Chapter 4 worst year-2

In retrospect, it was bizarre: Smith lost his temper and spoke so harshly, but the words that started the storm were soft.In the end, Roosevelt was proposing nothing more than doing something for the starving poor. Roosevelt ran for president and was headquartered in a modest office building at 331 Madison Avenue in New York City.The election campaign did not go well.He has been leading the Democratic Party since his victory in the governor's election, but when the party convention was about to open, he suddenly lost his advantage.His most loyal campaign aide is the 61-year-old Lewis McHenry Howe, a small, unremarkable former reporter.He was fond of answering the phone: "This is a medieval land god." Outside New York state, he was hated by many politicians.However, in the eyes of some commentators, Roosevelt came out to run for the presidency, and there was nothing worthy of compliment.Right-wing Bernard Baruch, American financial and political giant (1876-1965). —The translator said Roosevelt was "weak and weak"; the head of the Democratic Party in Jersey City, Frank Hague, predicted that Roosevelt "could not win" in the November election; "In Franklin D. Roosevelt we see another Hoover," the newspaper said.

Looking at the leaders of the Democratic and Republican parties at that time, Roosevelt was the only one who could put forward progressive suggestions to solve the country's difficulties.But the Liberals attacked him more fiercely than others.Heywood Bloom, Elmer Davis and Walter Lippmann all looked down on him. The New Republic described him as "by no means a man of great insight or stamina." Oswald Garrison Villard, editor of The Nation, wrote in an open letter to Roosevelt on May 11: "Americans have always believed that in extraordinary times there will be leaders who will keep the American system going." Yes, but you've let us down." A look through the pre-Convention issues of The Nation reveals anti-Roosevelt arguments like this: "Let him be the nominee and things won't improve "There is no real enthusiasm for his candidacy." "There is little evidence that the people embrace Roosevelt as leader." "Weak and ready to compromise." "Let someone as weak as Roosevelt succeed Herbert at a time like this." The consequences of Hoover's subsequent presidency are bound to be very serious, because people mistakenly believe that he is an enlightened figure." "The Nation" also imitated the tone of the Scripps Howard newspaper department, saying: "Hoover used another The name is still Hoover."

According to the rules of the Democratic Party Convention in 1932, two-thirds of the votes were required to be nominated as the party's presidential candidate.Smith soon became the leader of the anti-Roosevelt coalition. At the end of April, both he and Roosevelt participated in the Massachusetts primary election, and defeated Roosevelt, winning the support of all 36 representatives in the state. The total vote was 3:1. In May, John Nance Garner (he is the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the candidate supported by Hurst, and has a reputation for being labeled "red party" indiscriminately) won the California primary election with 60,000 votes, followed by It was Roosevelt, and Smith came in third with slightly fewer votes than Roosevelt.Now there is only one way for Roosevelt to win the National Party Congress, and that is to negotiate conditions with the leaders of the Democratic Party in each state. At the end of June, the Democrats gathered in Chicago (two weeks earlier, the Republicans nominated Hoover for re-election here, and a representative wanted to nominate Coolidge, but was kicked out of the conference hall by the Chicago police). Roosevelt canvasses.He asked former Virginia Gov. Harry Byrd, "What do you want?" Byrd said he wanted to be a senator."Is that what you're asking for?" asked the "medieval land god." Byrd said yes.Virginia already had two Democratic senators, but Howe said, "Okay, let's make Glass or Swanson the cabinet."

At the Chicago Stadium podium, Judge John Mack was preparing to deliver a bland speech proposing Roosevelt as a presidential candidate.The Democrats had already passed a monstrous platform that promised to cut federal spending by 25 percent, balance the budget, maintain the gold standard, and adopt liberal economic policies. Only one thing was pleasing to the eye, and that was the repeal of Prohibition.Those who supported Roosevelt hadn't even chosen a campaign theme song yet. The song "Sidewalk in New York" had already been adopted by Smith; Roosevelt's hometown, Hyde Park, was a small town with no sidewalks, and this song would not have been used.To celebrate Roosevelt's previous service as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Howe decided to use the song "Heaving Anchor."When Judge Mike walked to the rostrum, Howe's female secretary suddenly ran into the room and told Howe that the song "Anchor Lifting" must not be used because a cigarette company's radio program had already been used.Instead, she suggested a song from the MGM movie "Chasing the Rainbow," the year the stock market crashed.The lady danced around in the bedroom of suite 1502, humming and snapping her fingers to keep time.Howe had no choice but to express his agreement to change the theme song, grabbed the microphone and said: "Tell them to play "Happy Days Come Again"!" This set the party anthem for the Democrats of his generation.Judge Mike finished his speech, and the parade began, and the inferior pipe organ played the tune of such a song:

Happy days are here again! The sky is cloudless! Let us sing again a song of joy— The happy days are——come——arrived again! The song certainly helped, but it wasn't enough.After three votes, the party congress remained deadlocked.Some representatives who supported Roosevelt wavered.According to the statewide uniform voting rules, in the Mississippi caucus, Roosevelt would lose the state's party delegates as long as he missed one vote.Roosevelt's campaigners listened to Long Island politician Jim Farley, chairman of the Democratic National Committee (1932-1940). ——Translator's words, said to Garner, if he supports Roosevelt, let him be the vice president.William Randolph Hearst feared that if Roosevelt's supporters split, a presidential candidate would be chosen who advocated American membership in the League of Nations.Garner listened to Hearst's advice and agreed to make the deal with Roosevelt.Garner called his campaign manager, Sam Rayburn, from Washington, and the California representative switched to Roosevelt.The Smithies, who were packed into the stands, were outraged when they saw this.Representatives of this faction refused to let the whole party unanimously support Roosevelt, and ran everywhere to tear up Roosevelt's campaign slogans.Humor critic Will Rogers said: "Haha! They are the real Democrats today. You attack me, I attack you; they join hands for a while, and turn against each other for a while; they fall apart and have to adjourn. This is in line with the Democratic Party The spirit of tradition!" Other critics were less kind.Heywood Bloom satirized Roosevelt and said: "The party convention turned over and over again, like a screw; Weak presidential candidate. The San Francisco Chronicle agrees.President Hoover also thought Mencken was right when he kicked a heavy ball with his friends for exercise the next morning.Someone said to Hoover, don't worry, Americans still tend to be conservative; another said that Roosevelt is a helpless kidnapper. Roosevelt suffered from polio and his legs were broken. - Translator, the voters will not elect him as president.In this way, a lot of gossip began to circulate.

Roosevelt flew from Albany to Chicago in a three-engine Ford, which made two stops because of bad weather. The flight was nine hours long.On the plane, he wrote his acceptance speech.Candidates accept the nomination like never before.But Roosevelt believed that the current period of the Great Depression required unprecedented action.He buckled the braces on his legs, stood in front of the delegates, and expressed his hope.Democrats should break with "irrational traditions," he said.He said loudly: "I am here to express my determination for you and myself to hold a New Deal for the American people." Year as President of the United States. ——Translator's "SquareDeal" (SquareDeal) and President Woodrow Wilson 1913-1921 President of the United States. —The translator's "New Freedoms" (New Freedoms) These two slogans are cleverly combined.However, the reporters later discovered that Roosevelt liked to borrow other people's words casually.The term "forgotten people" he uses comes from an 1883 speech by Professor William Graham Sumner. In 1932, the writer Stuart Chase was an American economist and sociologist (1888～〓). —The translator has just published a book, which also happens to be titled The New Deal.Where a word, an idea, a plan came from, Roosevelt didn't care much.His general policy was seen in a speech he gave at Oglethorpe University."America not only needs, but demands, if I am not mistaken about the mind of the American people, a bold and persistent experiment ... the most important thing is to make a difference," he said. He has begun to invite some professors to propose suggestion. "New York Times" James Keelan called these professors braintrusts (think tanks). Later, everyone, including Roosevelt himself, used this term, but dropped the letter S and called them braintrusts.

If the so-called genius is someone who is extremely good at using all kinds of talents and things, then this Democratic presidential candidate can indeed be regarded as one.John Nemuro likened him to "a universal joint, a switchboard, a transformer" because through him the ingenuity of others could be brought into play.Less than a year later, he became a legend, but when he was a presidential candidate, everyone thought he was just an ordinary man-50 years old, broad shoulders, big, two legs paralyzed but his arms were long, and his hands were large, hairy, and freckled; he had thinning hair, a slightly larger belly, two blue eyes set close together, always with brown shadows under them, and a mottled mouth. There are two long wrinkles, like a pair of brackets.No doubt he had been brought up in the manner of a country gentleman, and his mind was guided by the old morals of Endicott Peabody, headmaster of Groton School, which gave him much mental strength.Among American politicians, he is perhaps the only one who sees economic issues as moral issues.Roosevelt's self-confidence was astonishing (someone said, "God must have given him psychoanalytic treatment." This means that his thought barriers were removed, so he had no worries. - Translator), and his memory was also amazing.The streets and buildings he had only seen once in Italy when he was a child, he remembered clearly when he grew up.During the Second World War, a ship sank near Scotland, whether it was hit by a torpedo or ran aground.Roosevelt said that he might have hit a reef, and then he recited the height of the high tide on the local coast and how deep the reef was underwater.One of his best performances (he loves to perform) is asking guests to sketch a map of the United States with symbols and signs, but no words. ——The translator draws a line randomly, and he will tell which counties lie on this line in sequence.He was enthusiastic about reform, and when he saw the Sahara Desert, he wanted to divert water for irrigation.In a world of stagnation and inaction at the time, he was already a global figure.Someone in Brussels' "Tomorrow" gave him a horoscope and said: He has many characteristics, including too strong idealism, too eager to advocate reform, and "very far-sighted vision."He also said: After 1941, he will be in danger of encountering accidents.

Roosevelt repeatedly warned Americans: "If you want to achieve great things, you must have both ideals and practicality, and you must not go to extremes." Theorists will not listen to such words.Harold Laski was a British political scientist (1893-1950). ——The translator laughed at him and said: Roosevelt "wanted to use a pill to save an earthquake".Lippmann said he was too weak, too comprehensive, too eager to please.Ernest Lindley reported that the Americans longed for a savior, but that Mr. Roosevelt "didn't look or sound like a savior."John Dewey American philosopher (1859-1952). ——The translator said: People think that the nomination of Roosevelt is the lesser of two evils, and the result is "harming oneself".Labor organizations were in decline, and they didn't support any of the presidential candidates.

People are increasingly disillusioned with both the Democratic and Republican parties.Will Rogers concluded: "Most people feel that it is better to vote against all candidates, if possible." Alfred Landon, a Republican gubernatorial candidate in Kansas Dr. John "Goat Gland" Brinkley's third-party candidate was in jeopardy; Alameda County, California, District Attorney Earl Warren was running for re-election when half a dozen people out of nowhere came out to talk to him compete.In the Democratic Party, it was questionable whether Huey Lange supported Roosevelt. This man was the king of Louisiana and carried a pistol everywhere.Roosevelt considered him one of the two most dangerous men in the country (the other being General MacArthur).

Lippmann said: He could not see that there was "any fundamental difference of principle" between Roosevelt and Hoover, and people on the left left the Democratic Party.Louis Mumford said: "If I voted, I voted for the Communists. Only Communism is single-minded about saving civilization." Professor Paul Douglas of the University of Chicago (who later became a prominent figure in the Democratic Party) at the time Proclaimed: If the Democratic Party is destroyed, it would be "a great event in our political life."John Chamberlain wrote in September of that year that when it comes to progressive thought, "not look to Norman Thomas, leader of the Socialist Party of America (1884-1968) - translator, but to William Foster, although this Neither will accomplish anything." Thomas' supporters included Stephen Vincent Benet, Reinhold Niebuhr, Stuart Chase, Elmer Davis, Merris Ernst, and chief writer for The New Republic and The Nation.Still singing those old leftist tunes, he wrote about Roosevelt: "Roosevelt talked about 'forgotten people,' but what rights were disenfranchised and what was to be done for them, he didn't Seriously and clearly. We don't see any leadership qualities in him, and there is no indication that he can handle this extraordinary situation."

This statement is too much, but the pseudonym of a columnist in TRB's "New Republic" weekly. ——The translator wrote in the "New Republic" weekly magazine: "Roosevelt adopted a policy of sitting on the fence during the campaign." Good, well-born, but lacking the confidence to make bold reforms." This is not wrong.Roosevelt made only one truly radical speech to the San Francisco Commonwealth Club on September 23, and never again.His ideas were largely conservative at the time, advocating maintaining the gold standard, balancing budgets, and letting business compete freely.Besides, he must maintain the unity of his party.The Democrats have one Huey Long on the left and ten Smiths and Garners on the right."We should stop talking about 'forgotten people' and class differences," Smith said. Garner also sent word to Roosevelt that if his "ideas" got too radical, someone would "kick us, kick We fuck the shit."Roosevelt wasn't too radical.There were many contradictions in his speech, and several words seemed to reflect only a shallow optimism.His speech in Pittsburgh was even more erroneous.Among the new members of his brain trust was General Hugh "Iron Pants" Johnson, a friend of Baruch's and a classmate of Douglas MacArthur's at West Point and later with George S. Patton on the Mexican frontier. comrades.As a boy he loved to sing, "Everyone is bad but Hugh Johnson is good." He still holds that attitude.In his opinion, everyone else in the think tank is a bad guy.Roosevelt took the train to campaign everywhere, and when the think tank was not around, he persuaded Roosevelt and encouraged him to accept a 25% cut in the federal budget in the Democratic Party platform.Four years later, Roosevelt heard it again. To the audience, however, Roosevelt's position on tariffs and the power industry was less noteworthy than his demeanor.What they saw was a good leader with a dignified appearance: his head was raised like a lion, his eyes were piercing, his cigarette holder was turned up to the sky, and his navy cape was draped over his broad shoulders, so chic and generous.His demeanor was exceedingly warm, gracious, and dignified; he always smiled and said, "My friends."Although his speech did not fully explain the policy of the government, it was very well said.When newspaper editors read Roosevelt's words, "The only things that are truly valuable in our country are the natural resources and the people," they couldn't help muttering.But the people who voted were deeply moved by the apparent sincerity of Roosevelt.In their view, Roosevelt's words were clear and specific, with popular metaphors.Roosevelt cared about the people, and the people felt it.Participating in this campaign has an educational effect on himself and the American people.On his way westward across the Great Plains, he saw for the first time how dire the economic situation in the United States had become.He told a friend: "I have looked at the faces of thousands of Americans...they all look like lost children." President Hoover was back in the White House, feeling refreshed.Roosevelt's speech was nothing special.Of course, Roosevelt might have been helped a little by the Digest poll predicting Roosevelt's victory; bettors were betting seven to one that Hoover would lose, which might have also boosted Roosevelt's popularity.But the biggest surprise came from Maine.The state still held elections in September as usual, and as a result, a Democratic governor and two Democratic representatives were elected.It was the first Republican loss in Maine since the Civil War. Running for president in 1928, Hoover, who had won 40 states, was now losing Maine to the Democratic Party, which puzzled him."We must fight to the end," he told his secretary. He had said before that four months into the campaign, Roosevelt would lose the confidence of the business community, which in his mind had some incredible power , can influence the outcome of elections.Some companies, such as Ford Motor Company, have actually informed all employees: "In order to prevent the situation from getting worse and make the situation better, you must elect Hoover as President." But the workers obviously did not listen to the boss.Added to this were spectacular defections in the Republican Party, most notably Senator Barra of Idaho and Senator Hiram Johnson of California who went to each other. So Hoover put on his boots and a hard rubber collar and went out among the people.He was lucky to come back alive.He deliberately used despicable tactics. He once told a cabinet member that Americans "hate" the Republican government, so the only way to win is to "frighten them and make them worry that Roosevelt will do bad things."Speaking of his tariff policy in Des Moines, he said: "If the protective tariff is removed, hundreds of thousands of towns will be deserted, and millions of farms will be overgrown with weeds." He responded with ridicule and paraded around with a "Hoover Cart" with the slogan: "No matter what Hoover says, we must achieve our goals. This is not a nonsense." The audience said that Roosevelt had said "nonsense...false words...empty words...false words...damaging people's reputations...stupid words...bloody words", but the audience booed in return.He promised in Cleveland that he would feed any "good" citizen, but the audience bombarded him.In St. Paul, he mentioned the removal of veterans who petitioned for compensation, saying, "Thank God we still have a good government in Washington that knows how to deal with rioters." But the audience roared.The worst was in Detroit, a place with 250,000 people in need of relief.As soon as he got to the station, the people waiting for him hissed and screamed.The mounted police waved their batons to disperse the crowd, but when Hoover's car drove by, tens of thousands of people along the way shook their fists and shouted "Hang Hoover!" The slogan read: "Down with Hoover! Killer of soldiers! Hoover gave billions to bankers for free and shot veterans!" Later an agent told a reporter, "From Teddy Roosevelt to Theodore Roosevelt, Teddy (Teddy) is Theodore's nickname. ——Since the time of the translator, I have traveled with the presidents of the past, and I have never seen anyone booing the president like this, and a group of people took to the streets to confront the president Gestures of contempt. It's ugly." During the crowd demonstration, Secret Service Chief Sterling glanced at Hoover, who was pale and almost speechless.Eggs and tomatoes were thrown at his train as it passed through dismal districts.Hoover didn't know what to do, so he called his predecessor, Calvin Coolidge, for advice. Coolidge replied that he had a bad throat and, "I don't know what to say." He was understandably embarrassed, since his bank in Northampton, Massachusetts, was about to fail.Finally, he agreed to give a speech at Madison Square Garden.The Republicans thought that Coolidge was popular and that the garden would be filled with people.But otherwise, more than 2/3 of the seats were empty.Desperate ushers ran into the streets to persuade passers-by to go in and hear the only living outgoing president, Coolidge, speak.The faithful members of the Republican Party applauded him warmly for two minutes.He took out his watch, implying that such a drumbeat would inevitably waste 340 yuan in broadcasting fees, so the applause stopped.Someone exclaimed, "That's the way of Calvin!" Carr was an affectionate term for Coolidge, and his full name was Calvin Coolidge. ——Translator But he has lost the demeanor of the past, and the audience is not the kind of audience he is familiar with.He said: "The Republican Party believes that industry and commerce should be promoted. When industry and commerce benefit, ordinary people's welfare will follow." He waited for others to applaud, but there was no response.He went on to say, "When I used to be president—" The crowd burst out laughing.He shook his head, puzzled.No one had ever laughed at him like this before when he was giving a speech.He stammered through the manuscript, and when he got home he said he was "dried up." Fifteen weeks later, he was literally dead. At this time, the ruling party is indeed dying, and it will use whatever means it can.The Secretary of Agriculture scolded Roosevelt, calling him "a typical liar propagandist."The Secretary of the Navy predicted that if Roosevelt was elected, 100 million people would lose their lives.Hoover shouted: "My countrymen! Where will our country go in the next 100 years? The lines are thicker.In his final broadcast, he forewarned voters not to trust "those gods in disguise who can say and do anything."William Allen White noted that Hoover's voice was "tired" and that Hoover's speech was a "empty, hopeless whine". Comparing Hoover's appearance with Roosevelt, there is a world of difference.Roosevelt said to the audience on the radio: "You may not all agree with me, but you are all very good to me." "Because everyone is united, we can be twisted into one rope and hang us from the muddy pit of the Great Depression." Come out." He is open-minded and generous, confident that he will win, and no one who has ever run for the presidency is as sure as he is.On the night of the general election, wearing a dark blue vest and a fraternity badge, he sat in the Democratic Party headquarters in the Biltmore Hotel in New York City, listening to the continuous success of the Democratic Party until 0:17 in the morning. Buddha admits defeat.Roosevelt won the votes in 42 of the 48 states, except Connecticut, Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Delaware and Pennsylvania, with a total of 472 electoral votes; "("Time" magazine ridiculed him like this), only 59 copies were obtained.Not since Lincoln defeated McClellan by 212 votes to 21 has anyone in the history of a bipartisan election achieved such a victory.However, it was also noticed that the number of citizen votes received by Norman Thomas also increased from 267,240 to 728860.To celebrate the victory, Louis Howe opened a bottle of 20-year-old sherry for everyone to drink.Three babies were born that night at Beth Aire Hospital in Brooklyn, all named after Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Maybrand, Franklin Delano Finkelstein, Franklin Delano No Larkin. Roosevelt returned to his residence in the city at 49 East 65th Street. His mother hugged him and said happily: "This is the happiest moment in my life." But Roosevelt seemed to have lost his confidence in the campaign.After going upstairs, his son (25 years old) helped him to bed, bowed his head and kissed him, wishing him good night.Roosevelt looked up at his son and said, "Jimmy, you know I've only worried about one thing in my life, and that's fire. But tonight, I seem to worry about something else." The young son asked him "Dad, what are you worried about?" Roosevelt replied, "I'm worried that I won't be able to do the job of the president." The next morning, he sat on the bed leaning on the pillow, reading the editorials in the national newspapers, and felt refreshed again.Even the "Chicago Tribune" said: Roosevelt's "personality and ideas are liked by the people. They think he has good intentions and sincerity."Roosevelt has these qualities, but others cannot think that this is a weakness that can be used to achieve their own goals.If Roosevelt hadn't had a keen eye to see what people were secretly thinking, he would not have gotten the presidency.That was the vision he needed that morning.Hoover sent a congratulatory message, and he had to call back.At first, he wrote a few words on the back of the call, saying that he was going to "work with you" in the next few months.But he stopped, ticked off the sentence, and rewritten it as: "I will try my best to achieve the common goal of you and me, which is to contribute to the country." Inaugurated on March 4 of a year, Hoover had a four-month transition period.Roosevelt had a hunch that Hoover was trying to entangle him in the unpopular policies of the outgoing administration.He guessed right. On December 5, members of the 72nd Congress, whose term was about to expire and with insufficient attendance, returned to Capitol Hill listlessly.Some congressmen thought that the unemployed would be frightened away when veterans went to the capital to petition and were expelled, and no one dared to come to Washington again. They were taken aback.There are more than 2,500 people here, a lot of men, women and children. They greeted them in front of the Congress and shouted: "The hungry should have food, and the rich should pay more taxes! The hungry should have food." Those who have money should pay more taxes!" The new capital police chief was ordered not to accommodate these troublemakers, so he strictly implemented this order.The police first drove these people out of Capitol Hill with tear gas and riot guns, then surrounded them and forced them to walk along New Jersey Avenue to Camp Meigs, a temporary barracks on New York Avenue.The chief of police told the press that he had put those in custody together in a "detention camp."The guards taunted those under guard, denied them water, food, medical treatment, and even forbid them to dig latrines.A Wisconsin congressman told his constituents that he saw the police deliberately prodding these people.The detainees were huddled on the freezing ground for 48 hours before being released.Before leaving, they sang a newly learned song: Arise, hungry and cold slaves, Arise, sufferers all over the world, My blood is boiling, To fight for the truth... Throughout the early 1930s, and especially during the final months of the 72nd Congress, the pace of hunger demonstrations was heard across the country.In New York, 35,000 people packed Federation Square to hear communist speeches.In Oklahoma City, Minneapolis and St. Paul, hordes of people stormed grocery stores and meat markets, stripping shelves.Most of the people were still secretly fed up with it (suicides tripled that winter), but more and more people began to mobilize everywhere and to act violently.In Lincoln, Nebraska, 4,000 people occupied the state capitol, and in Seattle, 5,000 people occupied the ten-story city hall. 5,000 outraged Chicago teachers broke into downtown banks.The tune of the "Internationale" became more and more familiar to the unemployed.A 42-year-old radical named Louis Budenz actually led the crowd of the Ohio Unemployed Union to march on the Columbus City Council Building. His slogan was: "We must seize power and establish a workers' and peasants' republic." The notions of institutions, power, and private property (these are things that can be learned without learning, what Daniel Patrick Moynihan later called "the glue of human society"), have shown signs of collapse.Some people engage in anti-tax campaigns, and some people illegally mine coal seams owned by companies. These are all bad omens.The increasing number of vegetables grown in vacant land without the owner's permission, and the scattered and aimless riots in Detroit, where relief services have been completely shut down, are also very bad.Residents in some areas were all relocated in one go.Key West, Florida, is bankrupt, with no money for the Sanitation Department and piles of trash on the streets.Hungry people everywhere are talking about it and want to take violent actions.A mayor in Massachusetts watched a procession of 2,000 unemployed milling around the city hall and wrote: "Just one spark will turn them into a mob." North Carolina Governor Max Garrett Dana warned of the imminent danger of a "violent social and political revolution".When Chicago Mayor Anton Schermak heard that the state of Illinois was refusing to allocate funds to relieve Chicago's 600,000 unemployed, he told the state legislature: "If you want to close the relief stations, send the army first." The rich are impatient.The attitudes of the recruiting departments of various companies are becoming more and more rude, the bank tellers are nervous, and the elected mayors and county governors call out the police at every turn, and the police use batons at every turn.Henry Ford, who always talked but didn't fight, now carried a gun with him.When a delegation from the Council of Unemployed Workers in Richmond, Virginia, visited Mayor Fulmer Bright a few days after Thanksgiving, the mayor told the sheriff: "Give me a hand by the collar, by the crotch, and put them Throw it out." Panicked private guards for the Fayette County Mining Company in Pennsylvania shot and killed four miners.New York City bans apple sellers from setting up sidewalk stands.The new mayor, John O'Brien, also boasted to the citizens: "Your new mayor is a tough guy, and the red party team will never invade New York City." "Women screamed and men were bleeding," the Times reported. Police in Oklahoma City dispersed the meeting with tear gas.Someone occupied a municipal building in Seattle, and the police used fire hoses to drive them away.Police on duty in Chicago used batons against teachers demanding pay.Two police officers grabbed a middle-aged female teacher, and the other beat her head and face. A spokesman for the AFL testified before a Senate committee about the "problem of repeated riots in industrial cities."He said: "Most of the troublemakers don't know what communism is. They just want bread." But in the eyes of the bourgeoisie, there is no need to study the difference between implementing communism and wanting bread.Robert Sherwood was right: "The outlook was dark, with occasional foreboding flashes of unsettling sight." Since the government could not keep order, each had to scramble for his own protection.许多城市里的商人们生怕铁路切断，电话不通，公路被阻，因此组织起自卫委员会来。不少人囤积蜡烛和罐头食品。好莱坞有个导演随身带着一身旧衣服，准备一旦有事可以立刻化装“挤进人群去”。纽约市各大饭店发现，那些平时一到冷天就来市内租房过冬的阔气客人，现在都在乡村别墅里躲着了。有些人还在别墅屋顶上架起了机关枪。 此辈并非神经过敏。从各种事实来看，假如罗斯福果真是又一个胡佛，美国势必步拉美七国的后尘，政府将为大萧条的难民所推翻。工商界有些巨头相信革命就在眼前，查尔斯·施瓦布是其中的一个。这位哈佛大学商业学院院长说：“资本主义正在经受考验，西方文明前途如何，取决于这次考验的结果。”《耶鲁评论》、《斯克里布纳》杂志、《哈泼斯》月刊、《美国信使》月刊和《大西洋》月刊登载了好些文章，对叛乱是否迫在眉睫这个问题展开了辩论。诺曼·托马斯后来谈到“由普选结束到新总统就职”这个期间的情况说：“无论在这以前或以后，我都没听到过那么多公开挖苦民主政体和美国制度的话。” 美国应该采取什么样的政体，这是当时人们意见很分歧的问题。大多数知识分子向左转了。他们认为，社会主义还只不过是中间道路。约翰·多斯帕索斯轻视社会主义，把它比做喝不醉的淡啤酒。公开拥护共产主义的有多斯帕索斯、舍伍德·安德森、厄斯金·考德威尔、马尔科姆·考利、林肯·斯特芬斯、格兰维尔·希克斯、克利夫顿·法迪曼、厄普顿·辛克莱、埃德蒙·威尔逊等人。威尔逊极力主张“从共产党人手中把共产主义接过来”，随后又补充说：“俄国是世界上道德的顶峰，那里是一片光明，永存不灭。”威廉·艾伦·怀特把苏联称为“世界上最令人感兴趣的地方”。每月新书俱乐部选上了《新俄罗斯简介》介绍给读者，书中把美国的混乱透顶和俄国的秩序井然作了对比。威尔·罗杰斯说：“那些瞧不上眼的俄国佬……他们的办法真了不起啊……国内人人有工做，想一想这多好。”埃尔默·戴维斯说，为利润而生产的制度已经失灵了。甚至斯科特·菲茨杰拉德都在阅读马克思的著作，并且写道：“为了要革命，也许参加共产党是必要的。”斯图尔特·蔡斯在《新政》一书中问道：“为什么只有俄国人能享受改造世界的乐趣呢·”政府里同左派人士眉来眼去的人可不止一两个。密西西比州州长西奥多·比尔博承认：“我自己也染上一点红色了。”明尼苏达州州长弗洛伊德·B·奥尔森更是直截了当，竟对一位华盛顿政府官员说：“告诉他们吧，奥尔森正在给明尼苏达州国民警卫队招募队员，谁要不是共产党，他就不收。”为了让人家明白他的意思，他再补充一句：“明尼苏达州是一个左翼的州。” 然而，更大的危险却在于政治上的右派。知识分子没有权力，比尔博和奥尔森也不过是政界的两个怪人。有钱有势的人以及陆军部长赫尔利都属于右翼。早在1931年，政府就不肯裁减军备，因为这样做势必“削弱维持国内治安的力量”。1932年9月，美国退伍军人团通过一项决议，宣称“现在所用的政治手段已不能迅速有效地对付经济危机了”。“美国法西斯协会和黑衣社”在亚特兰大市成立了，虽然它们名声不好。(有人问休伊·朗格，美国会不会出现法西斯主义，他回答说：“肯定会，但是在这里不叫做法西斯主义，要叫做'反法西斯主义'。”)可是继黑衣社之后，又出现了什么银衣社、白衣社、褐衣社、“民兵团”、美国民族主义党等等组织。据说有一个后备役军官的秘密组织已经作好准备，如果新总统办事无能，他就动手。斯梅德利·巴特勒将军对国会作证说，纽约某债券掮客出价1.8万元，想收买他为右派工作。哥伦比亚大学校长尼古拉斯·默里·巴特勒对学生们说：极权主义制度培养出来的人，“比民选制度培养出来的更聪明，更坚强，更勇敢。”倘若说有什么人能代表美国的统治集团的意见，这位得过诺贝尔奖金、拥有34个名誉学位、当了30年哥伦比亚大学校长的巴特勒博士自然是当之无愧的了。 为了培养出一批更聪明、更坚强、更勇敢的人而准备牺牲立宪政体的，还有没有别的人呢·有。除了哥伦比亚大学校长和企图收买巴特勒将军的那个债券掮客之外，很少人公开出来提倡不折不扣的极权主义，但是却有不少人拥护极权主义的原则。堪萨斯州州长兰登声称：“宁可让独裁者用铁腕统治，也不能让国家瘫痪下来。”这是影射罗斯福，他两腿瘫痪。——译者1932年，纽约州众议员小汉密尔顿·菲什说：“如果我们不能在现制度下实行独裁，人民就要改革这个制度的。”1933年2月，他又写信给当选总统罗斯福说：“不论你需要什么权力，我和共和党其他党员都准备给你。”艾尔·史密斯认为，应该把宪法收起来，“束之高阁”，直至危机过去为止。《浮华世界》周刊(这个杂志有几个副主编，包括克莱尔·布思·布罗考，日后的卢斯夫人)竟发出这样的呼声：“任命一个独裁者吧!”沃尔特·李普曼要求削减国会权力，让总统全权处理国家大事。他说：“危险的不是我们失去自由，而是我们办事不利索，不彻底。”共和党参议员戴维·A·里德爽性说：“如果美国什么时候会需要一个墨索里尼的话，那就是今天了。” 《纽约人》周刊登了一幅漫画，画的是一位姑娘在格林维治村格林维治村在纽约市下曼哈顿区，是艺术家文学家聚居之处。——译者的酒会上对一个无精打采的年轻男人说：“哦，这很简单嘛，只要我们小组把发电厂和电台夺过来就行了。”多数人认为，当前的危险是城里可能发生暴动。据说陆军部长赫尔利正把他手里为数有限的部队集结在大城市附近地区。但是造反的人总是叫当局防不胜防，暴动偏偏发生在意想不到的地方。大家一向认为农民是美国人当中最保守的，可是，在共和党占优势的艾奥瓦州(胡佛总统的家乡)，晒得黑黝黝的本地农民就首先手拿干草杈和霰弹枪干了起来。他们终于用武力来反抗这样一个不合理的制度了：一夸脱牛奶，农民卖给分销商只得两分钱，可是分销商在苏城却卖八分啊! 在64岁的艾奥瓦州农民协会前任主席米洛·雷诺的领导下，农民们把通往苏城那十条公路全部封锁了，用钉上长钉子的电线杆和圆木横在路心。过路卡车所载运的牛奶，不是被倒进沟里，就是拿到市内免费分送。只有给医院送牛奶的卡车才能通过。如果警察护送队来了，同情暴动的电话接线员在一小时前就向农民通风报信。警官们纷纷被解除武装，手枪和徽章都扔到玉米地里。20号公路于是得了个新名，叫做邦克山20号公路。邦克山是美国波士顿市附近的小山，1775年独立战争时美军在这里打败英军。——译者有个戴着一角钱一顶的草帽的老头子眼望着《哈泼斯》月刊编辑玛丽·希顿·沃尔斯，这样说：“他们说封锁公路是非法的，可是我说，当初波士顿人把茶叶倒进海里，也不见得合法吧·”1773年波士顿人民抗议英国征收重税，把东印度公司进口的342箱茶叶倒进海里，这是美国独立战争的前奏。——译者农民运动继续扩展，弄得梅因市、康斯尔布拉夫斯市和奥马哈市跟外地交通都断了。在威斯康星州，声势汹汹的农民一天之内就冲进一个牛奶场三次，把3.4万磅牛奶全都倒翻在地，还把汽油倒进牛奶桶里。国会有个小组委员会听取了俄克拉何马州人奥斯卡·阿默林格作证，叙述一个平时很保守的牧场主是怎样跟他谈话的。牧场主说：“我们美国也应该来一个像俄国那样的革命。”阿默林格问他打算怎么干，他回答说：“我们会得到400支机关枪……还有火炮、炮车、弹药、步枪，一支大军需要的东西，我们都快有了。如果美国有足够的人敢像我们这样干，我们就要向东进军，把东部各州和西部切断。我们有吃的。我们有猪、牛、玉米，东部各州什么也没有，只有扣押我们的土地的权柄。我们要给点颜色让他们看看。”阿默林格还告诉众议院劳工委员会说：“先前有好日子过、不随便说话的人，现在有不少也发出这样的议论了。” 威尔·罗杰斯说：“保罗·里维尔里维尔是波士顿人，1775年4月18日晚上，英军出发进攻北美洲革命军，他连夜骑马由查尔斯镇到列克星敦镇，沿途大声报警，让大家及时准备。——译者仅仅唤醒了康科德镇上的人，但是这些家伙却唤醒了整个美国。”且听艾奥瓦州的人在20号公路上唱出了这样的歌： 让我们过个农民节， 农民节要好好地过， 我们吃我们的小麦、火腿、鸡蛋； 让他们吃他们的金子吧! 在苏城东面48英里的切洛基镇附近，米洛·雷诺的农民军营地被人用霰弹枪袭击，苏城因此很快就解围了。雷诺跑了，包围其他城市的农民也跟着撤退。但是雷诺说，“你们挡不住农民运动，正如挡不住1776年的美国革命一样。”农民们使用武力，反抗政府，这是合乎美国传统的，谁也不敢惩罚他们。康斯尔布拉夫斯镇有60个人被逮捕了，但是有一千个武装农民围攻监狱，当局只好赶快放人。农民们认识到直接行动有效，便决定想办法要回那些被取消了回赎权的土地。 堪萨斯州一个村子外面，警察发现了一具尸体。被杀的是律师，他刚刚宣布把一个500英亩的农场的抵押回赎权取消。内布拉斯加州的夏延县有二十万农民债台高筑，于是他们的领导人宣称，如果本州立法机关不想办法帮助他们，他们就要集合起来，把州议会大楼踏平。在胡佛总统任期的最后一个冬季，艾奥瓦州的斯托姆湖、普林加尔、范布伦县和勒马斯等地都因取消农场回赎权问题发生了暴动。其中勒马斯事件特别吓人：穿着黑衬衫的自卫队冲进法院，把法官查尔斯·C·布雷德利从高座上拉下来，蒙上眼睛，拉进汽车，开到一个偏僻的交叉路口。自卫队头头对他说：“你肯不肯发誓，以后再也不签署取消农场回赎权的文件了·”法官不答应。再三问他，他还是不答应。他们便打耳光，用脚踢，把他打翻在地；还用一根绳子一头绑着他的脖子，一头绕在路标上；又把一个油污的轮毂盖盖在他的头上，旁边有人大声说：“这就是他的皇冠!”法官始终没有答应他们的要求。不过，尽管法官被剥光衣服挨了毒打，过后他却不敢对那些人提起公诉。 在法院签署了取消农场回赎权的文件之后，往往有好几百名农民出现在拍卖场上，大声嚷：“不准卖!”准备出价竞买的人被推到一边，土地被扣押的人的邻居们便用几块钱就把原来的土地买下，还给本主。有一次，县执法官主持拍卖，一匹马只卖得五分钱，一头荷尔斯泰因公牛也是五分，三头猪又是五分，两只小牛四分，如此等等，到全部财产转手时，总值只有一元一角八分。购买人把土地又归还原主，并由官方发给地契，确认他有99年的产权。代表东部各州保险公司派来打官司的律师们往往被绑架，受到被绞死的威胁，弄得总公司不得不软下来，同意暂缓扣押土地。1933年1月底，全国农民协会主席约翰·A·辛普森告诉参议院农业委员会说：“规模最大、最美好的革命，现在已经在全国各地露头了。”美国农业服务社联合会主席爱德华·A·奥尼尔三世还补充说：“除非给美国农民想点办法，不然的话，不出一年，农村就要闹起革命来的。” 在那个多事的冬天，许多敏感的青年渐渐懂事了，30年后，他们将成为美国的领导人物。尽管他们对于周围事物反应不同，但是没有谁能忘记大萧条时期的情景。他们一生中目睹美国历史多次发生危机，可是对于他们性格的形成，这个来得最早的危机影响最深。 我们不妨看一下名单。1932年时，罗伯特·F·肯尼迪7岁；弗兰克·丘奇和詹姆斯·鲍德温8岁；马克·哈特菲尔德和诺曼·梅勒9岁；约翰·林赛、尼古拉斯·卡曾巴赫和弗洛伊德·麦基西克10岁；惠特尼·扬和约翰·格伦11岁；詹姆斯·法默、斯图尔特·尤德尔和查尔斯·珀西12岁；爱德华·布鲁克、乔治·华莱士、麦乔治·邦迪和拉塞尔·朗13岁；比利·格雷厄姆、奥维尔·弗里曼和小阿瑟·M·施莱辛格14岁；约翰·F·肯尼迪、小罗伯特·塔夫脱、约翰·康纳利和劳伦斯·F·奥布赖恩15岁；阿瑟·米勒、罗伯特·麦克纳马拉、尤金·麦卡锡和约翰·托尔16岁；戴维·洛克菲勒、彼得·多米尼克、赫尔曼·沃克、索尔·贝洛、沃尔特·赫勒和白修德19岁；威廉·威斯特摩兰、坦内西·威廉斯、乔纳斯·索尔克和斯图尔特·艾尔索普18岁；杰拉尔德·福特和理查德·M·尼克松19岁。 1932年秋，尼克松在惠蒂尔学院三年级读书，主修历史，同时在自己家里开的商店里卖新鲜蔬菜。每天天亮前他就赶到洛杉矶公共市场去跟菜农讲价钱买进蔬菜。他家里有饭吃(当时美国还有八千万人既不挨饿也不靠救济过活，他是其中之一)，所以并无怨言。但是，他是大学生，这个身份又跟别人不同；因为当时18～22岁的青年，上大学的不到1/8，上过中学的也只有一半。对大多数人来说，正规教育仍然限于在只有一个教师的小学里读书，这样的小学在全国有143391所之多。 如果我们能回到1932年去，便会发现典型的中产阶级多半住在城市里；郊外住宅区已经开始形成，但只占18%的人口。那时，一个人带着家小舒舒服服住在离工作地点不远的地方，还是可能的。如果一个70年代的人回到1932年的住宅区参观，他首先会发现街道上有好些东西不同于今日：“停车”的交通标志是黄的，邮箱是绿的，牛奶瓶又厚又重，房屋外表破旧。原来从1929年起，没有几所房子经过粉刷，有些房子还没有盖好就停工了。例如，在底特律市东杰弗逊街，麋鹿会原定要盖的11层楼就没有完成，34年来，那上无片瓦的屋梁一直仰对着天空。 70年代的各种用具、轻巧装置和物质享受，多数还很少见。那时还没有电动割草机、家用空气调节装置和自动洗碟机；没有干衣机、电热毯、定时自动开关收音机；没有保温玻璃窗、尼龙丝袜、易洗易干的衣服和冷藏食品；没有自动咖啡锅、配干电池的电动剃刀；没有过滤嘴香烟、电动牙刷、乙烯基塑料地板；没有圆珠笔、电动打字机、口述录音机、静电印刷复制机；没有泡沫塑料、高保真度立体声收音机、黏性胶带；没有家用电冰箱、盒式录音机、彩色的或瞬间印出的胶卷；没有玻璃纤维钓竿、垃圾处理装置、磁带录音机；没有扫雪机、电动手术刀；没有家用吹发暖风筒，没有电动罐头刀，没有公共场所的音乐播送装置。尽管吉尔伯特·塞尔德斯在《哈泼斯》杂志上曾预言过：“不久我们大概就会有简便廉价的机械装置(目前正在不断改进中)，把广播中心台发射的电影放映在家用收音机旁边的小银幕上了。”可是那时还没有电视机，连黑白电视机也没有。但是虽然没有这些，中产阶级居然也度过了大萧条时期的整个30年代。简直像拓荒者的生活!