盛，新兴力量之厚，莫不异口同声，无可否认。假如共方别无顾虑之因素，则殊无与我谈和之必要，而具有充分力量以彻底消灭我方。凡欲重振旗鼓为作最后之挣扎者，皆为缺乏自知不合现实之一种幻想！此非怯懦自卑之言，实由我方党政军内腐外溃之情形，积渐所致，由来已久，大势所趋，大错铸成。尤其既失之民心，今已不可复得。纵以钧座英明，亦万难特此腐朽集团重新提振有所作为也。倘吾人知彼知已，即以吾党北伐时期北洋军阀腐溃失败之经过事实而益可证明。职是之故，唯有钧座痛下决心，放下一切，毅然决然放下一切。能如是，则腐朽集团经受剧变之深刻刺激，唤起淘汰作用，产生新机，将来尚有重新提起之一日。而不然者，将使失败之中遭受更大更惨之失败，而无复再振再起之可言。此实从任何方面冷静观察，皆为必然之情势与现实，摆在吾人面前，显而易见，决非张大其词，危官耸听之意也！ “前与吴礼卿先生到溪口时，曾就两个月来大局演变情形加以研究判断结果，认为无论和战，大局恐难免相当时期之混乱，而钧座虽引退故乡，仍难避免造成混乱之责任，此最大吃亏处，亦即最大失策处，惟有断然暂时出国，摆脱一切牵挂为最有利。……职素以吾人应拥护领袖成功不拥护领袖失败为言为志，倘今此建议仍不蒙钧座采纳，而仍听信拥护领袖失败者之言，留居国内，再起再战，则非至本党彻底消灭、钧座也彻底失败不止。今请再将往者一切失败经过作一检讨，昔日一切建议献策者孰是孰非，无不晓然，目前之情势，岂非铁的事实证明乎？ 这封信是由屈武带回南京托吴忠信转交的，蒋阅此信，大发雷霆，仍我行我素，毫无改弦更张之意。 经过几天的紧张讨论和双方代表团多次交换意见，4月13日早晨，周恩来向南京政府代表团提交《国内和平协定草案》一份。晚上9时，正式会议在中南海勤政殿举行。 大厅中间横放着一排长桌，两边分坐双方代表。代表后边各放3张小桌子，坐着双方列席人员和记录人员。 中共首席代表周恩来宣布开会，然后，对《国内和平协定草案》作了说明。 他说：这个草案是根据毛泽东主席所提的八项条件为基础而草拟的。他回顾了战争发展的历史过程，指出：事实是很清楚的，战争的全部责任应该由南京国民政府担负。因为这是一个历史性的协定，是保证今后国内和平的一个文件，所以必须在条款的前言里明确这个责任。 以周恩来、林伯渠为首的中国共产党代表团，于4月1日在北平与国民党政府代表团进行和平谈判。双方代表经过半个月谈判，拟定了《国内和平协定》最后修正案。国民党拒绝在和平协定上签字，美蒋求和的阴谋彻底破产。 这是我党首席代表周恩来在和谈会上发言 接着，周恩来又对《协定草案》各个款项的具体内容逐项作了说明。关于惩办战争罪犯问题，他说：这次战争中主要战犯必须惩办。如果他能“认清是非，翻然悔悟，出于真心实意，确有事实表现，因而有利于中国人民解放事业的推进，有利于用和平方法解决国内问题者”，可以取消战犯罪名，给以宽大待遇。 周恩来讲完之后，由张治中发言。他表示愿就中共所提出的草案加以研究，提出修正案。 双方同意再作会外协商，然后定期举行第二次会议。 4月14日，南京代表团经过一天的研究，提出了40余处修改意见，提出一个修正案。张治中以后在回忆录中说：“这个修正案和原草案最大的不同之点是：词句力求和缓，避免刺眼的词句，同时对军队改编、联合政府两项也有若干的修正。”当晚，张治中把这个修正案交给周恩来。 第二天，4月15日晚上7时，周恩来把最后定稿的《国内和平协定》送给张治中，并定当晚9时在勤政殿举行第二次会议。周恩来说：“如果我们没有最后定稿，就使南京代表团无以说服南京当局；没有这个最后的定稿，就不能使它考虑同意与不同意的问题。我们认为，一个问题一定要有一个结果。我们提的最后方案，南京代表团乃至南京当局都有它的自由，就是同意或者不同意。” 在这一天的会议上，张治中问道：“所谓最后的文件，是不是解释为最后的通牒？是不是只许我们