Chapter 40 Lost self-esteem -2

Hunter called the Howard Johnson Hotel: "Are you still across the street?" Baldwin replied, "I am." Hunter said to him, "Okay, we will come over." Baldwin looked down from the balcony, Saw Hunter and Liddy coming out.After a while, Hunter broke into his room.He asked urgently, "What's going on, what's going on?" Baldwin said, "Come and see!" The street below was full of uniformed patrolmen, motorcycles, and police patrol cars; McCord, Barker, Gonzalez, Sturgis and Martinez were taken away in handcuffs."I've got to go to the bathroom," Hunter groaned. He ran in to use the bathroom and then back out, calling a lawyer and asking Baldwin for McCord's address.They look around at the mess of electronic equipment.Transcripts of the original intercepted conversation were thrown on the floor; so were McCord's wallet and keys on the bed. "Get rid of all these things, and get out of here with yourself!" Hunter said. "We'll get back in touch, and we'll let you know what to do next." As he rushed to the door, Baldwin yelled from behind and asked, "Does that mean I don't have to go to Miami?"

The Washington Post's story on the break-in was on the front page of the newspaper's Sunday edition, but few papers give it that prominence. The New York Times ran a 13-inch story on the inside page, entitled "Five Accused of Infiltrating Democratic Headquarters at Night," and most other newspaper editors paid even less attention to the matter.Yet to some senior officials in the U.S. government and the Republican Party, among them Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, John Mitchell Hall, Maurice Staines, Charles Coulson, Gordon Strohn, John Dean, Jeb Magruder, and Fred LaRue, and presumably the President of the United States.

A year later, during a hearing of the Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaigns chaired by Sen. Sam Irving of North Carolina, Magruder was asked when the lawbreakers decided to cover them up. guilty, he responded somewhat bewilderedly, "I don't think we've ever discussed the cover-up or not." It was inadvertently revealed that the cover-up had begun on the morning of June 18 in Los Angeles.Several of them met there to discuss campaign strategy.They were having breakfast at the Beverly Hills Hotel, and at about eight-thirty in the morning Magruder received a call from Liddy in the dining room.Liddy asked, "Can you find a safe phone to talk to?" Magruder said he couldn't find it, and asked him what had gone wrong.Liddy said, "There's a problem." Magruder asked, "What kind of problem?" Liddy told him, "The head of our complete work got caught at Watergate." "You mean Jim McCoy "Yes," Magruder murmured to LaRue as he hung up the phone. "You know, last night was the day they were going to the Democratic headquarters." LaRue told Mitchell , Mitchell said: "It's just unbelievable."

Their first reaction was to try to protect McCord, whom they knew only of the five detainees.According to Magruder, Mitchell proposed that Liddy contact the new attorney general, Richard Krantins, and ask him to release McCord on bail.Mitchell denied it happened, but someone called Liddy at the Beverly Hills Hotel at 9 a.m. California time—noon in Washington—and told him to do exactly that.Liddy found Krantinster at the Firetree Country Club and raised the matter with him in the locker room.Krantins not only immediately refused, but also issued an eviction order, asking Liddy to leave the club immediately, and then called Henry Peterson, Director of the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice, instructing him that he must not show favoritism to the Watergate five criminals.

The FBI has gotten involved in this case, and the case is getting more and more bizarre.Documents implicating Hunter were found in Buck's pocket.The prisoner had 13 100-yuan banknotes on him, and 32 100-yuan banknotes were found in the room where the Cubans lived in the Watergate Hotel.Liddy attempted to destroy all the evidence implicating him, and used a document destruction machine at the headquarters of the Presidential Re-election Committee to dispose of all the materials on hand, including some of his 100-yuan bills.According to Haldeman's instructions, Strohn checked his files in the White House and took away all his materials related to the infiltration case.Magruder called one of his aides and instructed him to take home a dossier on the Gem project, he said, because he feared retaliation from Democrats who would also steal from his office.Also, Howard Hunter has fled.

Dean, Coulson, and Ehrlichman had a hasty war meeting to discuss what they could do to Hunter.According to Dean, Ehrlichman suggested that Hunter should be sent abroad.Dean called, then got worried again.He asked the other two if such an order from the White House was warranted. "Why not," Ehrlichman replied, "he's not a fugitive." But Coulson agreed with Dean and made another call. , to cancel that instruction.But Hunter had decided to escape anyway.He cleared his desk except for an empty wine bottle and a few Librium tablets, flew to California, and hid at a friend's house until he could no longer bear the pressure to surrender.The FBI has been tracking him.They had found Liddy, who had aroused suspicion by refusing to talk to them.Mitchell fired him for it, which seemed to be double-dealing, but of course Liddy knew it; he told Magruder and Dean that he had "made a big mess," and said: " I'm a good soldier and I'll never confess." He also said: "If someone were to shoot me in the street, I was prepared."

At the same time, some of the president's subordinates were very troubled. It was almost impossible for them to clean up the relationship between Hunter and themselves, because Hunter was still listed on the list of White House employees.Dean arranged for the removal of Hunter's safe in Room 552 of the Executive Office Building.An aide handed him the contents of the cabinet: a black briefcase and a cardboard box containing, among other things, four walkie-talkies, a canister of tear gas, four pistol belts, a fake State Department Cables sent to Vietnam in 1963 (evidence of his attempts to convince Life magazine of the falsified cables), a portfolio containing the Pentagon Papers, a CIA profile of Ellsberg, and Hunter Report on Chappaquiddick Island.

Dean took a look at this bizarre pile of things, gasped and said, "What a pile of rubbish!" Meanwhile, in California, Mitchell hastily issued a statement trying to explain McCord's affairs, saying that McCord: ... is the owner of a private security agency hired by our committee a few months ago to help install our security system.As far as we know, he has dealings with quite a few customers, but we don't know the relationship among them.What we need to emphasize is that the activities of this person and those others were neither done for us nor with our consent.Those reports shocked me.There is no place for this type of activity in our campaign and election process, and we will never condone or condone it.

Among those who knew it was a lie was Mitchell's wife.When Mitchell returned to Washington on Monday, he persuaded his wife to stay in Los Angeles, where, she later said, she was watched like a "political prisoner" by the man who replaced Baldwin as her bodyguard.According to her, when she once called a reporter from United Press International and said, "They won't let me speak," the bodyguard pulled the phone line from the wall and pinned her down, leaving another person alone. She had a sedative shot in her ass.Still, they couldn't silence Martha Mitchell.Three days later, she called the reporter again and said: "I can't stand all this despicable things." Martha's words could make a wonderful message, but most Americans didn't believe her, but accepted the official version. That is to say, the government is ignorant of these despicable things.On Tuesday morning, Ronald Ziegler, a former advertiser and now Richard Nixon's press secretary, made the official statement.With a look of contempt on his face, he even refused to add anything to Mitchell's statement."I'm not going to comment on a third-degree theft on behalf of the White House," Ziegler said. "It's not a political thing." Still, a handful of Washington Post reporters clung to the incident. However, Ziegler finally made a comment on behalf of the White House.“I despise the kind of journalism that The Washington Post does, the shitty journalism,” he said. Referring to the paper’s publisher, Mitchell told a reporter at the paper: "Katie Graham looks like she's going to have her tits put in a milking machine."

In a sense, Nixon became more and more sure of victory in the ensuing campaign.Early forecasts had suggested a draw.Then, by the end of the summer, the president was leading the way, and by the end all the polls were pointing to him getting around 60% of the vote.Since then, no one has been able to catch up with him.The well-funded tailwinds of the President's Reelection Committee—it had $60 million, compared with the Democrats' $25 million—did not really matter to the election result.Watergate bugging is even more irrelevant.He was elected four years ago amid rising protests against the Vietnam War.thereafter he seemed fully committed to ending the war, and while he did so some 17,000 americans were killed there, but by early 1972 he had cut the number of us troops in vietnam from 549,500 to 139,000 The Pentagon's weekly casualty table, when he entered the White House, was generally around three hundred. By September 21, 1972, the number on the table would be zero, and it has remained at a figure close to zero.Nixon was a political animal, and he took advantage of this and other opportunities that presented themselves.For example, in the Florida Democratic primary, George Wallace campaigned with the slogan, "Send 'em a message" that if Floridians vote for him, "President Nixon will be there in 30 days." Find a way to stop the use of buses to pick up and drop off children."Wallace knew Nixon well.This president didn't wait 30 days.Two days after the report of the election results over there, he called for a moratorium on bus use.

It was all Nixon's knack was to lead a unified party with a nominee who, regardless of his past, now branded himself an advocate of peace and détente.His only two rivals for the nomination in the Republican Party are Paul McCloskey of California to the left and John Ashbrook of Ohio to the right.Their effect is simply to highlight the president's monopoly on the centrist position in the Republican Party.With Dita Beard and ITT having kept the Republican National Convention out of San Diego, it moved to Miami Beach, and McCloskey arrived with his one vote.According to the New Mexico primary election law, this vote can only belong to him.He hoped to be nominated at the convention, which would allow some critics of Nixon's racial and military policies to speak at the convention, but the rules stipulated that a candidate must control representatives from at least three states to be accepted. nominate.The final result of the first ballot was: Nixon 1347 votes, McCloskey 1 vote.The lone New Mexican apologized to the convention. The stage effect of this event is awe-inspiring.All hesitation was allayed when the President announced his intention to keep Agnew's name on the slate.Everyone in the party seemed willing to do his bidding.Ronald Reagan presided over the convention, and Nelson Rockefeller nominated Nixon.Knowing that the president likes everything to be in order, the convention staff purposely limited the demonstration in favor of him to a full 20 minutes. to Miami Beach.The hair of these youths was all cut short, and they seemed to belong to another era altogether--of course that was the point to make. Of course, they were not the only young Americans who went there. More than 5,000 casually dressed anti-war fighters also camped in the city's Firebird Park.During the week when the Democrats were in session, they were relatively quiet, but when the Republicans arrived, they exploded, with 1,200 people punctured wheels, blocked traffic, smashed shop windows, lit bonfires in the street, and prevented delegates from attending. meeting was arrested.Republicans rejoice.They seemed to be saying to those who objected to their methodical conduct of the meeting that if you allow randomness in the campaign, this is what will happen.During the ensuing campaign (Nixon himself had little involvement, left most of the campaign to his surrogates and never mentioned his opponents by name), Republican spokesmen spoke proudly of their The united, repeatedly stressed that the other is chaotic. There is truth to their words.The Democratic Party has been mired in brutal infighting since it split in Chicago four years ago.This presidential contest had not only revived all the old grudges between them, but it had also created countless new ones.During the months of the primaries, one moment this, the other vying for the party's nomination, they were Muskie, McGovern, Humphrey, George Wallace, Eugene McCarthy, Oklahoma Fred Harris of New York State, Vance Hatkey of Indiana, Henry Jackson of Washington State, John Lindsay of New York City, Sam Yorty of Los Angeles, Wisconsin of Arkansas Alb Mills, Shirley Chisholm in New York State, and Edward Cole, a young social worker in Connecticut.The man dangled a rubber mouse in front of a Democratic National Committee member during a televised debate, scaring her out of her wits.The race for the top spot had become a melee, and Harry Truman was absolutely right when he called the primaries a "complete nonsense."Like the Republican fight in 1964, this Democratic melee has wiped out promising candidates, leaving the nominee utterly uncompetitive and unwinnable in the general election.In fact, his frailty has been on full display throughout the course of his fight to win the nomination. Barry Goldwater, speaking in New Hampshire early in the year of his ill-fated campaign, lost his chances of winning by effectively advocating the end of Social Security.Eight years later, on almost the same day, on January 13, 1972, George McGovern told a university audience in Ames, Iowa, that he was in favor of taking money from the treasury and giving it to 1,000 yuan for each American, and limit the right to inheritance to no more than 500,000 yuan per person.The speech didn't get much attention at the time because McGovern was a minor figure; in a poll a few months earlier, he had received just 2 percent support.But later, that speech made him regret again and again, because he was dissatisfied with both those who thought the government was too generous or those who dreamed of winning the lottery or making a fortune one day, and the two There are many such people, far more than tens of thousands. Part of McGovern's strength came from his organization's clever use of his obscurity.In the New Hampshire caucuses, they successfully promoted the idea that since Muskie was the lead candidate, and coming from a neighboring state, as long as he got less than 50 percent of the vote, that meant his A defeat and a victory for McGovern.This put Muskie, the Maine senator, under a lot of pressure, that the bogus so-called "Ganuck" word and the Manchester United Herald's silly attack that his wife liked to tell dirty jokes had already Make people suffer a lot.In a televised address outside the paper's offices, Muskie called publisher William Loeb a "spineless coward" and said "he's lucky he's not standing next to me on this podium." ,” and cried—perhaps the costliest tear ever shed by a politician.Even so, Muskie still won 46.4 percent of the vote on March 7, compared with McGovern's 37 percent.Such a margin is a huge advantage, if not a landslide, but the South Dakota senator's aides have deftly painted him as an underdog and put him at the center of attention. The next round of the qualifiers is in Florida with 11 contenders.McGovern wisely said he didn't have "much hope of success" in the state, and the result was poor, with just 6.1 percent of the vote.Wallace's sweeping victory surprised everyone, including himself—"we beat the top of the Democratic Party," he boasted. Humphrey, Jackson, and Muskie were left behind. .The following week, Muskie won at Illinois, beating McCarthy 63 percent to 37 percent.Next came Wisconsin, where McGovern's team was superbly organized, and he led with 30 percent of the 12 candidates, with Wallace, Humphrey and Muskie behind him .McGovern wins in liberal Massachusetts; Humphrey leads in Ohio and Indiana; in Nebraska, McGovern beats Humphrey by 6 percent; in West Virginia, Humphrey Frye crushed Wallace 67 percent to 33 percent, and Wallace went on to win at North Carolina. In mid-May, Muskie withdrew, and the marathon ended up being a three-way contest between Wallace, Humphrey, and McGovern.The support for the Alabama native, Wallace, was widely seen as a protest vote.He said he would use that support to push for concessions from the National Congress.Then came May 15 in Maryland.Wallace got a rock at Frederick, a rotten egg at Hagerstown, a popsicle at Salisbury, and finally six bullets at Laurel.He won the Maryland and Michigan caucuses the next day, but it was all over when he was injured and paralyzed.In fact, that's the end of all Democratic candidates.Without the threat of Wallace's right-wing third party sucking votes away, Nixon's victory was assured.But not many people realized this at the time, so the decisive California primary election on June 6 became a fierce battle between the two remaining Democratic candidates.As a result of the election, McGovern got 1527392 votes, accounting for 47.1%; Humphrey got 1352379 votes, accounting for 41.7%.Since then, the South Dakota native has gotten luckier every day, and by the time he reaches Miami Beach, 149,275 delegates will vote for him—indeed, the nomination is a sure thing. No one noticed at the time that the California race was affecting McGovern's reputation.Until then, no one had critically dissected his campaign platform.He was seen as handsome, decent, outspoken, and exasperated by the Vietnam War.But in three televised debates, Humphrey dismantled that image, pointing out that McGovern's attitudes toward Israel, defense spending, welfare, labor law, unemployment benefits, taxes, and even the early days of the Vietnam War Sometimes contradictory, or often in a quixotic manner.Pollster Robert Teeter said afterwards: "It was Hubert Humphrey who broke McGovern. No one else in the Democratic Party can do what Hubert did. Not only that, but this is also McGovern. Govan was treated hostilely for the first time." The second time was in Miami Beach, when the whole country saw what was happening within the Democratic Party.Four years ago, on that sweltering night of August 27, 1968, the Chicago convention voted to pass a resolution by the Committee on Delegate Credentials calling for reform of the process for selecting convention delegates.The Reform Committee, chaired by George McGovern, passed a resolution by a vote of ten to nine providing for a certain amount of Negro representation, and then--a member of the Committee proposed: "Our National Convention There's no reason there shouldn't be 50% women, and 10-15% young people"—a certain amount of women and youth representation.The majority on the committee thought it made sense, but it didn't.This provision of quota allocation is tantamount to a complete negation of the principle of representation.Worse, the net effect is to make all other categories of people who do not get allocated quotas—for example, the three traditional sources of Democratic power: people over middle age, racial groups, and organized labor— - Legalized discrimination. Florida Gov. Rubin Askew said in his keynote address, "It's impossible not to see the face of America when you look at this group of people." newbie.Eight out of every ten delegates are first-timers to the Congress; 15 percent of the delegates are black, 36 percent are women, and 22 percent are young people under the age of 30.One presidential candidate said, "Don't say no to anyone who asks for a ride. They might be convention delegates." There were hitchhikers and others.The California delegation, eager to secure representation for the poor, had 89 delegates living on welfare.McGovern was determined not to offend a minority, so he sang "two, four, six, eight, we don't overpopulate" and "three, five, seven, nine, gay women are the best" on TV shows. ", another name for "Joy Liberation" men who engage in same-sex relationships. ——The translator also treats each other with every kind of hospitality.Meanwhile, a staggering number of elected Democrats have been shut out of the convention: 225 of the party's 255 members of Congress, as well as the Democratic mayors of Philadelphia, Detroit, Boston, San Francisco, Los Angeles and Chicago, among others . These amateur politicians are bound to make all the mistakes that professional politicians know to avoid.The few career politicians still able to attend the convention are painfully aware of these mistakes.As the Illinois-elected delegation was ejected by McGovern zealots, Frank Mankiewicz said gloomily, "I think we might have lost the Illinois vote tonight." On the committee, Ben Whartenberg sighed, "That schoolboy bus they've got is killing Michigan to the Republicans today. No one seems to notice that last fall, Macomb A referendum in the county voted 14 to 1 against busing schoolchildren.” Hugh Scott chided McGovern as the “number one” advocate for “drug use, amnesty and abortion.”The blaming is unfair, but on a few occasions some McGovern supporters have had good things to say about all three things, even as observers like David Riesman uneasily point out that in national politics It is inappropriate to discuss such sensitive issues as abortion at a congress.Exactly what effect all of this has had on national television audiences is hard to say, but subsequent events suggest that blacks, women, and There are far fewer youths than the masses of voters who were unhappy with what they saw in Miami Beach.Of the three, only blacks backed McGovern in November, when they had already backed him. By the time McGovern finally wins the presidential nomination, it may not mean much anymore.McGovern delivered his acceptance speech at 3 a.m., while the vast majority of voters were still asleep, further diminishing the significance of the matter.Less than 12 hours later, he met with members of the Democratic National Committee in the Fontaine Room of the Fontainebleau Hotel, and the first of a series of disasters occurred.McGovern started by announcing that Lawrence O'Brien had "resolved not to remain chairman of the party".This is not true. O'Brien is willing to stay on, and many people present know this.Lady Joan Westwood was chosen as the new chairperson.McGovern nominates Pierre Salinger as vice chairman.Charles Evers stood up and said, "Since we're going by McGovern's rules, I'm going to . ’ He then nominated an unknown black man—McGovern went on to say that he had no objection to it, thus publicly disproving Salinger. The unfortunate Pierre was then tricked again.Later that same day, McGovern asked him to go to Paris to talk to the North Vietnamese as his representative.Salinger flew to France, only to have the matter leaked to United Press International, whereupon McGovern issued a statement to the press: "Pierre Salinger has not received any instructions from me. He told Me, he was going to Paris, and he said that while he was there, he might have made some judgments about the negotiation situation. But I didn't give him any instructions at all." More than one person suffered from this, among them One was David Dellinger, who had acted as a liaison between McGovern and Hanoi.Candidates who accused Nixon of dishonesty were themselves rapidly losing credibility. Then came the Eagleton incident.McGovern was beginning his pre-election vacation at the Black Mountain Hotel when reporters learned that his running mate, Senator Thomas Eagleton of Missouri, had been twice hospitalized for mental illness and was on electroshock therapy.Until then, no one could claim that the candidate was responsible for this unfortunate event.When he picked Eagleton as his running mate, he didn't know that he had such a history. Moreover, Mankiewicz once asked Eagleton if he had any scandals that should not be publicized, and the answer was no.The Missouri native was wrong about that.Americans are so ignorant of mental health conditions that a person in politics is disqualified from running for national office with a mild history of depression, and a person who has to undergo electroconvulsive therapy will not be seriously ill.The obvious solution is for Eagleton to withdraw himself from the race with dignity.McGovern didn't do that. Instead, he released a statement saying he was "1000 percent behind Tom Eagleton" and had "no intention of pulling him out of the race."The mimeograph machine at the Black Mountain Hotel was still warm, and the most enlightened newspapers in the country: The New York Post, The Washington Post, and The New York Times all said that Eagleton must step down.A well-known New York Democrat, Matthew Troy, who had been a staunch supporter of McGovern, is now quoted in the newspapers as saying: "I have nine children, and I don't want to see them because of a mental state An unreliable person may become president and be ruined." Letters, telegrams, and telephone calls poured in from the Democratic Party headquarters, asking the vice presidential candidate to withdraw from the election. At this time, the presidential candidate decided not to support him 1,000% Mrs. Westwood said on "Meet the Press" that it would be a "noble move" if the Missourian native dropped out of the race.But when McGovern met Eagleton, he said to him: "Tom, believe me, I have no idea what she was going to say." His running mate replied: "Don't fool me , George." According to Eagleton, "George smirked a bit. Not a smile of secret delight. Not a slightly annoyed frown, a smirk, just that look." July 31, Eagle Leon's name was crossed off the ballot.After five Democrats, including Muskie, refused to replace him, Sargent Shriver finally agreed.The episode is one of the most disastrous in the history of presidential campaigns.McGovern could no longer undo the effects of the incident. The Democratic Party's election campaign has since gone downhill.This was when presidential candidates courted Lyndon Johnson, Mayor Daly, organized labor, and Jews for their votes.But it is too late, they will all be extremely cold.His Washington headquarters has been torn apart, important letters go unanswered, and speaking appointments are canceled one by one.Prominent Democrats who came to help were insulted by rude youth volunteers and sent away.At one point (in May), McGovern was within 5 points of Nixon in the polls.By July, the month of the Democratic convention, McGovern was trailing by 20%.After the Eagleton incident, he fell even further behind. In October, he traveled back and forth across the country, flying 65,000 miles and making some progress.But it was just a flash in the pan.On the eve of the election, polls conducted by Gallup and Harris predicted that Nixon would get 61% of the vote and McGovern 39%.The actual result was 60.7 percent to 37.5 percent, with a sporadic 1.8 percent of the vote for other candidates. Nixon won 49 states; only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia fell to McGovern.But that's not the whole story.Voter turnout was the lowest in 24 years.Only 55 percent of registered voters nationwide cast ballots; the rest, presumably, voted against both candidates.The president had a historic electoral victory, but his party wasn't doing well.Democratic congressional candidates have 12 more seats in the House than Republicans -- not the 41 they need to control the House -- and two more seats in the Senate, 57 to 47, while gaining another 1 leadership of state legislatures. McGovern said he wasn't discouraged.His central issue has always been the Vietnam War, which he believes he has done a great deal to end.While acknowledging defeat, he told his staff: "I want all of you to remember that every minute spent in this campaign, Every hour and every hard effort made counts towards the totality of our efforts.” This is trying to cash in on your own failures as much as possible.Of course not everyone agrees with this view.Marquis Childs said it was "one of the most unpleasant election campaigns in American history."Understandably, Nixon did not see it that way."I've never gone to bed so early after a national election," he said as he met his supporters at the Shoreham Hotel in Washington. There was a deafening cheer as he turned away for bed. Shout out "Four more years"! All present are the first-rate figures in the Republican Party, well-groomed and well-dressed.Television viewers had no way of knowing at the time that some of these big names were actually felons. In one reference to Watergate, McGovern called the Nixon administration "the most corrupt in history," but a Gallup poll in October reported that only half of voters had heard of Watergate.Of those, four out of five didn't think that made them vote Democrat.Tite's poll found that only 6 percent thought the president was involved.Others are inclined to blame the Presidential Re-election Commission -- a sign of how wise Republican leadership is to create a presidential re-election headquarters outside the White House.It is an illusion that major campaign decisions are made at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.Those around Nixon continued to become more deeply involved in the Watergate cover-up, which, according to later testimony before the Irving Commission, proceeded as follows: After John Dean had seen the contents of Hunter's safe, his immediate question was what to do with them.He discussed the matter with Ehrlichmann, who advised him to "destroy the papers and sink the briefcase."Ehrlichman said: "Don't you have to cross the river when you drive home at night? When you cross the bridge, throw your briefcase into the river." Dean pointed out that this is not that simple; , There are too many people who have seen some of the things in the safe, including his own assistant.Ehrlichman's solution was to call Patrick Gray into his office.Gray has been acting FBI director since Edgar Hoover's death in May. On June 28, 11 days after the Watergate burglary, Dean handed over the untouchable material in his office, calling it "political explosives" and "don't ever let it see the light of day again."格雷一直把它保存到年底——可能有意留着等万一总统不推荐他正式任局长，就可用来对白宫讹诈，后来同圣诞节扫除去的废物一起烧掉了，这就注定他最后只能落得个不光彩辞职的下场。 白宫在同一周内力图用“国家安全”这件外衣掩盖水门事件的部分情节。总统本人也参与了这一活动；后来为了表明他有理由应过问其事，他说：“我得知，中央情报局有可能也以某种方式参与了这件事。”他担心的还有，亨特在“管子工”里扮演的角色有可能暴露，这样另外一些微妙的“国家安全问题”，很可能包括夜间潜入埃尔斯伯格的精神病医生的办公室一事在内，会全给揭露出来了。中央情报局局长理查德·赫尔姆斯及其新任副手弗农·沃尔特斯将军被叫到白宫去，在那里，霍尔德曼对他们讲，民主党总部的闯入事件，使尼克松感到为难。他说，“总统的意思”希望沃尔特斯向格雷建议，拘捕五名闯入者就“足够了”，没有必要再作任何进一步的调查，“尤其是在墨西哥”——这指的是竞选捐款在存入巴克在银行里的户头时所经过的路线。 在6月26日和6月28日的会上，迪安向沃尔特斯提议，要中央情报局给五个在押者出保释金和付工资。将军说，他认为这不是个好主意，这样做会有损于该局“超政治”的声誉。沃尔特斯去找了格雷，但是没有照白宫的建议办；相反他警告格雷，总统的助手们为了某种可疑的目的想同时利用中央情报局和联邦调查局。格雷已经知道此事。除了亲身经历以外，他并开始觉察到从下面来的压力，联邦调查局里下属人员都在对他说，已有掩盖活动在进行之中，要求他去警告总统。7月6日，格雷打电话给总统，请他注意：“您的部下在利用中央情报局和联邦调查局，并且把中央情报局对联邦调查局想要调查的人有无关系问题搅乱，这会对您造成致命的伤害。”在沉默片刻以后，总统说：“帕特，你继续放手进行你的彻底的调查吧。”便将电话挂断了。 水门捕人至今已将近三星期了，掩盖闯入事件的遗留痕迹的活动正在全力进行。格雷放了一炮但并未看到什么结果，竟让自己受了迪安的骗。这位总统的助理竟得到允许在联邦调查局调查八名白宫助手时参加进去，联邦调查局关于水门事件的报告大约有八十来种都给过他一份。此外，他还劝说彼特森，不要叫白宫班子里的五个成员——科尔森、扬、克罗、斯特罗恩和德怀特·蔡平——出席正在调查水门事件的联邦大陪审团的审讯。他们可以另外在一间屋子里提出证词，这样陪审团就不能问他们问题了。也正是在这个时候，彼特森的上司克兰丁斯特向公众保证说，司法部对闯入事件真情的追查，是“自肯尼迪总统被刺案以来所进行的一次最广泛、最彻底、最全面的调查”。 8月29日，尼克松自己也提出了一些保证。他告诉全国人民，除了给予联邦调查局所需要的一切协助外，他自己也在进行调查：“在我们自己的班子内部，在我的指导下，总统顾问迪安先生已在对一切线索进行全面调查，看看任何白宫的成员或任何政府官员有无卷入的可能。我可以明白无误地说，他的调查表明，白宫班子中，本届政府中没有一个现在受雇用的人卷入这一荒唐事件。”迪安在广播中听到这话，大为震惊。他只不过执行霍尔德曼和埃利希曼的指示。他根本没有进行什么调查，没写过任何报告，甚至也没有见过总统(一年以后，白宫承认此事，说尼克松是由于得到了埃利希曼的“保证”才有这样的信心的)。 总统在上述那份声明中说：“在这类事中，真正令人痛心的，不在于发生了这类事，因为在竞选中一些过于热心的人总会做些错事的。如果你企图把这类事掩盖起来，那才是令人痛心的。”当然，这恰恰是他们正在干的事情。约翰·米切尔正在主持会议讨论如何掩盖的战略，开会地点先是在他的办公室里，7月1日以后，他在马莎的要求之下辞去争取总统连任委员会的职务，便改在他的水门公寓的套间里。在与会的人中间，有拉鲁，司法部助理部长马迪安和杰布·马格鲁德。有一次，马格鲁德自愿替他们所有的人承担罪责。大家对此事作了认真的考虑，但是最后认为，由于他无权批准利迪所花的大笔款项，他的自称有罪只会把米切尔牵连进去从而危及尼克松重新当选。 因而他们决定，把利迪以后的线索掐断。这个人虽然脾气很古怪，却很可靠；他不会随便讲话，他们可以围绕他编出一套能自圆其说的遁辞来，交给他的正当用途的款项的数目加以夸大，说他自作主张把这笔钱用于搞潜窃活动。马格鲁德的一名助手，巴特·波特同意出面作伪证。他将说明，他曾交给利迪10万元，用于打入反战激进分子的组织。但有一件事不好办。争取总统连任委员会司库休·斯隆是个诚实人。4月间，他曾问过斯坦斯关于利迪的大笔预算的用途。(斯坦斯回答说：“我不想知道，你也不必过问。”)现在，马格鲁德告诉他，他们要改动钱数，说利迪只拿过7.5万或8万元，这时，斯隆回答说：“我可不打算作伪证。”马格鲁德说：“你可能非做不可。” 斯隆以为在争取总统连任运动的领导人中，做事谨严认真的人不止他一个，因此多次试图警告总统的几位助手说，在宾夕法尼亚大道1701号有些事情非常不对头。他先去找蔡平，蔡平劝他去休假，并说：“重要的是必须保护总统。”接着，斯隆去见埃利希曼，建议让一个局外人来调查这个委员会。同斯坦斯一样，埃利希曼说：“别把详情告诉我，我不想知道。”末了，在联邦调查局人员已守候在他的办公室里要询问他时，他跑去求米切尔给他出主意。这位前司法部长说：“事情难弄的时候，难弄的人得走。”斯隆得走，他没有选择的余地。斯坦斯对联邦调查局人员说，他已经辞职了。 9月15日，大陪审团对亨特、利迪以及在民主党总部被逮住的五个人起诉，此外再无别人。追查就到他们为止，因此，总统大大地松了一口气。那天下午稍晚一些时候，迪安被召到椭圆形办公室，尼克松和霍尔德曼对他颇为热情。迪安后来在欧文委员会前作证说，尼克松说，他希望在选举前不会进行审讯，并且要求迪安搞出一份找政府麻烦的人的名单，因为他打算在选举后让他们日子不好过。主要的眼中钉依旧是《华盛顿邮报》，该报于10月10日报道说，水门窃案是“在白宫官员和争取总统连任委员会指挥下进行的……一次大规模的政治侦探和破坏活动”的一部分。争取总统连任委员会总部迅速而愤怒地做出了反应。米切尔的继任者克拉克·麦格雷戈说这篇报道“恶意可鄙”。另一位委员会发言人称它为“集荒谬之大成”。斯坦斯认为，那是“一堆毫无意义的谎话”；罗纳德·齐格勒则说，这是“最荒谬的新闻报道”。普遍认为，他们表示愤慨是理所当然的。在尼克松任总统期间，公众对第四等级指新闻界。——译者的尊重一落千丈。具有象征意义的是，那年夏天最高法院以五票对四票——多数票中四个人是这届政府委任的——做出裁决，法官和大陪审团可以要求新闻记者讲出他们的消息的秘密来源。美国公民自由联盟宣称：“在相当短的时间内，美国的新闻界从许多人认为是极为安全的地位转移到了极为软弱的地位。”造成这种情况的人们，现在受到了有力的报道的威胁。他们的反应是煽动他们自己在公众思想中造成的对“舆论界”的怀疑。他们所得到的是暂时的胜利，最后却丢尽脸面。 一件意外事使他们更接近于彻底败露了：在12月8日那个多雾的下午，2点27分，美国航空公司的553次班机抵达芝加哥米德韦机场，它在离跑道一英里半的地方坠毁，45位乘客中有30人死亡。死者中恰好有霍华德·亨特太太，事故调查人员在她的手提包里发现了1万元的现款。她的家人说，她携带现款专程去买下一家假日旅店的营业权的。当局感到奇怪的是，她这钱是从哪里来的·亨特家一向很拮据。亨特自己曾经非常想要买下华盛顿一家广告公司的合伙权，始终未能凑足所需的2000元的现款。现在在他妻子尸体上却发现了不算太小的一笔财富，全是100元一张的钞票——正好同水门事件那五个人的一样。 这笔钱是买人缄口的钱，而且不止这一笔。水门捕人事件后11天，米切尔主持对策会议，决定筹一笔经费，用迪安的话说：“以换取在狱的那几个人的缄默。”赫伯特·卡姆巴克是第一个被分派这项任务的人，虽然并没有把全部事实真相告诉给他。他从洛杉矶乘夜航机于第二天一早到达华盛顿，在拉斐特公园里一个接头地点，听迪安简要地向他交代了一番之后，他便打电话给斯坦斯，让他送来从竞选基金中提出的7.51万元，全都是现在到处发现的百元钞票。在此后的两个月内，卡姆巴克共拿到21～23万元，其中15.4万元给了多萝西·亨特。这位加利福尼亚人对这种做法是否正当感到不安，便于7月26日去找埃利希曼。他一上来就说：“约翰，我要看看你说的是不是实话。”他说，他想知道，迪安是否有权给他作那些指示，以及这样做到底对不对。据他讲，埃利希曼的回答是：“赫布，约翰·迪安有这个权力，这样做是正当的，你干下去吧。” 8月底，卡姆巴克无论如何也不干了，拉鲁成了新的财神爷。付给水门事件被告的钱总共在42.3～54.8万元之间，其中的大部分都是通过亨特太太的手转交的。实际送款，或者照他自己的说法，送“该洗的衣服”的人，托尼·乌拉塞维奇说他已肯定感到“这里有些事是不干不净的”。说句老实话，争取总统连任委员会正在被人敲诈勒索。亨特在出事后不久，给迪安送去过一封黑信：“作者有一部剧本的手稿要出售。”后来，据麦科德讲，亨特说，除非他妻子的要求得到了满足，他就要“让白宫全部暴露出去”，提出“可以使总统遭到弹劾的材料”。他不但要钱，而且还坚持要得到总统给以特赦的保证。科尔森通过亨特的律师对他作了“一般保证”。作为交换，亨特同意伏罪，并向报界宣布，他不知道“更上面”有任何人卷入此事。 掩盖策略看来似乎已奏效。而实际上却已快拆穿了。即将拆穿的关键是麦科德，他感到应继续忠于他的老机构——中央情报局，或者如他和其他内部的人所称的——“公司”。6月30日，在总统的助手开始试图使中央情报局陷入掩盖策略的罗网的那一周内，麦科德寄给赫尔姆斯一封未署名的信，答应随时跟他通消息，在信的收尾处写道：“我将不时告诉你会感兴趣的情况。”这是他寄给这位局长的七封匿名信中的第一封。紧跟着他于12月22日又写了一封，警告中央情报局保安处一位老朋友说：“有很大的压力企图将全部活动的责任推给公司。”他又于同一周内写信给约翰·考尔菲尔德： 亲爱的杰克： 很抱歉，我不得不告诉你，白宫已决意要让中央情报局承担水门事件的罪责。如果他们继续这样干下去的话，怕不免火烧城门殃及池鱼的。整个事情现已面临千钧一发之际。告诉他们，如果要把事情搞糟的话，他们现在这样干倒是对的。很抱歉，你也会遭殃的。 信上没有署名，但署名是不必要的。考尔菲尔德到处散布说，麦科德打算把真情全都供认出来，但有人作了疯狂的努力要让他改变主意——保证给他的家庭经济上的帮助，总统特赦，出狱后为他恢复名誉，给他安排工作等，甚至使麦科德认为是受到考尔菲尔德的生命威胁：“你明白，如果政府被逼入绝境的话，它是要采取自卫措施的。”麦科德回答说：“各种风险我都已经想过了，到时候，我准备冒一切风险。我这一辈子已经活够了，我的遗嘱都已经写好了。”考尔菲尔德说：“除你以外，谁都非常听话。你没有按计划行事。你保持缄默吧。”但是这个老特务不想再管它什么计划不计划了。他主意已定。他在法院审讯结束时写给约翰·赛里卡法官的一封信(这封信在该案审讯即将结束时曾在法庭上宣读)说，“审讯期间并没有指明其他卷入水门行动的人”，“审讯期间，有人作伪证”，“有人使用政治压力迫使被告服罪并保持缄默”。此事轰动一时，是美国司法史上最重大的时刻之一。尼克松的总统职位随之开始崩溃。 总统争取连任的竞选运动在最后几天内由于从亨利·基辛格那里传来振奋人心的消息而取得了很大的进展：他同河内的首席谈判代表黎德寿在巴黎会谈中已取得了突破。10月8日，北越人不再坚持罢免阮文绍和在西贡设立联合政府了。18天以后，基辛格在一次电视记者招待会上说，再开一次会，便能达成最后的协议。他说：“和平在望了。” but it is not the truth. 10月23日，白宫宣布，停战协定的签字要延期，因需要举行新的会议，以“澄清”某些问题。发生困难的原因看来至少一部分来自西贡方面，南越外交部长陈文林抨击即将达成的协定是“不能接受的”。阮文绍说，这等于“让南越人民向共产党投降”。阮文绍发誓说，如果有必要，他的国家将单独继续作战。 当基辛格试图重新谈判某些敏感问题时，河内谴责华盛顿言而无信，要求按原来谈妥的条款签署协议。美国人拒绝了这一要求，于是黎德寿盛怒之下开始就诸如国际停战监督小组的规模和——对于美国来说至为重要的——遣返美国战俘等问题提出反建议。基辛格宣称，对方是有意“一个接一个提出琐碎的问题”，河内派出的小组试图“在改动文字的掩饰下”做出实质性的改动。 据报道，总统对越南两方都很恼火；怨西贡执拗顽固，认为河内说过的话不算话。12月14日，基辛格绝望之下离开巴黎，尼克松给北越总理范文同发电报，警告他除非在72小时内恢复认真的谈判，他将重新在海防港外布雷，并使用包括B-52、FO4鬼怪式和海军战斗轰炸机在内的美国空军威力。柯蒂斯·李梅将军曾经建议把越南炸回到石器时代去，而总统显然也有类似的想法。这可不是没分量的威胁。总统的空军将领们向他保证，在两星期内他们可以对敌方本土进行饱和轰炸，投掷炸弹的总吨数要比第二次世界大战中几乎全部大规模空袭中的投弹吨数还多。此外，在其规模上这将是前所未闻的最大的恐怖轰炸。B-52就能确保这一点。这种飞机根本不可能进行定点轰炸。每一架B-52机腹内载有40吨炸弹。飞行时以三架为一“小组”，每一小组向一个一英里半长、半英里宽的“方格”内投掷它的炸弹。到目前为止，这种飞机还没有用来袭击过城市。如果它们在河内上空投弹的话，使平民遭受大量伤亡将是不可避免的。 72个小时过去了。范文同没有答复，尼克松向关岛和泰国的美国空军基地和东京湾里的美国航空母舰发布命令：开始闪电攻击。结果是美国卷入越南的漫长历史上的最残酷的一章。河内遭到了各种类型的美国飞机在各种气候条件下进行的昼夜不停的连续轰炸。美国飞行员使用了100架巨大的绿、棕两色的B-52，仅在第一周内就出动了1400架次以上。美国人全惊呆了。仅在几天之前——实际上直到12月中旬——他们还一直在盼望着美国完全摆脱印度支那，期待着美国战俘(其中有些人已经被俘将近十年了)能够回家过圣诞节。现在他们见到的却是这种令人目瞪口呆的180度转变。总统也没有对他们进行解释。过去，尼克松同他的前任约翰逊一样，总是出现在电视上，宣布他在越南采取的新的行动。现在他根本无意为自己的行为申述理由了。惟一出来表明态度的白宫官员是齐格勒。他对记者说，轰炸“将继续到达成解决办法的时候”。 五角大楼提出许多军事目标：停车场、交通塔、发电厂、仓库、桥梁、铁路、船坞、工厂、公路、兵营、供给站、飞机着陆场以及高射炮和地对空导弹阵地。但是大部分目标都是北越城市中人口稠密的地区。例如河内热电厂就在距市中心仅仅一千码的地方。驻河内的外交官和外国记者发出报告，详细描述了这个遭浩劫的城市。城里没有电，并经常缺水。周围一大片地区布满了大大小小的弹坑。学校变成了冒着烟的大坑。瓦砾堆里到处是炸碎的练习本。父母拼命地在碎裂的水泥板间寻找他们的子女。 在河内郊区太原，几乎有一千平民死伤，棺材堆置在街角上。白太肺结核医院被夷为平地。白梅医院也是如此，医生从废墟里把病人背出来。一家药房被炸毁。一个炸弹落在一所战俘营里——此事激怒了尼克松，据报道说，他责骂北越人不该把战俘安置在导弹会落下来的地方。波兰货船约瑟夫·康拉德号被炸沉在河内港口内，炸死水手三人；还炸坏了一艘俄国船和一艘中国船。为这些违法行为道歉的国务院人员都非常生气。一位美国外交官忧郁地说：“照这样干下去，到圣诞节前夜我们该去炸河内的天主教堂了。” 实际上，尼克松宣布圣诞节前后停战36小时，但是这段时间一过，死神又光临了。墙上依旧有北越人用白垩写的：“我们要替被美国人屠杀的同胞报仇”和“尼克松，你必须偿还这笔血债”。这只是一种无可奈何的表示而已。白宫远在7000英里外，最后一批美国地面部队不久便将撤离印度支那了。北越惟一可以用来抵制暴行的人质是被他们抓住的美国飞行员。在这次闪电轰炸之前七年内，B-52出动过10万架次，被敌人炮火击落的仅一架。而现在河内已拥有世界最强大的高射炮防空能力，仅在1972年的最后这两个星期内，他们的愤怒的炮火便击落了16架这种空中无畏战舰，一架就值1500万元。更重要的是，98名飞行员被俘。美国在东京湾地区上空的猛烈轰炸，增加了在巴黎的赌注。无论基辛格还是黎德寿，他们身上的压力都更大了。 另外还出现了一些和平的因素。尼克松(这还不是最后一次)错误地判断了公众在道义上愤慨的限度。詹姆斯·赖斯顿把大规模轰炸称做“抽风的战争”。俄亥俄州共和党参议员威廉·萨克斯比原曾支持尼克松的越南政策，现在也出来反对，说他“作为一个美国人”感到不安，并且认为他的同胞都会有“同感”。在欧洲，反应更为尖锐。伦敦的《每日镜报》说：“美国恢复轰炸北越，引起全世界的反感。”在巴黎，《世界报》把这次空中进攻比做纳粹在西班牙内战时夷平格尔尼卡的罪行。瑞典首相奥洛夫·帕尔梅更不留情，把它与德国灭绝犹太人的行为相比。这激怒了美国政府，它把瑞典大使召来提抗议，但是所有西方国家的政府，反应都几乎同样强烈。 如果说华盛顿低估了盟国的不满情绪的话，河内则是高估了共产党世界的愤怒程度。莫斯科和北京的评论都是敷衍了事的。列昂尼德·勃列日涅夫在苏联50周年国庆的讲话中，对于B-52的轰炸的态度真是再温和不过了，他还很显眼地派他的孩子们参加美国大使馆的招待会，去与特里西娅·尼克松·考克斯和她的丈夫相见。俄国人与中国人都力劝北越人同美国人取得谅解。美国已失去了反对“解放战争”的热情，苏联和中国对这些战争的支持也不如从前热心了。与其说是轰炸，也许反倒不如说是这一原因，使河内发出了要求重新会谈的紧急信号。12月30日，白宫宣布暂停轰炸，再度安排基辛格和黎德寿在1月8日会谈。阮文绍派了两名外交官到华盛顿，扬言要反对任何不符合他的要求的条约，此时，尼克松的反应是派出亚历山大·黑格将军带了一封致阮文绍的信前去西贡，内容实际是要他免开尊口，这一点已足以表明美国谋求解决问题的决心了。 基辛格随即挟着装有新建议的公事包奔波于巴黎和比斯开湾之间。1月底，当两个谈判者在42个月中举行第24轮会谈时，他们终于取得了突破。大家原估计将还需两天的讨价还价，但是最后的谅解仅在四小时内便达成了。在巴黎古老的美琪饭店墙上挂着丝绒的大会议厅里，宣告了战争的正式结束；华盛顿、河内和西贡同时广播了这一消息(基辛格说，光是完成那一套程序，“便使我们大家都老了几岁”)。尼克松总统带领全国做祷告，大力赞扬“在各国历史上最无私的事业之一中”在越南服役的250万美国人。他宣称，他取得了“光荣的和平”。 但光荣二字实在无从说起。基辛格很明白这一点。在向报界发表的经过深思的简单谈话中，他说：“到现在，看来已很清楚，在这场战争中，谁也不能说只有他痛苦，或者说只有他最有远见。”他根本没提什么光荣，或英勇，或荣誉或任何其他与这场冲突毫不相干的有关武功的辞藻。他说：“在医治印度支那的创伤的同时，我们可以着手医治美国的创伤。”这话说到点子上了，因为那正是当时美国的问题。美国在阵亡大约4.6万人、受伤30万人和花费了1100亿元之后，作为战争的直接结果，他们面临着一个严重的国内问题，一种精神上的沉疴。在麦克卢汉式的全球村加拿大作家，由于电视的发达，他称世界是个小村庄。——译者里，要使一个遥远的国度成为废墟，而又不使美国遭受严重创伤，那是不可能的事。除去人力物力的损失以外，受伤的还有：美国公众对总统职位的尊重，因为它使美国进入了这场战争；美国公众对国会的尊重，因为它曾继续不断为这场战争拨出巨额款项；美国公众对法院的尊重，因为它没有裁决这场战争为不合宪法；美国公众对民主制度本身的尊重，因为，事实证明在影响决策者方面，它实际不起作用，因而已经堕落成街头的混乱了。赖斯顿就停火一事写道：“由于这场战争的影响，美国人对权威的尊重已是一落千丈了，这不仅包括对政府行政权威的尊重，而且包括对学校、大学、报界、教会，甚至家庭的权威的尊重……美国生活已经发生了某种变化——这些变化现在还没有为人所理解，或没有形成一致的看法，这变化是前所未有的，重要的，也或许将永远持续下去。” 在停战的一周内，麦迪逊广场花园发生了一场丢人的争吵，争吵的问题是在体育比赛前是否演奏乐曲《星条旗歌》。同一时候，教师罢教像新发生的流行病传遍全国，使教学活动全部停顿。这在上一次美国精神大考验的大萧条期间，都是不能想像的。当时，星条旗飘扬在一个比现在要穷得多的国土上空，当时的美国存在着许多物质上的苦难。教师在那场经济危机中属于受害最深的一部分人。付给他们的报酬往往是不值钱的临时通货，或甚至分文不给，有些人只能同挨饿的孩子分食极少的一点食物。但是在那个纪律严格的社会里，教师罢教，犹如不尊重国歌一样，是不能想像的。这并不是说那时的美国是一个比较好的国家，显然不是这样。这只表明，当时的美国是另一个国家，住着与今天不同的另一些人民，他们所面临的挑战是与70年代的挑战全然不一样的。 或许这正是亨利·亚当斯在本世纪初所写的一段话的意思，他认为20世纪的美国人要经受的考验，将是他们的适应能力。变化是美国历史上的一个永恒的主题。美国是世界上惟一的一个国家，为变化本身而崇拜变化，把变化和进步看做是同一回事。林登·约翰逊在1965年曾说：“我们需要变化。我们需要进步。这是我们的目标。” 但是，如果说这是美国民族性格的一个方面，它也还有另一个方面，与此完全针锋相对的一面，这一方面在越南战争结束时又重新抬头了。那就是渴望抛弃现在，恢复那尚未完成的过去。约翰·布鲁克斯曾说：“美国有一个古老的习惯，喜欢留恋刚刚失去的好梦，决意下一次要把它追回来。”这是在美国文学中常见的主题。最容易想到的是威拉·卡瑟的迷失的小姐和罗伯特·弗罗斯特的《没走的一条路》。托马斯·沃尔夫写道：“我们一言不发地回忆着，一边寻求已被遗忘的伟大的语言，已迷失的通往天堂的路口，一块石头、一片树叶、一个未找到的门。在什么地方·什么时候·呵，迷失的，因风而悲伤的幽灵，回来吧。”因此，在干预了国外冲突1/3世纪之后，美国人民再次把注意力转到国内来了，他们要在与世隔绝中寻求安慰，在孤立中寻求复兴。斯科特·菲茨杰拉德在他最优秀的小说的结尾中写道：“所以我们掉转船头，逆时代潮流而行，不间歇地向过去驶去。”