Chapter 23 Chapter 4 The Decline of Liberalism 3

3 The rise of the radical right in the aftermath of the First World War was, on the whole, undoubtedly a reaction against the dangers — indeed, the truths — of social revolution and the power of the working class.Individually speaking, the targets of the right are naturally the October Revolution in Russia and communism led by Lenin.Without the emergence of the above-mentioned new forces and new phenomena, fascism would not exist in the world.Although since the end of the 19th century, those propagandists who fanned the flames of extreme right-wing ideas had spoken out ambitiously in the political arenas of many European countries, but until 1914, their actions were all under considerable control.As far as this point of view is concerned, some people who specialize in defense of fascism may not be wrong: it is because Lenin came first, and then Mussolini and Hitler came.But to exonerate Fascists themselves of their barbaric actions is an utterly untenable fallacy. In the 1980s, some German historians tried to exonerate the fascists. They believed that the Russian Revolution set a barbaric precedent before the fascists were tempted to imitate it (Nolte, 1987).

However, in order to affirm the statement that "the right is basically a counter-recoil to the revolutionary left", two important additional conditions must be put forward.First of all, we cannot ignore that the First World War itself had a great impact on a group of important social classes, that is, the middle-class and low-middle-class soldiers who believed in nationalism.After Russia withdrew from the war due to the revolution in November 1918, this group of young German men lost the opportunity to kill the enemy and make meritorious deeds.The so-called "front-line soldier frontsoldat" (front-line soldier frontsoldat) later played the most important role in the extreme right movement - Hitler himself was one of them - they were too late to fight in the First World War He showed his talents and made achievements, but at this time he became the main member of the first violent force of the extreme nationalist camp, such as the squadristi in Italy and the freikorps in Germany. The German officers who plotted to kill Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, the leaders of the German Communist Party in early 1919, belonged to this category.Among the early Italian fascists, 57% were veterans of the last World War.We have seen before that the First World War was a machine that slaughtered and raped the world, and although the animal nature of these people could not be expressed at the time, they were complacent because they finally succeeded in the future.

At the same time, under the advocacy of the leftists, from liberals to various anti-war and anti-military movements, the world is extremely disgusted with the massacres of the Great War, and generally hope for peace, but ignore the emergence of a small group of militants.Although their number is extremely small in proportion, the actual number cannot be underestimated. Horrible as it was, the war of 1914-18 was an important experience for these men, and it inspired them immensely.Uniform, discipline, sacrifice - self and others - and blood and power, that's what a man is in the world for published any work on the war].They are the contemporary "Rambo" and a natural target for the far right.

The second point we would like to add is that the reactionary trend of the Right was not directed against the Bolsheviks alone, but against all such movements, especially the organized working class.The working class movement not only threatens the existing social order, but is fundamentally responsible for the disintegration of the traditional order.It is more appropriate to regard Lenin as a "symbol of threat" rather than a "real threat".In the eyes of many politicians, socialist labor parties are not formidable, and their leaders are actually quite moderate.What is frightening is the strength, confidence, and extreme tendency of the working class. Under this impact, the old socialist parties have taken on a new look and become a brand-new political force, and then become an indispensable part of a liberal country. backing.No wonder that, just after the First World War, the central demand that had been clamored for by socialist propagandists since 1889—the demand for an eight-hour work day—was immediately met with concessions by the nations of Europe.

The latent power of the working class is so great that conservatives are unafraid to think about it. Trembling, deeply threatened.Seeing those eloquent leaders of the opposition parties and trade unions have changed their minds and stepped into power one after another to become government officials.Looking at it, the taste is naturally uncomfortable.But in comparison, what is more shocking is the threat contained in this emerging force.After all, don’t these people all belong to the leftists?Going back to the era of social chaos and turmoil, it is really difficult to distinguish how they are different from the Bolsheviks.To be honest, in the years immediately after the war, many socialist parties would have jumped into its arms if the Communist Party had not refused to accept it. Matteotti, the guy Mussolini assassinated after “Rome,” wasn’t some Communist leader, he was just a socialist.The traditional rightists probably regard Russia, which insists on atheism, as the abyss of evil in the world.But the turmoil of 1936, which on the surface appeared to be targeting the Communist Party—which was targeted only because it was the weakest part of the Popular Front (see Chapter 5)—was, in fact, what they wanted The targets to be dealt with were socialism and anarchism, which were turbulent at the time and were favored by the turbulent public sentiment: the momentum of the latter did not end until the Civil War.The reason why Lenin and Stalin became the cause of the rise of fascist reactionary ideology is actually an excuse made after the fact.

However, why did the rightist backlash that emerged after World War I often prevail in the form of fascism?This too requires further explanation.In fact, the right wing of a radical nature existed before 1914—their characteristics are that they generally suffer from hysterical nationalism and xenophobia, idealize war and violence, narrow-mindedness, love for high-handed rule, and fanatical anti-corruption. Liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-proletariat, anti-socialism, anti-rationality, respect for blood, aristocratic status, love of land, all want to return to the old value system that has been destroyed by the modern world.In the right's own circle, as well as some intellectuals and extremists, although they have political influence, they have never occupied any dominant position.

After World War I, the radicals' opportunity came.The old regimes fell one after another, and with them the original ruling class and the entire system of power, influence, and hegemony.But where the old system is still functioning well, the Fascists have no room for change.For example, in the UK, although there was a small disturbance for a while (as mentioned above), there was no progress at all, and the traditional conservative right always controlled the overall situation.As for France, the Fascists did not achieve much until their defeat by Germany in 1940.France has traditional far-right parties—the monarchist Action Francaise, and the Croix de Feu, Fiery Cross led by Colonel La Rocque—who are eager to beat the left, But not a fascist party.In fact, some of them even joined the leftist underground anti-enemy organizations.

In addition, in emerging independent countries, if there are new nationalist classes or groups in power, they often do not need the services of fascism.The emerging ruling class may have a reactionary stance, and its methods are likely to be authoritarian, but if it talks about its fascist nature, it is often an exaggeration.The anti-democratic right-wing groups in Europe between the two wars usually only agreed with fascism on the surface, but they were completely two families in their hearts.Newly restored Poland was ruled by totalitarian militants; the Czech part of Czechoslovakia was a democratic regime; neither had the development of a significant fascist movement.In addition, the influence of fascism is also absent in the newly established Yugoslav settlements of Serbian tribes.Even in countries where fascism or similar movements have invaded, such as Hungary, Romania, Finland, and even Franco's Spain - although Franco himself was not fascist - the leaders themselves may be old-fashioned right-wing or reactionary, but unless absolutely necessary , succumbing to German pressure (as in Hungary in 1944), usually kept the fascist forces fairly firmly in check.Of course, in these old and new countries where a few nationalists are in power, fascism has its own charm that cannot be ignored, at least because it can use it to obtain some financial resources and political help from Italy and Germany (after 1933), It is not stupid to draw closer to fascism.For example, countries such as (Belgium) Flanders, Slovakia, and Croatia had this idea.

There are several conditions that can make ultra-rightist crazy elements gain power: the country is the boss, and the ruling mechanism is useless; There are signs of a social revolution that is out of control, but in fact the conditions for revolution are lacking; nationalism is on the rise, and there is extreme hatred for the peace treaty made between 1918 and 1920.Only under various circumstances, the original ruling and privileged class is helpless, and it is inevitable that they will be tempted by the claims of the extreme right and have to ask for help. From 1920 to 1922, Italy's liberal government turned to Mussolini's Fascist Party; from 1932 to 1933, German conservatives turned to Hitler's National Socialist Party.Similarly, movements of the extreme right constituted large organizational forces, sometimes even irregular units in uniform (Mussolini's fighting regiments).During the Great Depression, the far right formed a large voting force in Germany.However, although Germany and Italy became fascist countries, the fascist party did not come to power by "seizing power".No matter how much fascists like to brag about their glorious record of "occupying the streets" and "entering Rome", the reason why fascists entered the political arena of Germany and Italy was realized under the permission of the original regime (in Italy, even at the initiative of the former regime).That is to say, they take place in the form of "legal replacement of constitutional government".

The real new strategy of the fascist party is that once it becomes king, it will never abide by the old political rules.As long as it has a way to control, no matter how big or small, the fascists will eat them all.The so-called complete transfer of power, that is, the process of eliminating all opponents, took only two years in Germany (1933-1934), but it took a long time in Italy (1922-1928).But no matter how long it takes, once it is established, there is no longer any internal force to restrain the fascist one-party dictatorship.The most typical phenomenon is the formation of a dictatorial regime with unlimited power under the leadership of a super-populist "head of state" (Duce; Fuhrer).

So far, I have to mention that there are two inappropriate views on fascism in general.One of these is associated with Fascism but has been borrowed by many liberal historians.The other is related to orthodox Soviet Marxism.All in all, there is no such thing as a "fascist revolution" in the world.And fascism itself is not a manifestation of "exclusive capitalism" or big business. The fascist movement does have a somewhat revolutionary temperament, because as long as the fascist crowd desires a radical change in society and opposes capitalism and the monopoly of the oligarchs, it has a somewhat revolutionary element.However, the angry horse of revolutionary fascism never started.Although the full name of the Nazis is the "German National Socialist Workers Party", if anyone is serious about the "socialist" part of the party's name, Hitler will immediately put it in the cold palace - Hitler himself obviously did not regard the "socialist" part of the party name as serious. The name counts for one thing.The so-called return to the world of small people in the middle ages, small farmers and craftsmen, Hans boy, Goldilocks, everyone keeps their own place, and a utopian society passed down from generation to generation cannot be realized in this important country in the 20th century after all [the only exception is probably Nazi II The nightmare kingdom planned by the leader Himmler.There, he plans to create a group of pure-blooded race].Not to mention that among all the regimes in the world, Germany and Italy are single-minded and only want to advance in the direction of modernization and technological progress. Therefore, the greatest achievement of the National Socialist Party is to eliminate the old imperial class and system in one fell swoop.In fact, after Hitler came to power, the only thing that ever rose to challenge him was the Prussian Army of the old aristocracy, which happened in July 1944.Afterwards, all these officers were wiped out.Therefore, the old upper class and organizational system in Germany, first smashed by the iron fist of the Nazis, followed by the further thorough sweeping by the Western occupation forces after World War II, actually established a solid foundation for the Federal Republic of Germany.The Weimar Republic (Weimar Republic, 1918-1933), established in Germany after World War I, was not the case. At best, the defeated German Empire lost one emperor.However, when it comes to social policies, the Nazis did do a few things for the people: statutory holidays, national sports, and the planned "national car", etc. Car" (Volkswagen, ie bettle)].However, the biggest achievement of the National Socialist Party is to eliminate the phenomenon of the Great Depression for Germany, and its effect is stronger than that of any other government.This is also thanks to the anti-liberal stance of the Nazis. The Nazis did not believe in any free market stuff at all, so they had to give it a go.Having said that, the Nazis were nothing more than old wine in new bottles, an old-style regime refurbished and re-enhanced, and fundamentally not a new regime that was very different from the past.In this regard, Germany is the same as the militaristic Japan in the 1930s (I believe no one will regard Japan as a revolutionary regime at that time). system, pushed to an impressive peak.As for fascist Italy, whether it is economic or other achievements, it is only mediocre compared with Germany, as we can see from its performance in World War II.Italy's wartime economy was surprisingly poor, and the so-called "fascist revolution" was just lip service.Of course, for the fascist common people, although this beautiful rhetoric is a mouthful of lotus flowers, it is sincere.Fascism in Italy, on the other hand, was quite different from that in Germany, which was a backlash inspired by the painful experience of the Great Depression and the incompetence of the Weimar government.Italian fascism, on the other hand, was an open defender of the old ruling class, created to resist the turmoil caused by the revolution after 1918.In fact, it has more or less the tradition of the Italian unification process since the 19th century, which resulted in a stronger central government than before, so in this regard, Italian fascism can also be credited.For example, it is the only one of the previous governments that can completely suppress the forces of the Sicilian Mafia and the Neapolitan Camorra.However, in terms of historical significance, the goals and achievements of Italian fascism are not important, the most important thing is that it created a new example of successful counter-revolutionary wave for the first time in the world.Mussolini's deeds gave Hitler great inspiration; and Hitler never forgot the enlightenment of his mentor; Italian matters were always in the first place in his heart.On the other hand, Italian Fascism has long been a special case among far-right movements.It not only tolerates the existence of "modernism" avant-garde art, but even appreciates it to some extent.What's more, Italian fascists remained indifferent to anti-Semitic racist ideas until Mussolini joined Germany in 1938. As for the statement that fascism is the embodiment of "monopoly capitalists", it is also debatable.When it comes to those super-big business organizations, as long as the government does not really take them into national ownership, they can get along with any regime, and no matter which regime, they have to make friends with them.The degree to which the so-called fascism embodies "exclusive capital interests" is actually no higher than the New Deal of the Democratic Party in the United States, or the Labor Party government in the United Kingdom, or the Weimar Republic in Germany. Big German business in the early 1930s didn't particularly want this Hitler; if they had a choice, they would have preferred orthodox conservatism.It wasn't until the Great Depression hit the world that German business began to play a little trick on Hitler.It was not until Hitler came to power that the business community began to support it wholeheartedly. During World War II, German companies even began to use labor and death row prisoners in death camps.However, the assets of the Jews were confiscated, and the natural interests of German companies, large and small, were equally affected. However, for capitalist enterprises, fascism naturally has several advantages over other political systems.First of all, fascism eliminated (at least defeated) the social revolution of the left, which is actually the mainstay of resisting the red wave.Second, under fascist rule, there is no trade union organization, and the management class is not subject to any restrictions, and can manage and use its human resources as much as possible.Many big bosses and managers, the dogma they follow in controlling their subordinates is basically the "leadership principle" of fascism itself, and fascism also fully grants them a reasonable status of authority.Third, since the labor movement does not exist, the government can adopt measures to deal with the depression that are irrational but extremely beneficial to enterprises. Between 1929 and 1941, over the same period in the United States, the total (national) income of the top 5 percent of consumers fell by 20 percent (a similar but more even decline in Great Britain and Northern Europe); but it jumped by 15 percent in Germany (Kuznets , 1956).Finally, as we mentioned, fascism was pretty good at stimulating industrial growth and modernization—albeit a bit behind Western democracies in terms of risks and long-term technological plans.