Chapter 7 each have their own thoughts

The Kuomintang did not approve of the uprising. Take Niu Yongjian and Wu Zhihui, who were regarded as leftists of the Kuomintang at that time, as an example: they were sent to Shanghai by the Guangdong government after the Northern Expedition began.Niu Yongjian was a member of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang and Secretary-General of the Central Political Conference, and Wu Zhihui was also a member of the Central Committee. They moved to Shanghai under the name of Jiangsu Special Affairs Commissioner.The purpose of their first visit to Shanghai was to organize riots and cooperate with the Northern Expedition to seize Shanghai.

But they had no influence in Shanghai, and they wanted to rely on workers and students to take the lead. In addition, they wanted to instigate a warship of Sun Chuanfang's navy to participate in the riot, and there were 3,600 hooligans in the Qinghong Gang. Without any experience in uprising and little preparation, the result was failure. Again and again, when the representatives of the Communist Party were negotiating with Niu Yongjian, he no longer uttered wild words like he did before. There is no target. Let’s say that workers should be armed, but don’t sacrifice in vain.” Yang Xingfo also chimed in: "The workers' weapons are very weak. If they sacrifice themselves, when the Northern Expeditionary Army arrives in the future, their vitality will be exhausted and they will have nothing to do."

"It's fine for you not to participate, but you were promised funds to support the riot." The Communist Party representative made a request to Niu Yongjian. "Oh, the Shanghai Party Headquarters is a poor stall relying on others for food. We can only give 5,000 yuan to the railway workers to help the strikers. As for the others, it is really difficult." Niu Yongjian patted his pockets, as if the money was in his empty pockets. Wu Zhihui looked impatient: "You don't want to have a civil government elected by the people, it's breaking away from the national government. Your CP's proposal to hold a citizen representative meeting is an expression of rebellion, which is not acceptable. Governing the country with the party is the government. It must be appointed by the national government and should not be elected by the people."

Niu Yongjian also said: "Now is the period of military administration, and the people have not been trained, so representative meetings cannot be implemented." The representative of the Communist Party reported the attitude of the Kuomintang to Zhou Enlai, and Zhou Enlai felt a little heavy after hearing this.He knew that Niu Yongjian's attitude was not purely personal. This person was good at steering with the wind, and he would cling to whoever had power.This can be ignored, and the party can independently lead the third armed uprising in Shanghai.What worries him is the attitude of the Northern Expeditionary Army.The Military Commission attaches great importance to the strength of the Northern Expeditionary Army and has already asked for cooperation.However, after Chiang Kai-shek conquered Zhejiang, he did not enter Shanghai and took a wait-and-see attitude.At the special committee meeting, Zhou Enlai proposed to send a delegation of workers to meet the Northern Expeditionary Army and urge them to come to Shanghai as soon as possible.At the meeting, it was decided to send Zhang Yu'an, the younger brother of Bai Chongxi's spy chief, to explain the significance of the Shanghai workers' strike to the Northern Expeditionary Army and urge them to advance quickly.

Niu Yongjian said another three words: "I don't agree." He really represented Chiang Kai-shek. Chiang Kai-shek still used Nanchang as his base camp.The Kuomintang Central Executive Committee members who were trapped in Nanchang at that time began to quietly try to go to Wuhan on their own. On February 2, Deng Yanda, director of the Political Department of the Northern Expedition, secretly escaped from Nanchang, and Gu Mengyu followed.Adviser Tiewani reported to Borodin that day: All the Central Executive Committee members want to leave, and I advise them to leave one by one.Gu Mengyu once made a very interesting statement after arriving in Nanchang: "It is impossible for me to trust Chiang Kai-shek anymore. Every time I trust him, he has deceived me."

The upsurge of the mass movement had an impact on the position of that part of the Kuomintang leadership in Wuhan. Although the general "leftists" mostly used their words to "show off their power" and were not prepared to fight resolutely, they still contained Chiang Kai-shek after all. On February 25, a meeting of 25 members of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee and Supervisory Committee was held.The meeting also passed an appeal letter to Chiang Kai-shek, urging him not to oppose moving the capital, and at the same time opposing the concentration of funds in the hands of the commander-in-chief and individual warlords, opposing Chiang's establishment of separate relations with the imperialists, and urging the implementation of revolutionary unity with the Chinese Communist Party. Bipartisan conferences, etc.

Some Kuomintang leftists are indeed sincerely revolutionary.General Deng Yanda reflected on the situation of the troops.In February and March, he published some programmatic articles by the revolutionary Kuomintang members: opposing personal dictatorship, advocating the establishment of a strong revolutionary party, and supporting the workers' and peasants' movement.He also sought cooperation from some Communist Party leaders, but he didn't pay attention to it. At that time, Chen Duxiu and others still focused on another so-called "leftist" Wang Jingwei.Many leftist Kuomintang members were eagerly waiting for Wang Jingwei's return, thinking that Wang's situation would be greatly improved once he returned. At the end of February, they sent a telegram to Wang Jingwei: The consequences of the "March 20th" incident (that is, the Zhongshan ship incident) are still there. The warlords are destroying the party, and now we have achieved nothing.Please come back and lead the government and party!

Facing the upcoming uprising in Shanghai, General Galen, the military adviser of the Nanchang camp, first thought of a terrible word: failure. Don't talk about the lessons of the previous two times, even now, victory is not sure.This could lead to a devastating blow by imperialist-backed warlords and rightists, leaving the masses of Shanghai in bloody terror.He was fidgeting, and sometimes he even raised his arms and yelled a few words to calm his emotions. On the day when the 25 Central Executive Committee members met, he sent a telegram to the Northern Expeditionary Army marching into Shanghai, stating: (1) It is expected that when our army arrives in Shanghai, a general strike will be announced and an uprising will be launched.The delay in marching to Shanghai threatened to expose the workers to repression.We must step up our attack on Shanghai. (2) Explain to Bai Chongxi and other generals that they must take advantage of the enemy's confusion and start attacking Shanghai immediately. (3) The general battle plan will be issued in two days. The general headquarters decided today: General Bai's troops will occupy Shanghai, and at the same time send some troops to occupy Suzhou.He Yingqin's troops attacked Zhenjiang and Nanjing from the Hangzhou area.

Bai Chongxi received Galen's telegram and continued with his business without saying anything.The troops still stopped not far from Shanghai, and the intention was obvious, that is, when the Shanghai workers and warlords were both defeated, they would march into Shanghai and reap the benefits.Now, he only carries out the orders of the commander-in-chief Chiang Kai-shek.