Chapter 87 Chapter 3 The Law Today

The reader has already seen throughout the book that there have never been political prisoners in our country since the earliest days of the Stalinist period.All the millions of people who have been driven past you, and the millions of people who violated Article 58 of the Criminal Law, are all criminals. What's more, didn't the eloquent and always jovial Nikita Sergeyevich (Khrushchev) on a podium somewhere, with a smile on his face, repeatedly declare: Political prisoner?No! !There are no political prisoners in our country! Yes, sorrow and pain are easy to forget, that mountain can be bypassed, and wounds on a person's body can be easily healed.So we almost believed it!Even some of the older prisoners believed it.It is clear that millions of prisoners have been released!So, there are no more political prisoners, should that be the case?You know, we have returned, relatives have returned to us, friends and acquaintances have also returned.The circle of intellectual circles in our city also seems to have been expanded and enriched, and united.After a night of sleep, I woke up and found that no one in the family was taken away, and my friends called, but they were all at their respective homes!It’s not that I’m completely convinced, but I can’t help but think this way: basically no political prisoners are in jail now.Even if there are hundreds of people from the Baltic states who have not yet been released to their country (in 1968), although the curse on the Crimean Tatars has not been lifted, it does not look like it will be delayed for long ... Externally, always (and it was under Stalin) everything is clean and clean, nothing can be seen.

And Nikita non-stop giving speeches everywhere: "Whether in our party or in our country, there will never be such phenomena and such things in the future!" (May 22, 1959, in New Cher Before the Cusk incident.) Novocherkassk!It may be said to be a city in Russia destined for the greatest misfortune.As if the Civil War had not scarred it enough, it went under the knife again. Novocherkassk!The whole city, the riots in the whole city were completely suppressed and completely hidden!The Khrushchev era, as always, caused all news to disappear into darkness and people to shut their eyes and listen.Therefore, not only did foreign countries know nothing about the Novocherkassk incident, and Western radio stations did not explain it to us, even the rumored ground fire was completely extinguished on the periphery of the city and did not spread.Therefore, most compatriots in the country have not even heard of the incident itself.Such was the Novocherkassk incident of June 2, 1962.

So, let us introduce it here based on some materials we have collected. I don't think I'm exaggerating if I say that this event was an important pivotal event in modern Russian history.Apart from the massive (but peacefully ended) strike of textile workers in the city of Ivanovo in the early 1930s, events in Novocherkassk can be regarded as forty years (Kronstadt, Tambov Voivodeship, West The first real popular uprising since Siberia), an unorganized, unled, unintentional uprising, a cry from the hearts and minds of the people saying: it is impossible to live like this any longer !

On Friday, June 1, 1962, another triumphant and well-thought-out resolution of Khrushchov's was announced throughout the Soviet Union: raising the price of meat and butter.And according to another economic plan that has nothing to do with price increases, it is precisely from this day that a new, reduced piecework wage quota will be introduced at the huge Novocherkassk Electric Locomotive Works (abbreviation; New Electric Locomotive Works) (reduction of up to 30 percent).Early this morning, the workers in the two workshops (the forging workshop and the smelting workshop), although their hands told them to be obedient and accustomed to endure, their tails clamped tightly, at this time under the pressure of prices and wages, they really could not Fa forced himself to work.Everyone was excited and chattered, gradually turning into a spontaneous mass meeting.This is commonplace in the West, but it is extraordinary in our country.The engineers and the chief engineer all came to persuade the workers to work, but to no avail.At this moment Kurochkin, the director of the factory, came.The workers asked him: "What will we live on in the future?" But the bastard who fed his stomach replied: "I used to eat buns stuffed with meat, but now I will wrap them in jam!" This sentence aroused public outrage , if he and his attendants hadn't run fast, I'm afraid he would have been torn to pieces by the workers. (If he hadn't answered in this way, maybe things would have calmed down.)

By noon, the strike had spread throughout the sprawling new electric locomotive factory. (The workers also sent liaison officers to other factories, which wavered a bit, but in the end there was no support.) The railway line from Rostov to Moscow passed not far from the factory.I don't know whether they want to let Moscow know about this as soon as possible, or they want to prevent the use of railways to transport troops and tanks. In short, many women ran to the railway line and sat down to prevent the train from passing.At the same time, some men dismantled the rails and built Luzhai.The scale of the strike was unusual and rare in the entire history of the Russian labor movement.On the building of the factory hung the slogan: "Down with Khrushchev!" "Make Khrushchev into a sausage!"

At the same time, the armed forces and civilian police began to concentrate on the area where the factory was located (the factory and the nearby Novocherkassk city on Novocherkassk Street, on the other side of the Tuzlov River).The tanks drove from the urban area to the Tuzlov River, occupying the bridge leading to the urban area.From the evening of the same day to the morning of the next day, no traffic was allowed on the bridge, and all traffic in the urban area was stopped.The night in the workers' new village was not peaceful; about 30 so-called "nosy" workers were arrested that night and locked in the police station building in the urban area.

From the early hours of June 2, other factories in the urban area (but far from all) also went on strike.The new electric locomotive factory automatically held a factory meeting and decided to march into the city to demand the release of the workers arrested last night.The procession (at first, by the way, only about 300 people. People are afraid!), including women and children, carried a picture of Lenin, a placard of peace, and walked across the bridge next to the tank, without being stopped.The team continued to march towards the city along the uphill road.At this time, some spectators, workers from other factories and some children gradually joined in, and the parade team grew rapidly.Once downtown, people would stop passing trucks here and there and jump on them to give street speeches.The whole city boiled up.The parade marched along Moskva Street, the main street of Novocherkassk. Some parade workers rushed to the gate of the Civil Police Station, trying to break in. They thought the arrested workers were being held here.The gate of the Civil Police Station was closed, and the police shot the workers with pistols from inside the walls.At the end of Moskva Street there is a monument to Lenin.The memorial statue is located in a park in the middle of the street, and two small roads bypassing the park lead to the Novocherkassk Municipal Committee Building of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. (In the era of Tsarist Russia, this place was originally the official residence of the Cossack chief. The White Russian general "Kaledin" committed suicide here.) All the streets are crowded with people, and here, the square in front of the city committee building and the park in the middle of the street are especially crowded. Many In order to see clearly, the child climbed to the tree in the park in the middle of the street.

However, the town hall of the party was deserted by this time: all the city's authorities fled to Rostov in time.Inside the city committee building: Glass is shattered, documents are littered on the floor, like a Civil War retreat.Twenty or so workers passed through the interior of the building, appeared on the wide balcony, and made some haphazard speeches to the crowd gathered in the square. It was eleven o'clock in the morning.There are no civilian police in the city at all, but there are more and more troops. (It’s really vivid; the civil authorities hid behind the army at the slightest sign of trouble.) Armed soldiers occupied the post office, radio station and bank.At this time, the entire Novocherkassk has been completely blocked by the army, and no one is allowed to enter or leave. (In order to carry out this task, several cadets from the Rostov military academy were also mobilized, and some of them stayed in Rostov to serve as patrols.) "Several tanks walked along the same road that the parade walked toward Moscow Avenue. The city committee building came rumbling. Some boys grabbed the top of the tank and blocked its hope hole. The tank began to fire empty ammunition, and there was a sound of glass breaking in the windows and shop windows on both sides of the street. The children jumped out of the tank and ran away in fright. .The tank continued to move forward.

So, what about the college students in this city?Novocherkassk is a university town!Where did you go in college? ... students of the Technical University, other universities, and some secondary technical schools were locked in dormitories and school buildings from early morning and were not allowed to come out.The principals are so smart!However, we still have to say: the sense of civic responsibility of those college students is not very strong.Probably they themselves are happy to have such an excuse.Those rebellious college students in contemporary Western countries (or our Russian college students in the past) probably cannot be stopped by a door lock.

There seemed to be a scuffle in the municipal committee building.The workers who spoke on the balcony were dragged into the building one by one.Soldiers appeared on the balcony, more and more. (Didn’t the officers of the Steppe Labor Camp Administration watch the Kengil riots from their balconies in the same way?) A team of submachine gunners began to force the crowd back from the small square in front of the building, forcing them towards the iron fence of the park in the middle of the street. . (Different eyewitnesses said in unison: These soldiers are ethnic minority soldiers, Caucasians who have just been transferred from the other end of the military area, and they have replaced the local garrison that was guarding here just now. However, the original guards here Did the group of soldiers in the group also receive an order to fire? Was the order to fire fired not carried out? Did the captain who received the order not give the order to shoot, but shot himself in front of the group? Regarding these situations, Eyewitness accounts are inconsistent. The fact that an officer committed suicide is confirmed by all. But the details are not clear enough, and no one can say the exact name of the hero with a conscience.) People were forced by soldiers He stepped back, but no one thought what disaster would happen. At this time, I don't know who gave the order.It was these soldiers who raised their submachine guns and fired the first salvo over the heads of the crowd.

Perhaps General Pliyev did not intend to shoot at the crowd immediately, but the incident began to develop according to its own law: the first volley of bullets fired over the heads of the crowd flew towards the canopy of the park in the middle of the street, hitting the treetops in the middle of the street. The children who watched the excitement from the tree, the dead and injured children fell from the tree one after another.At this moment, naturally, there was an angry roar from the crowd.And the soldiers, whether they followed the order or lost their minds after seeing the blood, or out of fear, started shooting intensively at the roaring crowd, and they used explosive bullets. (Do the readers still remember what happened in Kenjill? The time when sixteen people were killed or injured next to the watchtower?) People fled in a hurry and grouped on the small roads on both sides of the park in the middle of the street.But the soldiers continued to shoot in the back like fleeers.The shooting did not stop until the square outside the park in the middle of the street, near the Lenin Memorial, the original Platov Avenue and Moscow Avenue were completely empty. (An eyewitness said: The impression at that time was that there were dead bodies lying everywhere. Of course, many of them were injured. Various materials have been quite consistent in confirming that 70 to 80 people were killed on the spot.) Then Soldiers began finding and requisitioning cars and buses to carry the dead and wounded to the high-walled military hospital. (The bus seats were still stained with blood for a day or two.) This time, too, as in Kengil, the street rioters were filmed with a movie camera. The shooting stopped.The horror is over.Some more people rushed towards the square, so the soldiers opened fire on them again This is between twelve o'clock and one o'clock at noon. What a careful witness saw at two o'clock in the afternoon that day was as follows: "Eight tanks of different models were parked in the square in front of the Municipal Party Committee. There was a team of soldiers in front of each tank. The square was almost empty, with only a few small A crowd, mostly young men, was there yelling something at the soldiers. There were pools of blood in the hollows of the asphalt of the square. I am not exaggerating, it had never occurred to me before that that the blood would There is so much accumulation. The benches in the park in the middle of the street are covered with blood, the sandy path there is also blood-stained, and the lower part of the whitewashed tree trunks are also stained red with blood. There is a red flag leaning against the wall in front of the Municipal Party Committee Building. This is the big flag held by the demonstrators. There is still a gray peaked cap hanging on the flagpole. The cap is also splashed with blood. The front of the Municipal Party Committee Building still hangs that A big red banner slogan that has been hanging for a long time. The party and the people are one!" The young people moved closer to the soldiers, humiliating them and cursing them: "How did you do such a thing?" "Who are you shooting at?!" "You are shooting at the people!" The soldiers defended, saying, "It's not us! We've just been transferred, we've just changed defenses. We don't know anything." Look!How well the murderers of our country have done it (and they say they are just "clumsy bureaucrats"): they have transferred that group of soldiers in time and brought in another group of Russian soldiers who did not understand the situation.It seems that General Pliyev is really good at his profession. Gradually, at five or six o'clock in the afternoon, many people gathered in the square again. (Novocherkassk people are really brave. The city's radio station kept repeating a sentence: "Citizens, don't be influenced by provocateurs! Go home!" Soldiers with submachine guns stood on the square. The blood on the ground has not yet Washed away. But. People are gathering again.) Angry shouts.Not only that, but also formed a spontaneous mass meeting.By this time the people already knew that six high-ranking members of the Central Committee of the CPSU had arrived in Novocherkassk by plane, (hmph; probably before the first shot?) Among them, of course, was Mikoyan (dealing with Budapest, etc. problem experts).Flor Kozlov, Suslov (the names of the others are not accurate).They lived in the building of the Cavalry Officers' Academy (formerly the NCO's School) as if they were living in a fortress.The Xindian Locomotive Factory sent a delegation of young workers to explain the incident to them.The crowd shouted. "Let Mikoyan come here! Let him see the blood with his own eyes!" No, Mikoyan will not come.At around 6 p.m., a helicopter patrol plane circled the square at low altitude to observe.Then flew away. The workers' representatives who entered the building of the Cavalry Officers' Training School quickly came out.Everything was negotiated: the workers' representatives were let in by soldiers' pickets, and then they were escorted by officers to the balcony of the municipal committee building.The square immediately fell silent, and there was no sound.The delegates conveyed to the masses that they had met the members of the Central Committee and explained to them all about this "bloody Saturday" when Kozlov heard that the children fell from the trees with the first row of shots. All the time, he cried. (Does anyone know this Flor Kozlov? Does anyone know this Leningrad head of the party idiot, the most brutal Stalinist? Said he was crying?!...) The delegates also said : The members of the Central Committee promised to investigate this incident and punish the perpetrators severely. (Yeah, that’s what we were promised in the special labor camp!) Now, let’s disperse as soon as possible and go home!Don't cause chaos in the city! However, the crowd did not disperse!In the evening, more people gathered.Look, these fearless Novocherkassk people! (It is said that this working group of the Politburo made a resolution that night to forcibly relocate all the residents of the city to other places! I believe this, because the entire ethnic group has migrated, and the residents of a city are nothing Wasn’t it Mikoyan who stayed by Stalin’s side when the ethnic groups were forced to relocate?) One night at almost nine o’clock, he tried to drive the crowd away from the city committee building with tanks.However, as soon as the tankers were about to start the motors, people surrounded the tank tightly, closed the top cover, and blocked the lookout hole.The tank fell silent.The submachine gunners stand in a set of Z and don't want to help the tankers. Another hour later, several tanks and armored personnel carriers approached from the other side of the square.It is equipped with submachine gunner cover. (Originally, we have rich combat experience; didn’t we defeat the German fascists!) Tanks and armored vehicles advanced at high speed (the young people on the sidewalks on both sides whistled at them. The college students had already been released at this time) , finally cleared the traffic lanes of Moskva and Platov avenues. It wasn't until midnight that the submachine gunners started firing tracer bullets into the air, and the crowd slowly dispersed. (The power of the people's rage I how quickly you can change the state of a country! Last night the curfew looked so majestic and terrible, and it was not to be offended; and today at this time the whole city is roaming the streets. Blow Whistling. Is this what lies beneath a shell of half a century?--Such a very different people, such a different air?) On June 3, the Novocherkassk radio station broadcast the speeches of Mikoyan and Kozlov.Kozlov did not cry.They have also refrained from promising to identify the perpetrators among those in power.They only mentioned in their speech that this incident was provoked by the enemy, and the enemy will definitely be severely punished. , (Yes. The crowd in the square has already dispersed!) Mikoyan also said that the Soviet army is not allowed to equip dum bombs at all, so those dum bombs must be used by the enemy. (But, who are these enemies? . . . By what parachute did they come? Where are they now? It would be nice if we could just pick one up! Well, we're so used to being accepted by others. Fooled. Just say to us "is the enemy" and we seem to understand it all... Just like people mentioned the devil in the Middle Ages...) The goods in a downtown store suddenly enriched: butter, sausage and Many other items that have not been seen in the city's stores for a long time and can only be bought in stores in the capital. The whereabouts of all the injured people have been missing since then, and no one has returned. On the contrary, the family members of the dead and injured (they must look for their own family members! This will expose themselves...) were all exiled to Siberia. .Many others who were implicated, remembered, drawn into the picture met the same fate.A series of secret trials of arrested march participants took place.There were also two trials that were "open" (observation certificates were only issued to party cadres in various enterprises and staff of organs directly under the municipal party committee).One of the public trials involved nine men (all sentenced to be shot!) and two women (each sentenced to fifteen years in prison). The original team of municipal party committee members remained unchanged. On the second Saturday after this "bloody" Saturday the city's radio broadcast said: "Comrade workers of the Electric Locomotive Factory promise to complete the seven-year plan ahead of schedule!"... If the original Tsar had not been so weak and incompetent, he would have It would have been conceivable also on the 9th of April to arrest some workers in Petersburg who held the banners and label them gangsters. "Then it can be declared that there was no "revolutionary movement" at all. For example, in 1961, the year before the Novocherkassk incident, the civilian police in Alexandrov city beat a detainee to death, and later prohibited people from carrying the coffin of the deceased past the police station l Shuai IJ sent to the cemetery.Therefore, the masses couldn't bear it anymore and burned down the police station.Immediately the mass arrests began. (A similar situation happened in the city of Murom, not long after.) So, how should these arrested people be tried today?During Stalin's period, a tailor inserted a needle into a newspaper, and because he inserted it in the wrong place, he was sentenced under Article 58 of the Criminal Code.Now the means of convicting crimes are much more sophisticated than at that time; destroying wells and burning police stations can not be regarded as political incidents, but can be regarded as "general banditry".That's what the instructions from above read: "mass agitation" doesn't count as political action. (Interview: So what else can be considered a "political" action?) In this way, there will be no more "political prisoners" in our country. However, in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics there is another never-ending stream, which is always flowing, and these "criminals" have never been nourished by the "sunshine and rain that can resurrect the dead and resurrect all things"... This stream The inexhaustible flow of water has been uninterrupted for decades, whether in the "period of breaking the Leninist norms" or in the "period of restoring and observing the Leninist norms", and it has become even stronger after Khrushchev came to power. Magnificent. It's those religious believers.Those who rebel against the new wave of closed churches.A monk expelled from the monastery.Stubborn sectarians, especially those who refuse to perform military service, don’t be surprised by these people. This is directly helping imperialism. According to the practice of our moderate period, you will only be given five years for the first time! However, these people are certainly not political prisoners.They are "religious prisoners" and they should be educated.Our education methods here are: dismissal from work simply because of their beliefs, sending some members of the Communist Youth League to smash the windows of their homes, using administrative orders to force believers to listen to anti-religious speeches, using steam welding to cut off the doors of churches or Lasso the cupola of the church, then pull it down with a tractor, and drive away the praying old women with a hose. (French communists, is this what you call a "dialogue"?) As a representative of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies announced to the monks in Potsaev: "If we really act according to Soviet laws, we will have to wait a long time to reach communism!" As a last resort, when "educational" measures fail to work, the law must be resorted to. However, at this time, we can greatly demonstrate that the laws of our country today are indeed as brilliant and noble as diamonds: we do not conduct secret trials today like in Stalin's time.There is no trial in absentia, or even a semi-public trial (that is, a trial in which only some people are allowed to observe). Now I have a transcript of the trial in my hand.The time was January 1964, the place was Nikitovka in the Donbass, and the defendants were five Baptists. The process of the trial was as follows: First, the Baptists who came from afar to attend the hearing were imprisoned for three days on the pretext that their identities had to be clarified (they would not be released until the end of the trial, but also to intimidate them ).Those who throw flowers at the interrogators (free citizens!) are sent to solitary confinement for ten days.Another Baptist who recorded the trial was also detained for ten days and his records were confiscated (thankfully another copy was preserved).Before the other spectators entered the courtroom, selected members of the Komsomol were let in through the side door and occupied the front seats.During the trial, people in the gallery shouted from time to time: "Pour gasoline on them and burn them to death!" The judges did not stop this kind of justice cry.The court's specialty was the use of the testimony of vengeful neighbors and intimidated minors: a nine-year-old girl and an eleven-year-old girl were called to testify. (As long as you have dealt with the current trial, it doesn’t matter how the two children will be affected spiritually or what will happen in the future.) The little girl’s notebook has words from the Bible written on it, which is “material evidence” . One of the interrogators, surnamed Bazbey, was a miner with nine children.Just because he was a Baptist, the Mine Union Committee never gave him any subsidies.Now, his little girl Nina, a student in the eighth grade, was threatened, bribed (fifty rubles were given to her by the mine trade union committee) and promised (promised to send her to university in the future) to force her to attend the preliminary examination. In the book, she fabricated some whimsical testimonies about her father: that he tried to poison her with spoiled sweet soda, and that religious people hid in the forest to pray together (because praying in the village was persecuted). At that time, she saw a "wireless transmission device with wires wrapped around a tall tree" in the forest.Afterwards, Nina suffered so much from her fabrications that she suffered from headaches, and the authorities sent her to a mental hospital, where she was locked up in a ward for manic psychopaths.Despite this, she was taken out of the hospital during the second trial, hoping that she would still be able to testify in court.But she completely overturned it: "That's what the investigator told me himself, he told me to say that!" It doesn't matter!The unscrupulous investigator can handle anything: he judges Nina's testimony in court as "invalid", while her testimony at the preliminary hearing is valid. (This is a trick often used by Chinese courts: when the testimony supporting the public prosecution cannot be established, they ignore the trial in court and use the original forged pre-trial testimony as a basis. They will openly say in court. "Ah, How can you say that?...Your original testimony clearly stated...you also said it during the investigation...how can it be overturned...this is to be convicted!") The judges didn't want to hear any substantive issues and facts at all.The reason why these Baptists were persecuted was that they were unwilling to accept an atheist appointed by the state as their missionary, and demanded to choose their own missionary. (According to the canon of the Baptist Church, any believer can be a missionary.) Regarding this issue, the party's state committee has clearly instructed: these people should be sentenced and their children should be taken away from them.This instruction must be followed, even though the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet has only just (July 2, 1962) signed with its left hand the International Convention "Against Discrimination in Education".There is a rule in it: "Parents should be able to ensure the religious and moral education of their children in accordance with their own beliefs." But this is exactly what we must not allow!As long as anyone wants to talk about substantive issues in court to further clarify the truth of the case, his work will inevitably be interrupted by the judge, changing the topic, disturbing his level of argument, saying: "Since we have planned to Build communism, then what doomsday will come?" Let me quote a few words from the final statement made in court by a young girl, Genia Khloponina. "All these years, I would rather not go to the movies, not go dancing, but read the Bible and say prayers. Now, you have sentenced me to prison and deprived me of my liberty just because of this. Of course, living as a free man is true. Is happy, but it is even happier to live as a sinless person. Lenin said: Only in Turkey and Russia do shameful phenomena such as religious persecution survive. I have not been to Turkey, so I don’t know how it is there , and in Russia, is this what you see...?" The court did not allow her to continue speaking. The verdict of the court was: two were sentenced to five years of labor reform, the other two were sentenced to four years of labor reform, and Bazbey, who had many children, was sentenced to three years of labor reform.The defendants accepted the verdict with joy and immediately prayed again.Then, the "representatives of the work unit" shouted: "The sentence is too light! It must be increased!" (It must be poured with kerosene...) After investigation and statistics, some patient Baptists established a "committee of relatives of prisoners".This committee issued a hand-copied "Societal", reporting various persecutions of believers.From this Journal, we see that between 1961 and June 1964, 197 Baptists were sentenced, and 15 of them were women. (One hundred and ninety-seven people are all named. The committee also investigated the number of people who are supported by these sentenced persons and are now without food and clothing. It is 442 people, of which 341 are preschool children name.) Most of these people were sentenced to five years in exile, but some were sentenced to five years of strict labor reform, (not to be sent to special camps with striped prison uniforms!) and then three to five years more exile.Zdorowicz from Orshan District, Kharkiv Oblast, was sentenced to seven years of strict labor reform because he believed in religion.Allende, 76, was also sentenced for his religious beliefs.Lozovoi's entire family (father, mother, son) was imprisoned together.Yevgeny M. Sirohin, who lives in Sokolovo Village, Zmiyev District, Kharkov Region, was a first-class disabled soldier who was blind during the Great Patriotic War. children" and was sentenced to three years in a labor camp, and his three children (Liuba, Nadya and Laya) had to leave him according to the court ruling. In the trial of the Baptist Brodovsky (Nikolaev, October 6, 1966), even apparently falsified evidence was used.The defendant protested: "It's too unconscionable to do so!" The judge told him bluntly: "The law is to crush, crush, and destroy you people!" This is the law!This is still the era of "following Lenin's principles", not the so-called "persecution without going through the courts"! Not long ago, people saw C? Karavansky's frightening work "Request" passed from the labor camp to the outside world.The author was originally sentenced to twenty-five years, and he was released after serving sixteen years (1944-1960) (apparently under the "two-thirds" rule).He is married.Later... did you go to university?No!In 1965, someone came to his house suddenly and announced: Pack up your things and go with us, you still have nine years to serve! Apart from our country, where else in the world would there be such a law? !Put people on iron shackles for twenty-five years, and they will not be able to complete their sentences until the 1970s!Suddenly, however, a new code was promulgated (1961) stipulating that the prison term should not exceed fifteen years.Then, probably the first-year students of the law department will understand that the original twenty-five-year sentence should of course be abolished!No, our country does not cancel.In our place, it doesn't matter if you hoarse your voice or bang your head against the wall -- anyway, it won't be cancelled.Sorry, please continue to serve your sentence! Such people are not rare.Those prisoners who did not catch up with Khrushchev's "release epidemic", those who were in the same work class as us, those who were in the same cell, and those who met at the deportation station, are still forgotten in the labor camp today.We live rehabilitated lives, forgetting that they are still outcasts, still plodding, morosely, and plodding across that little patch of downtrodden land, living between watchtowers and barbed wire between.The photographs in the newspapers changed, the tone of the speeches in the pulpit changed, people objected to the personality cult for a while, and then they stopped objecting.And people who have been sentenced to twenty-five years, people who have been baptized by Stalin, are still in prison... There are others in Karavanski's book about equally shocking prison careers. Ah, the freedom-loving Western "leftist" thinkers!Ah, the leftists of the British Labor Party!Ah, progressive students of the United States, Germany, and France!To you, all this is nothing.To you, my whole book is worth nothing.Only when you yourself are told to "Turn your hands behind your back!", only when you yourself are staggering on our gulag archipelago, will you realize it. However, the number of political prisoners is indeed much smaller now, and it cannot be compared with Stalin's time: it is no longer counted in millions, nor in hundreds of thousands. Is this because the law has improved? no.Only because the ship (temporarily) changed course.Judicial "plagues" also occur from time to time. With these plagues, the mental work of judicial workers can be greatly reduced.Even newspapers sometimes hint something to those who are good at reading newspapers: if there are many articles about "hooliganism" in the newspapers recently, you should understand that "organs" are arresting people on a large scale for the crime of "hooliganism"; The news of "theft of state property" is reported, that is to say: "corruption offenders" are being caught. Letters from the present convicts from the "immigration quarters" are disheartening, saying: "It's futile to look for justice and justice. It's one thing to write about it in the papers, but another to actually live it." (Wei Yi De.) "I really don't want to continue to be a person who is abandoned by the society and the people. But where can I reason? People believe the investigator more than me. However, the investigator, a twenty-three-year-old girl, What does she know? What can she understand? Can she imagine how people shape other people's fate?" (V. K.) "他们不对案件进行复查，因为一开展复查，他们自己就得被精简掉。" （列-恩） "现在只不过是把斯大林时期那一套侦查和审判的手法从政治领域搬到刑事案件领域来了，如此而已。" （格?斯．） 把这些苦闷的囚犯们的话总结一下，我们就会明白： l?不可能复审案件（否则，整个审判员阶层就要垮掉）。 2.从前是根据第五十八条乱抓人，今天是根据刑事犯条文同样在乱抓人。 （否则，他们靠什么吃饭？怎么处置古拉格群岛？） 换言之：如果一个公民想把另一个他不喜欢的公民除掉（当然，不是直接把刀子插进他的胸膛，而是合法地除掉）的话，他该怎样进行才能万无一失呢？从前，他只须根据刑法第五十八条第10分条写一封告密信就行了。What now?他得先去找工作人员（找侦查人员、民警局的人、法院的人。反正这样的公民就一定会有这样一些朋友）去商量一下。打听清楚今年什么罪名录时兴？看看现在网是撒在哪一条法律条文上的？问问在哪一方面必须完成司法工作的定额？然后，他就可以在这一方面下手了，不必动刀子。 例如，强奸罪这一条就热闹了好一阵子，尼塞塔不知怎么头脑一热，要求这种罪判刑不能少于十二年。于是各地成千把铁榔头齐举，一概往十二年上"铆"，铁匠们不至于闹着没事干了。可是这种罪是很微妙的，涉及隐私的，您琢磨一下，它跟五十八条第十分条有点相似：那是俩人之间的事，这也是俩人之间的事；那种事没法查证，这种事也没法查证，两者都是避开见证人以--而法院需要的正是这个。 例如，列宁格勒的"斯梅洛夫案件"就是一例。两名妇女被叫到民警局去了。"你们同男人们一起参加小型晚会了吧？""参加了。""发生了性关系吗？"（关于这一点，民警已经掌握确切的告密信，事实已被确认）"发……发生过。""那么，二者必居其一：一是你们自愿发生性行为的，另一种是并非自愿。如果是自愿的，民警局就把你们看作暗娼，你们就得交出列宁格勒市的居民证，在四十八小时内离开列宁格勒！如果不是自愿的，那你们就得写一份被人强奸的控告！妇女们，当然，无论如何不想离开列宁格勒。那么，好了，两个男子就按强奸罪各判十二年！ 再看看米沙?亚?波塔波夫的案件吧。他是我在学校教书时的一位同事。问题全是邻居吵架引起的：一是因为邻居要扩大占用面积未能得逞，二是因为波塔波夫的妻子，共产党员，告发了两个邻居非法骗取养老金的事。于是邻居就开始报复了！一九六二年夏天，波塔波夫生活得好好的，没有任何值得担心的事。突然，他被侦查员瓦休拉传去问话，就一去不复返了。（读者，您学习学习吧！在我国这样一个法治国家里，这类事也完全可能在任何一天发生在您身上，真的！）尤其使侦查工作容易进行的是：波塔波夫过去已经根据第五十八条坐过九年牢（再加上四十年代他曾经拒绝提供伪证控告他的同案人，这就更使侦查员恼火）。侦查员瓦休拉直率地对波塔波夫说："我在想象中送你去重新坐牢的次数，比我头上的发丝还要多！遗憾的是，现在废除了从前的法律。"波塔波夫的妻子跑来搭救丈夫，而侦查员瓦休拉党对她说："我真想唾你的脸！你算个什么党员！高兴的话，我连你也送去坐牢！"（苏联副总检察长尼?若金著文（《消息报》，一九六四年九月八日）称："某些文章和报道似乎力图贬低侦查员的劳动，摘掉他头上的罗曼蒂克的光环。其用意何在？"） 一九六二年十一月，开庭审理米沙?波塔波夫案。指控他以到他家看电视为诱饵，强奸同院十四岁茨冈少女娜佳，奸污五岁幼女奥丽娅。侦查笔录以一个从未见过性行为的六岁男孩沃瓦具名，内行而详细地描述了"米沙叔叔"和娜佳的这种行为。 这一切似乎都是沃瓦透过窗户看到的，而他的身材根本够不着窗户，玻璃上结了冰，里面还有小松树和窗帘遮住。 （请问：对于那些向少年儿童日接这类的话，从而真正糟蹋孩子心灵的人，该判什么罪？）"被强奸的"娜佳已经怀孕六个月，但却一直没有告发，现在，当侦查员瓦休拉叔叔需要的时候，她就告发了。我们学校的许多教员要求参加旁听，但不允许他们进去，不过这些人却反倒因此得以在法院走廊里看到了父母们怎样教给那些"作证"的孩子，怕他们在法庭上说错话！教员们为此事给法院写了一封联名信，但这信引起的"后果"仅仅是区党委把签名的人一个个叫去，指责他们不信任苏维埃法院，并且威胁要取消他们当教员的资格。 （那还用说？应该把这类抗议扼杀在萌芽阶段。如果社会舆论随便发表起对法院的意见来，司法人员就别想过太平日子了。）不久，宣布本判决：十二年严管劳改。事情就这样结束了。了解外省情况的人们会知道，还有什么办法去反对呢？ !没有任何办法。我们都束手无策。甚至自己也可能失掉工作。只好让无辜的人去受苦！法院总是有理的，党的区委总是有理的。 （它们是互相有联系的，有电话嘛！） 本来事情就算告一段落了。过去一首都是扶梯的一 但是，事有凑巧。正在这个时候发表了我的小说《伊万?杰尼索维奇的一天》。它描写了一个人很久以前遭到的无端灾祸。这时，区委对我来说已经不再是那只总能镇住老鼠的猫了。于是我决心干预这件事。我写信给俄罗斯联邦最高法院；更主要的是我使《消息报》的记者奥?柴可夫斯卡娅也来干预了这件事。这样，就开始了我们长达三年的斗争。 愚蠢麻木的侦查和司法的臃肿躯体之所以能够存活，全靠着它是不会有错的。这个躯体之所以有力，之所以信心十足，是因为它对自己的决定从不复查，任何一个法官都可以随心所欲地判决并坚信不会有人来纠正他。为此，他们之间订有一条秘密默契：不管上诉状递交到哪里，哪怕递到"超莫斯科"去，都要统统转回原审理机关处理。而且任何司法人员（审判员和检察长等），即使发现他们有滥用职权、感情用事、挟嫌报复、判断错误或处理不当等情节，也都一概不受指责，不受惩罚。我们要庇护他们！保护他们！成为他们的挡风墙！正是因为能这样作，我们的名字才叫"法律"！ 既然已经开始侦查，结果却不起诉，这怎么行？ !那不等于侦查工作放了空炮吗？既然人民法院已经受理案件，结果却不判刑，这怎么行？ !这不等于愚弄了人民审判员吗？ !法院不是白忙了吗？ !州法院对地方人民法院的案件进行再审？what does this mean?这等于在本系统内部增加废品率！而且还会使自己的同事们感到不快。Why bother? !举例说吧，由于告密而一旦开始的侦查工作，必然要以有罪判决而结束，而这判决则应该是不可能受到复审的。这样，大家也就不会互相扯后腿。不要使区委为难，他们怎么说，你就照办好了；这样，他们也不会使你为难。 还有一点也很重要：当代法院里不需要有磁带录音机，也不必有速记员，只有慢条斯理地写字的女书记员，她只会用两个世纪前小学生写字的速度在笔录纸上慢吞吞地写下一点什么。这个审判笔录并不当庭宣读，审判员审阅和批准之前谁也不能看到它。只有审判员批准的东西才能构成法庭材料，才被承认是在法庭上发生过的。至于我们旁听者在法庭上亲耳听见的，那都是云烟，早已消散，不，它从未存在过； 在审判员的视野中始终有一张漆黑发亮的真理的面孔，它就是合议室里的电话机。这个传达上帝旨意的神坛是从来不会坑害人的，所以，只管照它所说的去做好啦！ 可是我们呢，我们居然争取到了上诉的权利，这真是空前的事。从此便开始了一个重新侦查的漫长过程，它一直拖了两年。那些不幸的孩子长大了一点，他们想从自己过去作的伪证中解脱出来，把这一切都忘掉。但是，不行，父母们和新侦查员又对他们进行训练了：你们该这样说，不然的话，你妈妈会吃苦头的；如果不判米沙叔叔有罪，就得判你妈妈有罪了。 我们终于来到梁赞州法院的法庭上。律师像往常一样毫无权利。审判员可以驳回他的任何抗议，而这种驳回是不受任何监督的。照旧是利用仇人邻居的证词作根据，还是无耻地利用未成年人的证词。（请与巴兹别伊的案件比较一下看。）刚一开庭，审判员不是对证人说："你把事实经过说一说。"也不是要求他们："你把真实情况说说。"而是要求证人："你讲讲你在最初侦查时是怎么说的！"而对于被告方面的证人的发言，审判员竟公然打断他们，扰乱他们的思路，并且进而实行威胁："预审侦查时你在证词里说的可是……现在你有什么权利不承认它呢？" 女审判员阿夫杰耶娃不断地对几位陪审员施加压力，就像一头母狮对待羔羊。（顺便说一句，现在到哪儿去找白发苍苍的老法官啊！如今我国法院里的审判员的职位几乎全被一些善于看风使舵的狡猾女人占据了。）她的头发像马鬃一样，说话像个男人，语气坚定、强硬，她自己可能也为她那铿锵有力的声音和谈话的重要意义所陶醉了吧。只要审讯进程稍不如意，她就大发脾气，甩尾巴，脸涨得通红，打断不中用的证人的话，威胁我的教员同事们。她说；"你们怎么能怀疑苏联的法院呢？""你们怎么能设想是别人唆使孩子们那么说的呢？那就公说．你们自己一定也在教给孩子们撒谎吧？""集体给法院写联名信是谁策划的？"（在社会主义国家，"集体行动"这个想法本身就是非法的！是谁？是谁？是谁？）检察长克里沃娃（都是谁给她们选择了这些贴切合适的姓氏呢？）面对这样气势汹汹的审判员却一声不吭，毫无作为。 审判过程表明，一切指控都站不住脚。男孩子沃瓦不可能从窗外看到什么；奥丽娅也把证词全推翻了，根本没有人糟蹋她；在可能进行犯罪活动的那些日子里，波塔波夫的妻子一直卧病在家，躺在她家唯一的一间屋子里，丈夫总不能当着妻子的面强奸邻家的吉卜赛姑娘吧；这个吉卜赛姑娘在这之前曾偷过波塔波夫家的东西；吉卜赛姑娘平时经常夜不归宿，尽管她只有十四岁，可在这之前就常在外面跟男人们鬼混。但是，苏维埃的侦查员是不犯错误的！苏联的法院也不可能犯错误！判决--十年劳改！亲爱的司法人员们，快庆祝胜利吧！侦查员同志们，不要动摇！继续这么干下去！ 这一切都是在《消息报》记者在场的情况下发生的！还是在俄罗斯联邦共和国最高法院已经出面干预的情况下发生的！那么，那些无人替他们出面干预的人该怎么样呢？ ... 后来，又经过将近一年的是非真伪的辩论和斗争，最高法院才终于作出裁决：波塔波夫无罪，恢复名誉，予以释放！（他已经坐了三年牢……）那些教唆孩子们淫秽行为的人怎么样了呢？一点也没怎么样。没关系，失败了就失败了嘛！那么，雄狮般的阿夫杰耶娃审判员总该有个污点，有些难堪吧？不，她仍旧是人民选举的崇高司法代表。那么，斯大林式的摧残者瓦休拉呢？他仍在原处。仍任原职，连他那长指甲都没有修剪一下。 坚守阵地吧，繁荣昌盛吧，司法阶层！是我们为你而存在，不是你为我们！就让司法制度成为你脚下的一块毛茸茸的地毯吧。只要你觉得舒服就好！老早就宣布过，在迈入无阶级社会的时候，司法审判也将是无冲突的（为了反映出社会秩序内部的无冲突性）：在这样的审判中，法院人员，检察员，辩护人，甚至被告人自己，都将结为一体，奔向共同的目标。 司法工作这种可靠的稳定性使民警机关的日子也好过多了：它使民警可以毫无顾忌地实行"挂车"或者"犯罪口袋"的办法。情况是这样的，由于地方民警玩忽职守，动作迟缓，有时还是因为胆小怕事，犯罪事件接二连三地破不了案。但在表报里可一定要写成业已侦破（即已结案）！这就得等一个方便的机会了。碰巧有一个好捏鼓的，揍蒙了的，傻头傻脑的家伙进了局子。所有这些没破的案子都能往他脖子上套。这些全都是这个不法之徒一年之内作的案！让他挨一顿"练"，再饿上两天，什么罪都能"认"，签字画押，数罪并罚，长期徒刑--本区的污点也就洗刷干净了。（在埃里温附近的阿尔塔沙特，出了一件杀人案。一九五三年胡乱抓了一个人，安排了假证人，经过拳打脚踢，判了二十五年。可是一九六二年找到了真正的凶手……） 由于一切罪行都未能逃出法网，社会生活大大地健康化了，民警局的侦查员们拿到了奖金。 洗刷本区的污点还可以采用相反的方法：要做得好像根本没有刑事犯罪。年老的前犯人伊万?叶米利扬诺维奇?布雷克辛，六十五岁，蹲过十年牢（是我在马尔非话"沙拉什卡"时的朋友），一九七八年七月在"旅游者"消夏村黄昏街头无人时遭到两个年轻流氓的毒打和抢劫。他在公共汽车站躺了两个小时，没人管。后来被拉到附近德德奈沃的一家内科医院。萨维利耶娃医生根本治不了--但也不送他去外科医院；尽管他说出了自己的姓名，年龄，她也不把伤者的情况通知医疗系统，甚至也不报告民警。被殴打者浑身血肿，脑出血，牙齿打掉，眼角出血，不但没有得到治疗，甚至没人护理（卫生员喝醉了），整整三天三夜，躺在一张漆布上，后背泡在尿里。他的家人在这个村里并沿着萨维约洛夫公路东奔西跑地找了他三天三夜，--可是医生哪里没有报告呀。最后终于找到了，靠自己--不是靠医院--想办法从莫斯科叫了一辆复苏急救车，拉到一位神经外科大夫那里，大夫做了颅骨手术，但未能制止内出血。患者受了九天痛苦之后去世了。 当地的伊克山民警局收到了法医鉴定，但并不忙着立案侦察，更没有到医院检查血衣寻找线索。原因是捷捷来沃人人都知道这些本地的流氓，可是谁都怕他们。上面说过的那个女医生萨维利耶娃协助高级侦查员格拉西莫娃（在询问死者的妻子时她的办公室里放着流行音乐），搞了两个多月，侦查结论是：因受害者发生卒中，至使倒地时跌伤。这样一来，没什么人可抓，犯罪没有发生，本区是干净的。 愿你在天国安息，伊万?叶米利扬诺维奇！ 有一年、上面号召要抓捕、审判、驱逐寄生虫，打从这年以后，社会可就更健康了，法制可就更加强了。这项法令也在一定程度上取代了过去的极富弹性的第五十八条第十分条；罪状也可以随便说，用不着物证，而且你也没法反驳。（对诗人伊?布罗德斯基适用了这一条，不是搞得很成功吗。） "寄生虫"这个字眼他们一拿到手里就做了巧妙的曲解。正是因为寄生虫们--拿着高工资的游手好闲者一坐上了法官的席位，对那些下班以后卖命挣点外快的贫苦劳动者和能工巧匠们的判决书才源源而来。瞧他们扑向所谓"寄生虫"时的那个狠劲！那是饱汉子对饿汉子自古就有的狠心。阿朱别伊手下的两个丧尽天良的记者（《消息报》，一九六四年六月二十三日）竟然无耻地声称："把寄生虫驱逐出莫斯科的距离还不够远哪！还允许他们接受亲属的包裹和汇款哪！对他们管制得还不够严哪！""没有强迫他们从日出到日落地劳动啊"，就是这么写的："从日出到日落"，一字不差。那是什么共产主义的日出，是哪家的宪法需要这样的农奴劳役制？ ! 我们列举了使群岛经常保持满员的几条重要的水流（同时还有永远不会减少的"官盗"）。 那些整天在街上转悠的，坐在指挥部里的，打掉被截住的人们的牙齿的"人民纠察队员"也不白耽误工夫。这些民警局指定的乌什库尼克一或者冲锋队员是宪法里没有也不对法律负责的。 古拉格群岛的补充人员是源源不绝的。虽然我国社会早已是无阶级社会，尽管半边天已经被共产主义霞光映红，但是，我们却不知为什么已经习惯于这样的事实了：犯罪现象不仅没有消灭，而且不见减少。岂止如此呢，近些年来甚至不再向我们许诺要消灭犯罪现象了。三十年代确实许诺过：快了，快了，再过几年就行了！现在呢，不再许诺了。 我国的"法律"是强大而旋转变化自如的。它不同于地球上一切称为"法律"的东西。 思想糊涂的古罗马人想出过一条原则，说什么"法律没有溯及既往的效力"。可是，我们国家的"法律"却有回溯效力！古老的反动谚语说什么"法律是不能往回写的"。可是，我们国家的"法律"就可以往回写！如果说（最高苏维埃）刚刚颁布了一道新时兴的法令，而"法律"当局很想把它适用于那些在此之前被捕的人们的话，那有什么呢，满可以适用嘛！对于买卖外币的人和贪污受贿的人就是这样办的：地方当局，例如基辅市，把名单送到莫斯科来请求在名单上标出记号，应该对哪些人适用回溯效力（需要延长刑期或需要凑足"吃九克"的人数）。莫斯科也就标出了。回溯效力适用了。 还有一点，就是我国的"法律"能够预见到将来。按常理说，在开庭审判之前谁也不可能知道审判将怎样进行以及会作出什么样的判决。可是，不，你看，苏联的《社会主义法制》杂志就在法院开庭审判之前把审判经过和判决全都登出来了。杂志社怎么猜中的？那你去问他们自己吧…… 苏联总检察署的机关刊物《社会主义法制》一九六二年一月份第一期。这期杂志是一九六一年十二月二十七日付印的。可是在该期第七三一七四页上却登载着格里戈里耶夫（格鲁兹德）的一篇题为《法西斯刽子手》的文章。文章报道了在塔尔图市举行的对爱沙尼亚战犯进行的公审过程。记者描述了询问证人的情况、摆在审判席上的物证、对被告人的审讯（"杀人犯厚颜无耻地回答说……"）、旁听席上的反应和检察长的发言。最后，他报道说，对被告宣判了死刑。事实上这一切钻正是这样发生的，只不过是发生在一九六二年一月十六日（见一九六二年一月十七日《真理报》），而这时杂志早已印好并且出售了。（这是因为开庭时间推迟了，没有及时通知杂志编辑部撤稿。这位记者为此被判处强迫劳动一年。） 而且我国的"法律"也不知道有一种所谓"伪证罪"。它根本不认为作伪证是犯罪。我们中间有一支庞大的、专作伪证者的大军，这些人过着逍遥自在的日子，进入应该受到尊敬的老年期，在金色的黄昏中消闲纳福。整个世界上，整个人类历史中，只有我国对伪证者关怀备至！ 我国的"法律"也从来不惩处杀人犯审判员和杀人犯检察长。他们都受到尊敬并担任着原来的职务，而且还要工作很久，然后才光荣而尊贵地去度过晚年。 还不能不允许我国"法律"有所摇摆和发生急剧的转变，因为这些都是人们激动的脑海中时隐时现的创造性思维所固有的特点。一忽儿法律转向一个极端：这一年必须大大降低犯罪率！要少逮捕人！少判罪！被判刑人可以"交保释放"！随后，它又转向另一极端。坏人还没有被全部抓起来！不能搞"交保释放"这一套！应该更严格地管理！判刑太宽！处决那些坏蛋！ 但是，尽管遭到风暴的多次袭击，我国这只"法律"航船依然在庄重、威严而平稳地航行着。最高法院的法官和高级的检察长们是富有经验的，这些风浪打击对他们来说不过是区区小事。他们召开几次全体会议，发出自己的指示，于是，每一个新的、极其荒唐的方向性转变就都会被解释成是群众早已盼望的、是我国整个历史发展已经准备好条件而势在必行的、是那"唯一正确的学说"所早已预言过的。 我们的"法律"航船时刻准备着应付各种摇摆和转折。如果明天一声令下，说必须再把意识形态不对头的人抓几百万关起来，必须再次流放整个民族（原先被流放过的民族或者别的民族），或者必须流放整个发生暴动的城市，或者必须再给囚犯们挂上四块号码布，即使如此，这只航船的巨大船体也几乎不会颤动一下，它的船舶也绝不会倾斜。 这样，就只剩下诗人杰尔查文"的诗句了，不过，对于这句话也只有亲身体验过的人才能真正有所理解，即： "不公正的法律甚于抢劫。" 剩下来的也就是这一点。只有这一点保留下来了，仍然像斯大林在世时一样，仍然像本书所描写的所有年代一样。《基础》、《法令》、《法律条文》颁布了许多，印刷了许多，有的互相一致，有的互相矛盾，但是，我国整个国家生活并不是依靠这些东西运转的，也不是依据它们逮捕人的，更不是遵照它们进行审判和专家鉴定的。只有在极少数情况下（有百分之十五吗？），只有在侦查和审讯的对象既不涉及国家利益，也不关系指导思想，而且不影响某官员的个人利益和安静生活的情况下，司法人员才享有按照问题实质认真进行裁决的优惠条件，无须住什么地方挂电话，无须清什么人作指示。在其余所有情况下，在绝大多数情况下，不论是刑事案件还是民事案件，都无疑会触及某些人的重要个人利益--集体农庄主席的、村苏维埃主席的、车间主任的、工厂厂长的、房管所主任的、区段民警的、派出所所长或特派员的、主任医师的、主任经济师的、局长和司长们的、特别科科长和干部科长们的、区委书记和州委书记们以及再上级、再上级的什么人的个人利益。在所有这些情况下，电话便从一个安静的办公室打到另一个办公室，谈话的声音不高、慢条斯理、语气和善，人们会向你提出建议，纠正你。引导你--告诉你应该怎样处理这个看来是小人物的案件，因为这个小人物身上有小人物所无法知道也无法理解的、比他高得多的人们的利益和想法错综地交织在一起。可是，那些轻信报纸的一般读者对此一无所知，他来到法庭上，抑制不住为真理而剧烈跳动的心、面对着审判员们一张张睡眼惺忪的面孔热情地、激动地陈述着自己准备好的合理而周密的论据，他根本不会想到案件的判决书早已写好，而且没有上诉机关，没有时间和途径让你去纠正这险恶的、自私的判决，纠正这利剑般穿透你胸膛的不公正判决。 你所面对的只是一堵墙。这堵墙上的砖是用谎言的灰浆粘结在一起的。 我们起初把这一章题为《今天的法律》。但是，确切地说，应该把它题为《没有法律》！ 依然是那同样诡谲的隐秘性和暗无天日的不公正充满着我国的空气，笼罩在城市上空，它比城市烟筒冒出的黑烟还要浓。 一个用钢箍紧紧箍在一起的巨大国家矗立在世界上已经是第二个半世纪了，有的只是钢箍，但是没有法律。 postscript 本书原不应由我独自撰写。最好是由熟悉情况的人分别撰写各有关章节，然后在编辑委员会上互相补充，共同修改定稿。 但是，能够这样作的时刻还没有到来。我也曾向某些人提议，由他们撰写个别章节，他们没有答应，而只代之以口头叙述，或者把书面材料交给我，供我选用。我还向瓦尔拉姆?沙拉莫夫提议过共同编写全书，他也推辞了。 按理，应该设一间办公室。应该在报纸上，或者通过电台，发表广告（"请踊跃响应！"），能够有公开的私人信函往来，就像写布列斯特要塞的情况时那样。 但是，我不仅没有可能这样铺开工作，反而不得不把自己的构思、信件、材料等等全部隐藏起来，分散到各处，对一切都严守秘密。甚至在写这本书时我还不得不装作正在从事别的工作。 我多少次提笔写它，又多少次搁笔了。因为有一个问题我一直没有找到答案；到底需不需要由我独自来写这样一本书？我的力量能坚持到什么程度？但是，当我看到在已经搜集的材料