Chapter 5 As soon as the luggage was unloaded, Deng Bin was splashed with "cold water"

Buma Town on the banks of the Yongjiang River.Wearing a light white suit and a cap, Deng Bin and his entourage, Gong Yinbing, who looked like a young overseas Chinese businessman, followed the crowd and got off the boat. As soon as they landed, they saw a large carriage with three brown horses. Southern mountain horses came galloping.Without any explanation, a strong man jumped out of the car, pulled the two of them into the car, "Bah—" the coachman swung his whip and urged the horse, and drove towards the town. The noise of the market adds a bit of busyness to this alley with wooden buildings.The carriage stopped in front of a secluded wooden building at the east end of the town.The strong man led the two guests who came from afar into the building.That strong man is Gong Hecun, the new director of the Nanning Public Security Bureau.He and Gong Yinbing are both from Lechang, Guangdong, and they participated in the Nanchang Uprising together. After the uprising failed, Gong Hecun went to participate in the southern Shonan uprising led by Zhu De and Chen Yi, and Gong Yinbing followed Zhou Enlai in the special branch liaison work.So this time, Gong Hecun personally took over the task of taking over the representative of the Central Committee.

Lei Jingtian and Yu Zuoyu, secretaries of the Guangxi Special Committee, were already waiting upstairs.As soon as they met, Deng Bin held Lei Jingtian's hand and said in an authentic Sichuan accent: "I don't need to be introduced. Your bearded beard tells me that you are Lei Jingtian, Secretary of the Special Committee. Hearing his name, I feel like thunder!" Lei Jingtian was appointed by the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee to return to Nanning early last year to restore the Guangxi Party organization.When the Kuomintang and the Communist Party cooperated, he followed Zhou En to the Political Department of Whampoa Military Academy as the Chief of the Propaganda Section, and later transferred to the team led by Ye Ting as a party representative. He participated in the Nanchang and Guangzhou Uprisings.

Lei Jingtian looked at Deng Bin with a cheerful smile: "I didn't expect the representative of the Central Committee to be so young." Deng Bin joked: "And he's still a small man." The one is Comrade Yu Zuoyu, younger brother of Chairman Yu Zuobai, and this is Comrade Gong Hecun, the new director of the Public Security Bureau of Nanning City." Yu Zuoyu held Deng Bin's hand and said, "You have worked hard all the way, and we welcome you to Guangxi." When Gong Hecun shook hands with Deng Bin, he said: "When you arrive in Nanning, you will live with me."

Deng Bin said humorously: "Okay! With your security chief in charge, let's see who dares to lie on my little head and pluck the hair!" After hearing this, everyone laughed happily.This is the initial impression left by the central representative of the young little man with a strong Sichuan dialect. After a simple local meal, the caravan drove a group of people to Nanning, the capital of Guangxi.After more than an hour, the carriage drove into Nanning City.The street is full of low and congested bamboo and wooden arcades, and stalls selling roast duck, boiled chicken, steamed glutinous rice with sausage, Wanglaoji cold dishes, and Guilin stinky tofu are full of hatchbacks on the street, hawking in a dragging tone. The sound is endless.City people wearing various cloth shirts and wooden shoes, and country people wearing capes and bare feet are mixed together, bustling and crowded.On the walls along the street, slogans written in lime water or pasted on paper of various colors can be vaguely seen:

Yu and Li are Chiang Kai-shek's lackeys!Down with the reactionary government of the new Guangxi clique! Yu and Li are reformists!Resolutely expel Wang Jingwei from Guangxi! If Yu and Li Daogui do not oppose Chiang, they will definitely end badly! Deng Bin turned his face to Lei Jingtian and asked, "Will it be your own people who painted and posted these slogans on Nanning Street?" Lei Jingtian said: "Hey, there are so many shows in Nanning now, it's very lively! The Chiang faction, the Wang faction, and the Guangdong, Yunnan, and Sichuan factions all come to Guangxi to use their own tricks to seize the flesh. Eat it! However, these slogans were done by them, and comrades appointed by Guangdong Province encouraged workers, farmers and students to do it."

"Oh——" Deng Bin pondered for a moment, then asked Yu Zuoyu: "What's the attitude of Chairman Yu and Commander Li to this?" Yu Zuoyu said: "The fish's eyes are mixed and it is difficult to distinguish them for a while. The two elder brothers can think about it, so they have to turn a deaf ear and turn a blind eye." Deng Bin said: "The two elder brothers are still very open-minded!" He took a light breath, as if smelling another compound breath wrapped in various snacks. His thoughts have drifted out of the street full of arcades, pedestrians, vendors and the noise of the city, the old wooden building with ivy on the eaves is located in the backyard of the Public Security Bureau.Two ancient big banyan trees, with luxuriant branches and leaves, canopy like giant umbrellas, covering most of the courtyard.

The inside of the wooden building has already been tidied up: a brown woven wooden bed with hanging tents, a painted fir desk, a mahogany chair and a bookcase in front of the desk, this is the office and bedroom of the central representative. As soon as their bags were packed, Lei Jingtian, Yu Zuoyu, and Gong Hecun briefly reported and introduced some situations to Deng Bin, and wanted to get up and say goodbye, so that the representatives of the Central Committee who were busy with travel and dust could have a good rest.Deng Bin simply washed his face and said, "Why don't you hurry up and go, I just want to talk to you more." , walked in briskly—he was Chen Haoren, the new secretary-general of the provincial government who was only 22 years old.He handed Lei Jingtian the recently received "Reply Letter from the Guangdong Provincial Committee on the Work Report of the Guangxi Special Committee" (in 1929, Guangxi had not yet established a provincial party committee, but only a special committee, which was under the leadership of the Guangdong Provincial Committee).Introduced by Lei Jingtian, when Deng Bin, the secretary-general of the Central Committee, shook hands with the young secretary-general of the provincial government, he found that Chen Haoren's expression contained a kind of depression and uneasiness. It was revealed the moment it was handed over to the secretary of the special committee.

Lei Jingtian quickly read through the content of the "reply letter", with a trace of bitterness on his face, scratched his cheeks a few times, then handed the letter to Deng Bin, and said: "Representative Deng, please take a look, the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee agrees. Our criticism has become more severe, no, it is simply denouncing! Condemning!" Deng Bin took the letter, looked at it carefully, and gradually frowned—even if the officers in the warlord's army were sent by the party to do it, their role was only to destroy the enemy's ranks, and it was definitely not to win over the masses. public route.Therefore, people who work in the ranks of the former ruling class, no matter what they say or how they implement one or two things, at most they only regard him as a reformist and oppose him as the third party of the reorganization party.In the current situation where the ruling class is increasingly collapsing and the revolutionary struggle of the masses is developing day by day, the fortress of revolution and counter-revolution can only be beneficial to the progress of the revolution if the fortress of revolution and counter-revolution is tightened.The counter-revolutionary ruling class uses all kinds of deceit and temptation to confuse the revolutionary front and slow down the development of the revolution; and the more the revolutionary proletarian vanguard strengthens its revolutionary leadership, the more it can win the broad masses and unite for the revolution. struggle.Therefore, the current work of our party in the anti-warlord wars in Guangdong and Guangxi, especially in Guangxi against the warlords such as Yu and Li, should not deviate in the slightest from the above-mentioned line.This is not only a verbal acceptance, but also a real struggle of resistance in actual actions. The words against "Yu and Li warlords" and the accusation of cooperating with Yu and Li are so sharp and intense!However, it can be seen from the tone of the "Reply Letter" that this reply letter not only represents the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, but is ordered by a certain leader of the Central Committee, and every sentence has an imperative style—in Guangxi, mass movements can openly Call, in the past three or four months, I have not heard of a remarkable fact that the special committee has led the struggle of the masses. Is it because the masses cannot mobilize?no!When Yu Zuobai first returned to Guangxi, many people had fantasies about him, so it happened that peasant representatives came to him.Under such circumstances, if the Guangxi Special Committee had paid attention to this immediately, our party would have mobilized and organized the eager masses in the past three to four months, forming the basic force of the party and the mass basis for the war against the warlords.Because the facts are contrary, we must not be afraid that the attention of the Guangxi Party Headquarters will be there and not here; let alone put mass work in a secondary position, it is to equate mass work with military planning, or to ignore it. Without the mobilization and leadership of the mass struggle, the Guangxi party must have stepped into the door of opportunism, which will make the entire work of the Guangxi party and the party's general line of winning the masses go on a different path.

Deng Bin knew that judging from the severity of the wording in the letter, this not only poured cold water on his arrival, but also set the "tone" for him to work in Guangxi! He lit a cigarette and smoked it. His slightly frowned eyebrows showed a deep sense of burden. The image of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin came out of the smoke: "The Chinese revolution is an armed revolution against an armed counter-revolution. !” Stalin said to the representatives of the “Sixth National Congress” of the CCP in a soothing tone while smoking his pipe. It was Moscow in June 1928 with a pleasant climate.The "Sixth National Congress" of the Communist Party of China was held just one year after the failure of the Great Revolution. In this short period of time, the Chinese revolution has gone through a turbulent journey.The party's positions in cities and villages have been severely hit, and the number of party members in the country has dropped from 60,000 to less than 20,000!

Facing the frenzied massacre of the new counter-revolutionaries, the communists got up from the pool of blood with numerous scars and threw themselves into new battles.In this groping and bitter struggle, a new danger—“Left” putschism and dogmatism raised its head from the pool of blood. He clearly remembered that after the "August 7th" meeting, the enlarged meeting of the Provisional Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China was held in Shanghai, and "Left" putschism gained dominance.Comintern representative Rominaz summed up the nature and speed of the Chinese revolution in one sentence, calling it "uninterrupted revolution".

The Chinese Communists at that time were blindly following and thinking about this kind of judgment.Li Lisan advocated the victory of one province and several provinces first. Deng Xiaoping, the secretary-general of the Central Committee, objected: "The Kuomintang has several million troops. We have just organized it. Without armed forces, how can we win with local guns?" General Secretary Xiang Zhongfa pointed to the tip of his nose and said, "You are a non-voting representative, so you have no right to speak!" They pinned their main hopes on the Guangzhou riots and the two lake riots.However, the cruel reality ruthlessly shattered their good wishes.The Guangzhou Uprising lasted only three days before it failed.People can't help asking, why are the subjective assumptions and actual results completely different?What is the reason for the failure? The struggle within the party became more and more intense.Say low tide for a while, say high tide for a while.This major reversal in the determination of the revolutionary situation reflects the uncertainty in understanding and the vagaries of the situation.This state of confusion and hesitation caused Zhou Enlai, who was "fearful and worried", to often sink into painful introspection that is difficult to express. Dang, after all, is very young!Even Zhou Enlai, then a senior party leader, had just turned 29.It is great to be able to take the steps to explore, to grope in the dark, to persevere, even if you stumble a few times, what is it?He stopped Fei Yi's thoughts, and continued to read the letter with great patience—Yu and Li ruled Guangxi, and all political facilities had a strong color of reformism—whether they were substantial or not. To realize its reformist attempt, but the influence of political deceit has indeed penetrated into the toiling masses of workers and peasants.Therefore, the deceitful influence of this reformism can not only lure the masses, increase their illusions about the ruling class, and delay the development of their revolutionary struggle, it has even been reflected in our party!The Guangxi people's illusions about reformism, and the behavior of hunting officials among comrades, these are all great dangers in Guangxi's work!At present, the guiding organs of the Party headquarters in Guangdong and Guangxi, apart from the fact that the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee generally understands the strategies instructed by the Central Committee and how to deal with current events, we finally feel that there is a possibility of opportunistic leadership in the Guangxi Special Committee and many local Party departments. Danger.As mentioned above, the neglect of the mass struggle, the weakness of the soldiers' work, the preference for the movement of officers, and the illusion of certain elements of the ruling class exist. This cannot but be said to be the result of opportunism in the leading organs of the Guangxi Party. Dangerous root shoots. Finally finished watching.Deng Bin put the letter on the table, pushed it aside, then raised his hand to rub his sore eye sockets.Several pairs of eyes turned to him in silence.Deng Bin can understand the language in everyone's eyes: Since you are representing the Party Central Committee to accept Yu and Li's invitation to come to cooperate with Yu and Li to lead the revolutionary movement in Guangxi, we would really like to hear your reply and what everyone cares most about. Also most headaches are views. Deng Bin stood up, lit another cigarette and smoked, and walked slowly: "This letter is so timely! There are several hats prepared for people to wear. As far as I know, after Chiang Kai-shek's rebellion against the revolution, Yu Zuobai and Li Mingrui regarded us as bosom friends and specially invited us to come to Guangxi to help them work, which is currently unprecedented in the whole country.” After the smoke was cut off, he struck a match and lit it again, took two puffs, and then continued: "Since the Party Central Committee has entrusted us with a heavy responsibility to treat Yu Zuobai and Li Mingrui, we can only see each other with sincerity and work with them wholeheartedly. Do you know who fired the first shell fired at the Winter Palace after the October Revolution in the Soviet Union? It was neither Russian workers nor Russian peasants, but the Tsar’s navy officers and soldiers! Then Why did the tsar's navy officers and soldiers turn their guns and fire at their own emperor Lao Tzu? The problem is very simple, that is because the Soviet communists and the tsar's navy officers and soldiers have made close friends!" Hearing this, Lei Jingtian and the others' expressions of suspicion, confusion, depression and uneasiness relaxed and stretched out again.Lei Jingtian hurriedly got up and grabbed the teapot to refill Deng Bin's teacup: "Representative Deng, I, Lei Huzi, feel much more at ease after hearing what you said! Then we will send a reply note to the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee Bar." Deng Bin said: "Okay! Let Comrade Chen Haoren write it as a ghostwriter, write my name, and say that I, Deng Bin, disagree with the views in the letter!" At this moment, it was Yu Zuoyu who seemed extremely excited.These days, he is often tortured by an unspeakable pain, and often suffers from this torture and works tirelessly for the doctrine and persistent pursuit he believes in.He has heard a lot of misinterpretations, criticisms, blames, even slanders, abuse, and attacks on his two elder brothers, and he has also heard a lot of strange talks about himself-but he doesn't care about these, he just hopes that the party will Comrades in the organization and the party can understand him.The words of the representative of the Central Committee relieved him from the initial temptation, indifference and vigilance!The representative Deng in front of him is straightforward in conversation, quick in thinking and frank and straightforward, which really admires him! He picked a large horn-shaped banana from the fruit basket, peeled off the skin, and handed it to Deng Bin: "Representative Deng, please eat bananas. This is a specialty of Guangxi. It quenches thirst and satiates you." Deng Bin took the banana, took a big bite, and repeatedly praised meaningfully: "Ah, it's so fragrant! So sweet! How can I eat such a fragrant and sweet fruit if I don't come to Guangxi!" Then he said to Yu Zuoyu: "Comrade Zuoyu, you have assisted the Special Committee with a lot of work, and I believe the organization will never forget it. When do you think I will pay a visit to Chairman Yu and Commander Li?" Yu Zuoyu immediately said: "Okay, I will arrange it when I get back."