Chapter 21 Chapter 20 Modern China and Its Place in the World

Strictly speaking, it is not yet ripe to write a definitive history of modern China.China's long-term revolution is like a big tunnel.It will take 100 years to feel the past.When the tunnel was still being explored, it was difficult for people inside and outside to explain in detail the bending process.Even a revolutionary figure can be confused by the difficult path at hand and lose his sense of direction for a while.Today's source material is full of angry and anxious writing, emphasizing that things are not as good as they should be.But looking at the macro history, we have to take a positive look at it.What do we mean by historically long-term rationality?That is to say, even if the derivation of facts is unsatisfactory to us personally, or seems absurd and unreasonable in a short period of time, they have meaning if they are coherent and viewed from a perspective beyond personal experience; at least , these deeds let us know the whole story of our life journey.

An undeniable fact is that in the 1920s China could not manage numerically, but today it is on the road to manage numerically.Various signs now show that Chinese history, as described in the above chapters, was originally incompatible with the progress of Western culture, but today it is felt that common factors can be connected.When explaining how this is possible, we must first take a broad view and pay attention to some external things, because the most convincing evidence does not exist in the immediate observation subject itself, but outside it. One of the questions raised by Chinese and foreign scholars today is how long China will experiment on the road of capitalism.This is related to our background analysis, and we might as well start with this question at this time.

Capitalism is a confusing term.Britain experienced after the Second World War that she could immediately implement socialism and then return to capitalism, and there was no need to amend the constitution.Until the beginning of the East-West Cold War, few people would be proud to be said to be connected to capitalism.The elevated status of this term in the West today is based on political reasons.The Cold War and international relations made Western democracies feel that the defense of capitalism was a common goal among them.It seems that not only is the meaning of this term vague, but it has been quoted far beyond its previous connotation.

In fact, capitalism can be implemented unimpeded, nothing more than an arrangement of currency management, starting with the following three conditions. extensive expansion of credit; Managers are not limited by personal relationships; It can be fully utilized with service-oriented businesses. It should be added that when capitalism is implemented, the currency management system must be extended to include all sectors of the national economy, that is, agriculture is the same as industry and commerce.A proper judicial system must sustain it later.If so, the value exchanged through the above three conditions can be determined and the contract can be executed.Only when capital is guaranteed can it be saved and accumulated.In implementing this system, the capitalist state gives priority to private enterprise, so that private capital occupies a disproportionately large place in public life.After paying this price, the masses of the people do not need to be subject to many unnecessary controls by government agencies, and only let economic factors decide, and under the conditions of free competition, the efficiency can be maximized.Socialism modifies the system by bringing in public capital and by imposing stronger controls on private capital.The difference is also relative.Even the economic life of the United States today is not completely immune to the influence of socialism.

If we examine the process by which capitalism has been constituted historically, there is no such complication.Before the word "capitalism" was coined, Adam Smith called it only "the system of commerce".When this system was created, Italy during the Renaissance was the cradle of its birth, and Venice was the pioneer of this movement. Before capitalism could be implemented, several internal and external obstacles had to be cleared.Italy is doing this politically at this time.Because the Holy See and the Holy Roman Empire struggled for power, many cities on the Italian peninsula were actually independent.The prohibition against lending at interest in the church was ignored.Among the cities, Venice has its unique system, that is, its economic unity.The amount of agricultural land it owns on the continent is immaterial.Its idle nobles have pensions.Insufficient labor became a problem due to slave labor and the hiring of outsiders.The salt water in the city is not suitable for manufacturing.Therefore, Venice has avoided the disputes common to European countries since the Middle Ages, such as church courts, the doctrine of imperial power, monastery interests, noble privileges, restrictions on guilds, labor requirements, and common law customs.The entire urban society is like a big company, and civil law is commercial law.This republic of merchants has only to grow rich by commerce as her instinct constitutes her maritime authority. In the 14th and early 15th centuries, Venice reached the height of her prestige and power, as if it were one of the European countries.But also because her capitalism lacks the grassroots support of production, the extent of its development is limited.When Turkey asserted its prestige in the eastern Mediterranean and Portugal rose in the west, the city quickly lost its leadership.

The progress of the Italian Renaissance slowed down, and when the Northern Renaissance took its place, the Dutch Republic became the next pillar of capitalism.Previously the Low Countries (including today's Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg) had no experience of organizing nation-states.However, the control of feudal lords in this area is not tight, and the city's autonomy is stronger than that of other areas.Many towns have a long history of privileges recognized by feudal lords.There are also many places where a villager can get rid of the status of a peasant (villien) and obtain the status of a citizen (burgher) as long as he lives in the city for 40 days.When weavers and merchants from the countryside flooded into the cities, the judiciary in each city had been adjusted to be able to deal with various problems arising from it, so that it would not be necessary to take the road of class struggle in the future.At the same time, the owners of the feudal lords in the city do not pay more than the land rent, and when the houses on the ground are still owned by the citizens and currency is becoming more and more common, the land rent cannot increase, so the control and influence of the lords can only be reduced.Among these cities, Amsterdam has always been encouraged to compete with other cities of the Hanseatic League (the Hanseatic League is generally composed of free cities on the Baltic coast of Germany, but Amsterdam is also a member), and is active in the international market .

Promoting the independence of the Republic of Holland is closely related to the religious prison in Spain.The edict promulgated by Charles V in 1550 stated that anyone who prints, copies, preserves or spreads certain Protestant heresies, and reads, teaches or discusses the Bible without special permission shall be executed.If he expresses repentance, the man will be beheaded and the woman will be buried alive.If you die without enlightenment, you will be burned to death.The court of any church has the power to execute the above-mentioned punishments, and those who sue the officials can share one-tenth of the prisoner's property.It is also preparing to establish a new bishopric in order to keep people from all over the country under stricter control.Charles was still unable to fully implement the edict, and his successor Philip II intensified the implementation, which caused a rebellion in the Low Countries for a while.He also collected a 10% retail sales tax in this area to support his military operations, which caused complaints from the local people, so various issues of religious freedom, local self-government and economic discord became entangled.

The resistance of the Low Countries to Spain became a long historical event.First of all, there was the arrival of the Duke of Alba (Alva) sent by Philip in 1567.The 18,000 criminal cases of the "bloody court" he executed were one of the developments.Britain's aid to the traitors caused the entire Spanish fleet to be dispatched to conquer Britain. It was known as the "Spanish Armada" in the world, but it was not meant to be lost by the sea wind.The Dutch declared independence in 1581.It's just that before the armistice agreement in 1609, Xin Minguo couldn't feel that her safety was quite guaranteed.It was not until the end of the Thirty Years' War that all countries signed a peace treaty in Westphalia that the establishment of the Dutch Republic was generally recognized. This happened in 1648, 81 years after the first military conflict.

All kinds of evolutions cause and effect each other and are triggered repeatedly, which will inevitably lead to many unforeseen consequences.The southern part of the Low Countries, which had first launched an attack against Spain, remained under Habsburg rule afterwards.Independents for the North.Calvinism was first introduced in Flanders, and later became the religion of the Dutch; Belgium and Luxembourg today continue to believe in Catholicism.Another unexpected development is that the United Provinces (the original name of the Republic of the Netherlands) received a large injection of capital and skilled workers. After that, her textile industry developed rapidly, taking away the advantages of the South.

The Habsburg yoke had been overthrown, and the papacy's monopoly had been lifted.The Calvinist Reformed Church did not immediately bring religious peace.When explaining "Predestination", it constitutes a conflict between the so-called "protest faction" and "anti-protest faction", but neither faction is able to call for sufficient social forces to launch a civil war.Another development is that in the war against Spain, nobles from all over the country stood on the side of the people. After the war, most of their properties were lost. Although they retained the title of nobles, they actually became employees of the bourgeoisie.Under such circumstances, the new country has no other logic to rely on for the establishment of the country other than insisting on the road of capitalism.So this country was born on the shore of the North Sea, and from then on it devoted its attention to trade and the authority of the sea, thinking that this is the purpose of the founding of the country.Its civil law has been promoted for a while, with special emphasis on private property rights, and maritime and international application.The two universities of Leiden (Leyden) and Utrecht (Utrecht) also provided think tanks to solve the ideological and technical problems.In the next more than a century, Amsterdam has become the most advanced shipping center, marine insurance center, commodity exchange and currency market in the West.Adam Smith once introduced the business of the Bank of Amsterdam in an entire section of "Original Rich".The bank was the most effective tool for advancing capitalism back in the day.

It's just that various parts of the inland villages of the Republic of China are still producing butter and cheese.The localities are formed according to past charters, and the customary laws in them are different from each other, so they can only be maintained by a federal system.With the flexibility of these two levels of government, many outdated laws will be eliminated under the conditions of use and abolishment without expressly abolishing them.At the same time, new control methods can also be born out of experiments.The so-called "United Provinces" are not only composed of 7 provinces with independent sovereignty, but also some cities and towns in each province still retain some independent characters.Another example is that the Dutch India Company was formed by the merger of several companies. After that, each company formed its own "hall" and kept its own board of directors, ships and dates of voyage.The Dutch navy is composed of 5 different maritime agencies.Amsterdam had its own post office, which sent mail to foreign countries until 1752.At that time, Holland Province was only one of the seven provinces of the Republic of the Netherlands, but it had 2/3 of the country's population, and once undertook 3/4 of the Federation's funds. It even insisted that it had independent diplomatic power and was not bound by the Federation. Despite such divergence, it seems that the way of currency control will finally be effective.The greatest use of capitalism is to "leave it as it is", so that it can take advantage of geographical imbalances to make profits.Obviously it was more effective in early modern society than it is today.Tensions within the Republic of the Netherlands did exist, but they never developed to the point of rupture.Judging from the fact that commercial wealth can be fed back to agriculture, the practice of the day should be considered a success.Various seawalls, artificial grass fields, wind pumps, selective breeding of cattle, and draining canals soon transformed the whole new country. In the 17th century, the Dutch Republic was both an adversary and a good example for England.The two countries have fought more than once.But the English also welcomed a Dutch prince as their king.If that's surprising, there's the mid-century Civil War, twice in total.After the regicide, the dynasty was interrupted.At this time, Britain also tried to become a republic of China, and also accepted a dictatorship. Later, the royal family was restored, and the restoration was endless, and there was another revolution.Even today, it is difficult for two historians to agree on all the above matters.That is to say, it is difficult to explain why a country has to travel twice in a cycle to realize its own character. From a macro-historical point of view, there is nothing mysterious about the plot. At the beginning of the 17th century, Britain could not manage numerically, and by the end of the century, the situation had greatly improved.In the dozens of years, the uncertain situation of the country gave rise to many different solutions to the problem, generally with a tendency to go to extremes, such as autocratic imperial power and parliamentary supremacy, Archbishop Laud's emphasis on church discipline and various The church's own creation, from martial law to communism.Those who advocated these methods at the time did not realize that their own foothold extended beyond historical experience.Never before had a country of England's size had a proper agricultural base to establish a currency control which would henceforth be as compact as a city-major state. The seriousness of the problem can only be seen from the situation within the country that is out of step with the times.The British feudal system has long since collapsed, that is, the manor system as a system has long since ceased to exist.The remnants of land occupation since the Middle Ages have not been adjusted, nor have they been swept away.Land was not allowed to be bought and sold under the feudal system at first, but in practice it has been done for centuries.At the beginning, the seller might as well "seal" the new owner as his "attendant". After the transaction, he has the obligation to "buy a rose quilt every summer".The slave farmers were liberated when the population was reduced by the Black Death, which happened in the 14th century.For hundreds of years, they have held the cultivated land and passed it on to their descendants. They are called "copied industrialists".Customary law protects them from being forced to hand over their estates, but they still have obligations to their landlords that vary widely in every situation.The rental fee that has been changed to cash has depreciated to nearly zero due to the inflation of the century.During the reign of James I, the royal family sold part of the estate, and the price was low, as if it were a gift.But now it seems that its price is the rent of 100 years of that day.During this period, the increase in the rental fee can only be renamed "penalties", if it is possible.A scheming and aggressive landowner can quadruple the rent of his real estate in about ten years; those who cannot increase it are all frozen.Some landlords ordered the copy owners and lessors to return the land after accepting the price; some landlords never found their tenants. This disorganized situation has made some speculators very rich overnight, and it has also caused many people to suffer.Although all tenant farmers have the right to use the land, their legal status is unclear and they are in constant fear.This is obviously not the way to maintain social stability, let alone mobilize the resources of the whole country to deal with an extremely competitive new world. The problem would be much simpler if Britain had now concentrated on the production of foodstuffs to meet domestic and interior needs.In that way, business can be included in the coastal cities and not related to the mainland.However, most of Britain's exports are on sheep's backs, and wool and woolen goods account for between 75% and 90% of the exported items.The sheep husbandry has a deep relationship between British agriculture and commerce, is extremely sensitive to changes in overseas market prices, and is also related to diplomatic situations.Due to the expansion of international trade, domestic trade also developed in parallel in the 17th century.On the eve of the civil war, many merchants who traveled around the country often traveled to and from the secondary cities in the interior, and the dealers spread to various villages and towns. The lack of uniformity in the judiciary has added to national unrest.The so-called customary law is basically a relic of the agricultural society.Its conservative principles emphasize that what has never been done in the past cannot be done now, so it relies on self-sufficiency everywhere.This is extremely incompatible with the situation in the seventeenth century.The so-called equity itself is not a law, but it believes that the law must make both parties feel equitable, and it is also influenced by Roman law and temple law. At this time, it can only be practiced in the privileged court directly under the king. Under the above circumstances, the king was forced to increase new taxes to support the navy and army, so as to deal with new problems and expand the scope of administration, the country was divided.Many disputes and different beliefs have gathered in one place, and different emotions have been stirred up.The disputes inside and outside the church originated from the Tudor Dynasty's implementation of religious reforms, which have not yet been settled, and only made the disputes more acute.That is to say, everything has been thrown into a melting pot. This situation is not that there is a change at the top, and everything can be resolved.A change of character at Westminster was not enough to constitute any breakthrough at a time when the lower layers of society were still out of control and proper connections had not yet been formed.We must be mindful that the problem lies in the entire organization of the state, not just in the distribution of power or the personalities of those in power. When William and Mary, the princes of the Netherlands and princesses of England, were both supreme sovereigns in 1689, the work of reorganizing the country was largely complete.Decades of chaos have led to a general rationalization of land across the country.Tawney said that land exchange is done by fighting, which is cheaper than going to court.A field test is from 1692.At that time, land ownership had already undergone such an evolution, so the new land tax did not require taxpayers.Because of this, the new tax is levied in a centrally controlled manner, and every £2 million of the proceeds is fully paid to the Exchequer. This is unprecedented, and the tax revenue also exceeds the sum of all revenues in previous years. Since the privileged court was abolished by the Congress, the customary courts have used the principle of equity as part of their judgments on a trial basis.At first, it was just a way to bear the burden, and soon the law of equity also became a rule, breaking away from the impression that everything is temporary.The merger of these two laws is not far away. In 1689, John Holt was the chief judge, and he instructed that commercial customs should be followed when dealing with merchant cases under common law.This has a great impact on the lives of ordinary people, especially with regard to hereditary pawns, chattel disposal, and compensation for breach of contract. In fact William of Orange had no deep interest in English things.Mary inherited the name of the Stuart dynasty, but was a submissive wife.They can be proclaimed as kings and queens, but it means that the reorganization of the lower end has generally settled down.At this time, the Führer's lack of prejudice against state affairs can be regarded as a strength.With such a reshuffle, congressional supremacy is now a fact.The determination of private property rights has also become the governance logic of the new regime.The emergence of a cabinet system and a two-party system is just around the corner. The Mines Royal Act of 1693 removed the king's privilege to extract gold and silver from all ore sands.In the past, this regulation hindered the development of industries and mines, but the new law is very guiding force for new investment.The Bank of England was born the following year.The new bank made loans to the government, making public debt a permanent institution, for which the king was no longer personally responsible.In fact, William and Mary are still the first and second shareholders of the bank, which shows that the line between public and private has been clearly drawn.With these measures, the modernization of Britain took shape.There is no doubt that the decision-making of state affairs can now be handled on commercial principles. The revolution of 1689 was called "glorious" not only because there was very little bloodshed, but also because it incorporated the gains of decades.This is a new milestone.In the future, only the judiciary can decide what is legal and what is not, and the skills that should not arise in the system can be eradicated. Since then, we have re-examined the three conditions of currency control, that is, the expansion of credit, the separation of managers and ownership, and the full utilization of services. It can also be seen that Britain has fully complied with it in the early 18th century.Since the founding of the Bank of England in 1694, the credit inflation this country has experienced has taken on modern dimensions. From 1702 to 1714, the national annual expenditure increased from 5 million pounds to 7 million pounds, and the national debt accumulated from 13 million pounds to 36 million pounds during the same period.The Duke of Marlborough (Churchill's ancestor) was able to defeat the French army thanks to the loans of more than a dozen continental European cities to support his military operations.As soon as the borrower heard that all the London merchants supported the Bank of England, he immediately released his money without waiting for persuasion.This can also be regarded as the first speculative idea made by the "International Monetary Fund": the commercial nature of modern warfare has become more obvious since then.After reading this, you can also appreciate the meaning of Professor Bauer's words that "the success of capitalism lies in its integration with the country, and it is the country itself". Having developed to this extent, England has thus become more prominent than Holland in the world of international finance.In the past, the Netherlands monopolized marine insurance for ships, that is, British ships were also insured by the Netherlands in the 17th century, and now the United Kingdom has replaced them.In general, everything the Netherlands can do, the UK can only do better.The secret is that after the development of the lower level of the national economy, the combination of customary law and equity is used as a connection between the upper and lower levels of the new system, so that the wealth of agriculture and the interests of commerce have a channel for communication.Both careers can also support each other.England's country gentry complemented the emerging bourgeoisie class.Since James I came to England from Scotland, religious disputes have often kept the country in turmoil.But in the eyes of modern people, this religious dispute is irrelevant.Of course, not all work has been done.More land enclosure bills have to be passed before agricultural land can be used to the fullest, toll roads can be built, and surplus labor from agriculture can be diverted to cities.They constituted the inter-urban proletariat, the source of cheap labor for the new industries.But so far a point of no return has been reached.The British can always look back at 1689 as an important milestone in their history.Other actions were adjusted or reversed, but the results of the Glorious Revolution live on forever. What does the above have to do with Chinese history? These are not celestial fables.What is said does not happen by accident, it is valid only in the country where it occurs.The human nature of needing self-existence makes them continue to collect materials, and finally find practical satisfaction in business.The patterns it creates later become the governing principles of the political system.These methods have advantages and disadvantages; they can be distorted, vulgarized and abused.However, the principle that all goods and services of all kinds should be interchangeable and supervised by law is indelible.It has opened scientific discussions and technical references.It has enriched human life; it has been regarded as the standard by which the nations of the world are ranked.This kind of material life is supported by the ideology given by Machievelli, Hobbes and Locke, and has become an important system of Western thought.At the end of the twentieth century, when world history became unitary, we do not see how the process of the birth of capitalism could be ignored in the study of Chinese history.The Bank of Venice is connected to the Bank of Amsterdam, and even the Bank of England, which is also confirmed by the Italian Renaissance, the Nordic Renaissance and the British Renaissance.This is no longer a separate and scattered example, but a historical site that runs through each other, and it has already been placed on the path that the Chinese should take.Without fear of grossness, China's history since the Opium Wars can also be seen, from a blunt perspective, as responses to this challenge.The ending we can imagine is nothing more than the confluence of Chinese civilization produced on the entire land of the mainland and this Western ocean culture. When the development of past history has not reached the appropriate depth, Chinese reformers and historians have the same tendency to underestimate the preparations that China should do.The Chinese revolution is often compared to the Meiji Restoration.In fact, during the period of the Tokugawa shogunate in Japan, there were competing vassals, and they already had the attitude of disposing of their social life and economic life or according to commercial rules.Under each feudal lord there is a "Zangyuan", that is, a business manager.The banking industry is called "two surrogate houses", some of which are still remittances for the shogunate, with a history of hundreds of years.Wholesalers are called "Jianwu" and also form various "groups".The trade association is called "Zhuzhongjian".The road traffic network called "Five Streets" has connected the major cities. "Suyi" spreads all over the country, and communication has "Flying feet".The regular voyage of sea-going ships is called "return ship", and it also handles insurance business.Therefore, most of the main factors that constitute the management of capitalist money already exist ex ante.The Meiji Restoration merely added an overarching political organization to these commercial factors, and the capitalist system was ready. Chinese history cannot be compared with the Russian Revolution.China lacks all kinds of Westernization foundations since Peter the Great, and at the same time, there is no slave farming system. They still existed in Dioria more than 100 years ago.Strictly speaking, orthodox Marxism cannot provide technical solutions to Chinese problems. The "Communist Manifesto" has always been called the guidance of revolutionary action, and when reading it, we should pay attention to the steps it actually takes to deal with the problem. The "revolutionary mode of production" can only be carried out by the country with the most advanced economic organization.The communists should not compete with another party of the working class.These are all written in the Declaration. Although the United States has always supported China with good intentions, the United States has not been able to provide historical guidance to China in history.Although the combination of equity law and customary law was not fully completed when the United States was founded, the two have merged for at least 100 years.Americans cannot imagine that the management of farms and the governance of villages cannot be dominated by money; they understand that although legislation is close to modernization, without social enforcement requirements behind it, it will still not work in the end.The commercial efficiency of the United States cannot be easily copied by Asian countries, because it has environmental advantages, gradually imposing a proven effective system on a large area of ​​​​a continent over a long period of time.On the other hand, the special record of her struggle, including "Shay's Rebellion" (Shay's Rebellion), the Whiskey rebellion, the states' denial of federal laws (Nullification), the examples of states' high "state rights" (staterights), and more about Disputes over currency, banking, legislation against trusts, regulation of labor, and interstate commerce.As a result, the current method of division of labor and cooperation in the United States is the only one.If we want to learn lessons from history, it is best to go back and see the original appearance of capitalism in Western Europe, so as to provide a useful reference for understanding today's China. From a macro standpoint, the world has never had the exact same thing happen twice in history.Everything has its unique basis.Therefore, when proposing causality, we should also look at historical events as coherently as possible, and should not draw conclusions based on occasional similarities. In the above examples, it can be seen that all countries are trying to move away from the agricultural experience-dominated mode of regulation and adopt a mercantilist approach, whether the outcome is called capitalism or socialism.This movement has spread from small countries to Tai countries, from oceanic countries to continental countries, from countries whose history and culture are not very consolidated to countries whose power is deeply rooted.Not only the French Revolution and the October Revolution in Russia can be seen as major adjustments in this general trend, but also the struggles of most countries today, including those who have money and those who have no money, what can be managed numerically and what cannot A country governed by numbers is still inseparable from this organizational problem. If we add this big frame of world history to the history of China, we can see that the deeds since the Opium War are not a series of mistakes made without thinking.China's response to the challenge of the West has been both strong and consistent.She refused to change at first, then limited the change to certain aspects, and tried to revive traditional social values ​​to resist.Compared with the experience of other countries, this is only reasonable.If we compare it with the protracted records of the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, it cannot be said that China has given up many opportunities and wasted a lot of precious time.Readers may reconsider the current metaphor: China is a large submarine sandwich.The May 4th Movement has planned the above loaf of bread, and today the scribes and bureaucrats have awakened to be the masterminds of the revolution.Logically, the bottom piece of bread, that is, the hundreds of millions of farmers who cannot be divided, constitutes the driving force of the revolution.But the self-consciousness of the former and the liberation of the latter are not yet the end of this mass movement.The ultimate goal is to bring the country close to the world standard, to be able to manage the number, to expand the country's functional mobility, and to increase its structural strength. From this perspective, contemporary Chinese history can be succinctly formulated: the KMT and Chiang Kai-shek created a new high-level institution.The CCP and Mao Zedong created a new low-level organization and made it stand out from Chiang's high-level organization.The task of today's successors to leadership is to put the institutional linkages between top and bottom that make the system work. Chiang has been criticized numerous times.Some people criticized him for lacking a system and improvising everything.Others say that he has no way of eradicating internal corruption and lawlessness.Some people also accused him of relying on human loyalty and emotional impulsiveness to drive his subordinates.Some people even accused him of being neither new nor old, neither reforming everything, nor being conservative.There is a considerable truth in every criticism, but the critics themselves cannot show how these errors can be avoided, nor can they tell otherwise what course to take.The development of the facts shows that various unsatisfactory places cannot be avoided.If there is another better policy, it is not difficult for the Chinese to choose other talents.A realistic evidence is that Zhou Enlai was arrested by Jiang's subordinates in Shanghai in 1927, and his life was almost unpredictable.However, during the Xi'an Incident in 1936, Zhou tried to get Jiang to be released. It seems that it is easy to scold Chiang Kai-shek, but it is difficult to praise his achievements.We also have no way to support Jiang's words and deeds indiscriminately.However, Jiang is a historical figure, and his life has demonstrated an extremely great mass movement. Only with the foundation of this movement can the future People's Republic come into being.If one ignores the positive character of his actions, no one can explain from a technical point of view why there were such drastic differences between China in the 1980s and 1920s. In order to maintain the continuity of history, we have to admit that after the abolition of the Chinese imperial system, the warlord regime is inevitable.Jiang tidied up the leftover mess, he could only take it in and out, and couldn't tell the leftovers according to his own will.He used Whampoa graduates to form the main force of his subordinates, so he drew in strongmen and politicians from various provinces to form a kind of personnel unity.It should be noted here that these strongmen have not taken root in the lower classes and won the support of voters.Lack of financial capacity is another of Chiang's weaknesses.In the imperial era, China has always been unable to mobilize the whole country to unite to fight against foreign powers, or to compete economically with similar countries (under this condition, China in the 20th century is similar to Britain in the early 17th century).Ten years before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, the Nanjing government of the Kuomintang gained tariff independence.Created a central bank (actually the Central Bank, China, Communications and Farmers Banks share the due central bank business), and used tariffs, salt taxes, and tobacco and alcohol taxes to support the entire new system.Then there is the imbalance between income and expenditure, that is, to make up for it with domestically issued public bonds.Even with the above-mentioned measures, the total national budget on the eve of the Anti-Japanese War was only 1.25 billion yuan.Based on the three-to-one equivalent of the U.S. dollar on the day, it was 400 million U.S. dollars.Although the purchasing power of that day was different from today's, the 400 million is still an extremely small amount. Chiang Kai-shek relied on this organizational ability to win the public obedience of the world and become China's hope.Because of this, he stimulated the Japanese soldiers, and eventually there was a full-scale armed conflict.He also knows that China cannot win alone and must rely on foreign aid.He was helpless in taking this position, and critics should not blame him for it, because he was no different from Churchill and de Gaulle, the leaders of the Allied countries at that time.It's just that after the battle, he didn't bring joy to those who helped him.On the contrary, his alliance has become a burden and a shame, so he has never been forgiven.To make matters worse, the Stilwell affair charged his government with brutality, corruption, and incompetence.Even today, few Americans can remember that support for the Chinese Nationalist Government is still a cheap deal in terms of every dollar of aid to China.If the long-term results of the KMT's struggle are considered comprehensively, observers should have a different view from Truman and Marshall in Japan.Chiang Kai-shek can be considered the first to create a primitive unified government for China.Despite all the faults of this government, it finally presided over self-defense and won its first victory in an international war in more than a hundred years at the critical moment of survival. There is a feature of modern warfare that is often overlooked by belligerents.When general mobilization is extremely efficient, it is often behind the front that a movement to remake society emerges.Once launched, this movement does not have to coincide with the goals of both sides when they declared war.When the First World War broke out, the Kaiser and the Russian Tsar had no way of predicting that the result of this war would be the liquidation of the autocratic imperial power, because it involved too many territories and did not meet the needs of the times.It has nothing to do with where it is located or why it went into battle in the first place.When the Second World War broke out, Hitler aimed to fight for the "living space" (Lebensraum) of the Germanic nation, but he did not know that this plan failed a long time ago. As far as the reaction was concerned, the equality of all races spread everywhere, creating a global fashion , even beyond the expectations of Chamberlain and Churchill.The Chinese Civil War, even if it was of a different origin, had unintended consequences. 30年或4D年前无人曾预料中国之土地革命将造成一种新的低层机构，它的用处在使中国能在数目字上管理。当时对共产主义有极端信仰之人士亦不过含糊提及要在农村“将生产力解放”。其他人即以为经济上的平等本身即是目的。这样的看法显然也是毛泽东的着眼，不然他日后不会再发起不合实用的文化大革命。只是从文化大革命及内战之后果看来，历史在长时间内所表现的合理性可能与组织这些情事者的初心相违。 这也不是说毛泽东在历史上的成就应当小视。40或50年前极少人能有长远的眼光看透中国的前途将从一只潜水艇夹肉面包的结构上改造着手。经济上的建设应当注重最前进的部门。与农民为伍，不无人道主义的吸引力，要假他们之手改造中国的命运，听来则不免荒唐。可是只毛锲而不舍，事实之展开终如他之谋划。他的运动既要勇气，也要耐性；一方面出于机巧的计略，一方面也靠好运高照。这些条件汇集，才有人民解放军的成功。此中也有一种命运上的错安排：传统倾向于均一雷同，以争取动员时的简单，终能抵挡住对方使用科技的优势。这优势不能全面分配，在战场上反足为使用者之拖累（虽然稍有出入，这基本战略也被越共使用，日后使美军的优势无法施展）。并且在内战期间，毛之野战军有意避免高层机构。中共统治之下极少有大城市。都市文化故意不要。大部队只用无线电联络。在战场上军事人员和政工人员暨经理人员一般灵活互相调用。在双方互予彼此极大之损害后，这农民军的乡村性格使它元气容易恢复，为国民党军队所不及。 可是毛泽东的农村改造更有长远影响。中国的农业问题在战前已由贝克（John Lossing Buck）、陶尼（Richard H. Tawney）和费孝通等人提出。这问题的根源也可以从各种方志上看出，总之是耕地短绌、人口过剩、农民负债。可是及至详细情形经过实地报告提出，当中问题之庞大与严重，仍足以使从事工作者惊讶。佃农问题并非一切不平的所在。耕地有时分割得如房间大小，耕牛无从转身。有时所谓地主与佃农只有大同小异，彼此距挨饿不过只两三步。放高利贷已是千篇一律，及于放贷者的亲戚与邻舍。所谓剥削也包括雇人工作而给予低过生活费之工资。在这种情形之下，即是要劫富济贫，也难划分界线。这种种现实是历史上遗留下来的事迹。当初农村问题本已严重，最少近几十年来又无人过问，只令之江河日下，况又内外煎逼，农村且还要承受战争与灾荒的后果。 毛泽东乃是古今一大宣传家，他认为“蒋介石与美帝”应对这情形负责。在他笔下，凡是中国传统内之事物全可以称为“封建”。内战期间，凡是青年男女受过教育或只有几分教育的，都全部募来组织战线后面的工作。中国既已有了整个年轻的一代对现状不满，中共不愁召集不到充足的干部。 美国作家韩丁（William Hinton）已将山西省一个村庄里土地革命的情形写成专制《翻身》出版，也可视作一种古典型的纪录。斗争以恐怖政策起头。一批乡间的流氓地痞先进入乡村将这村庄制住，中共的干部也用威胁利诱的手段鼓动村民。村民因为过去文教的束缚不愿出头，几经怂恿才提到各人恩怨。等到情绪被激起，他们即将村中若干生活过得去者的家产没收，也有好几个过去为恶的人被当场打死。可是这一切也还不过是一段序幕。一到中共的控制稳定，整个地区也在掌握中，另有一批新干部进入。过度的行为被检点；对过去之事寻差报仇也不再继续。村民开始行使他们的选举权，整个地区内共产党员的名单也开始露白。所有党员都要一一在人民面前对账，称为“过关”，凡是被村民否定者不得为共产党员，或也要改造学习。各干部将马克思的劳力价值说（一切价值出于劳力）教与村民。重新分配土地时固然视家庭内之需要，也顾及其已有之劳力。事无大小，共产党员均不厌其详的一一区分。其所作调查统计之细超过任何习惯之标准。用道德规劝的时候也贯穿各人良心。毛泽东与共产党人执行土地改革之精，确实令人惊讶。读《翻身》，一个读者可以体会到整个社会实际上已解散，一切重新做起。卢梭所谓“高尚的野蛮人”在此时出现，也开始组织他们的“社会契约”。主要的行动全经过协定，详细规划，初步试验、修订，付之实施、重新检讨，到第二次修正才能算数。在村庄之外，地区工作人员检讨他们的工作时，其扩大会议可以纠集到几百个代表讨论上好儿个星期。韩丁提出，在1947年的一次会议，有1700个代表参加讨论了85天。 这样一来，中共与毛泽东替中国创造了一个新的低层机构。重分土地之后，不仅使以后组织农民合作社和公社相当容易，同时毛和中共也构成了一种发号施令之体制，由以万计的村民大会一直向上结合而成。它们又有农民协会和贫农团体支持。某些单位等于选区。有了这样的力量摆在他们后边，中共从此对付国民党的军队已无实质上的困难。国民党军所辖疆土日蹙，防线也愈退近各市区的城垣。 1950年间的成功，加上与美军作战至少也打得一个平手，大为增进了毛的威信。经济方面的成功也不难道出：1949年以前中国可谓有三个不同的经济体系。在东北原来有“日满鲜”体系，东北的生产和分配只向日本与朝鲜的配合。沿海的城市经济大体向外，由国际力量支配。中国内地既为农民丛集之区，一向被遗弃如孤儿。人民共和国成立后才三位一体，全部经过共同管制。苏联援助数量极为有限，但是无耗费的放在有效之处实施，也发挥了功用。农地集体化，除去了当中的阡陌，减少了荒废，也节省了人工。中国的工业本来就级位低，又受多年战争损坏，所以经整顿培植，新状态就和以前豁然不同。只是以上的条件都只一次有效，而缺乏循环性。到1958年，所有有利条件或已用尽，或无从继续。 在这关头，毛泽东1958年提出的大跃进显示他以为，只要有意志力，任何问题都可解决。“后院炼钢”成为一时风尚。当各种事业缺乏资本的时候，毛认为，鼓足干劲，筋肉上的额外付出能创造资本。当经济内服务性质的事业用到尽头时，他认为即地生产可以省除必要的交通，并规避科技之需要。这样一来他创造了一种新的原始经济，凡他力所能及，所有因素都超过限度做到极端。他力之不及，则虽必需却令其付诸阙如。自此，这些原始的细胞之间产生了各种不平衡，即使各自有成也无法利用。这和现代经济原则相违。后者抓住各地区和各因素间之不平衡，将一种互为协定的办法使一切整体化，而在更大的地区及更高的层次取得平衡。大跃进的灾害已经传遍。可是在这错误的后面仍有一种不同的人生哲学。1958年年底，刘少奇指摘毛泽东时以为他已创造了无阶级社会，平等取得日常生活之必需品即是“各尽所能各取所需”。这样就算得上共产主义，中国的社会也无须进入社会主义阶段了。这一切，刘综合称为“一个乌托邦的梦想”①。 『①这批判由中共中央1958年12月10日的决议提出，原文载《人民日报》，英译见（Dan N. Jacobs and Hans H. Baerwald. ed. Chinese Communism：Selected Documents［NY：Harper & Row，1963］，pp109～132）因为两人的立场既如此明显，本书作者即直接指出此系刘少奇对毛泽东的批判。读者也可参阅中共在1987年编印之《中共党史大事年表》页343以下各节，内中对毛泽东主动与间接参与文革有直率的批判。 』 经济企划失败，加上苏联收手及收成无起色，毛泽东的命运跌至最低点。可是他不甘心。他以1966年的文化大革命再度出场。这看来也奇怪：如何一个人会有这样的力量？而事后全国都认为这一切都是“错误”、“离奇谎言”、“恐怖空气”？这样，我们如何说明历史上长期的合理性？ 简概说来，文革不能以参与者的言行解释，甚至不能因在其近旁观察者而获得适当解释。它在历史上的意义可能尚在毛泽东本人理解之外。毛做农民运动前后40年，也解决了历来在中国历史里使每一代人都感棘手的大问题，他并作诗自为炫耀。在其过程中，他也有两弟一妹一妻一子惨死，他却觉得他的权力足以保全他创下的运动。同时，不要高层机构着手的广泛群众运动也是他的一贯作风。他既有人之弱点，也可能在给新兴官僚和一班文学艺术家打击时感到恶意的满足。很少人提及，毛所创的低层机构从未与上端构成组织结构上的联系，而只因事情不能以固定的意识形态为凭。一到实际的政治作风露出真相时，毛泽东即想不出自己为何必须放弃他做中国革命发言人的地位。这时候他只要和林彪联络，又动员红卫兵，就完成了重新夺取领导权的一切准备。 毛泽东虽孜孜不倦读史，却想不到自己不过历史的工具，他，毛泽东，一生事业也不过是中国革命过程中的一环。他已经扫除了农村内放债收租的陋习，过去这习惯如癌症般影响到乡村里每一个细胞的健康，阻挡中国的现代化。可是要把因此而产生的均平主义当作最终目的，从今之后一切都维持原状，那他的土地革命也不过产生一种现代形式的“均田”。从过去的经验看来，这种制度纵有政府下令保护，亦无从防制日后的侵蚀。毛好像不是对此毫不知情。他是否确曾嘱咐江青不要搞“四人帮”，暂且不说。无可否认，最后几年他已与林彪疏远而决绝，而且让周恩来与尼克松及基辛格接触。至此看来，他已经在寻觅另外的对策。 只是中共如要和过去传统上的朝代形式隔绝，那它应当使这新的下层机构成为一个不受拖累，可能生长扩大的经济基础。因此经济也务必要多元化，尽力将互相交换的条件提高，做到高度分工合作。如此，中国解剖学上的型式——一个潜水艇夹肉面包的模样——才可一去不复还。要是能做到这田地，则文革没有白费。虽说十年离乱，它也供给了一个新改组的机会。况且它的摸索也产生不少教训。文革也显示中国在毛的布置之下虽执拗而不能稳定，他仍需要上下之间的法制性联系才能谈得上革命最后成功。 历史的经验告诉我们，很多国家一经现代化，总是随着有经济上的生长扩充。当中的步骤不能全部预先筹措，大致上只能因内外压力之逼而形成。只是一遇到突破阶段，这运动已替它自己选择了当前的大道。政府的扶助与督导仍然必要，却已处于次要。多元化的社会（plural society）必因着经济多元化而兴起。一种自然而然的现象使这运动加速。也就是说其要点在扫除当中之障碍，不是预作理想上的答案去解决假设的问题。从一切的情形看来，中国已突破这驻点。 中国缺乏西方式法制，既有好处也有坏处。西方人士经常提及的一个印象是，内中有多数安分守己的善良中国人民，又有一群贪污枉法之官吏，不外我们所说潜水艇夹肉面包之另一面，本书早已不厌再四提及。这是一个不合时代的体制。因为它的原故，中国上下在过去100年内业蒙受重大牺牲。今日它被铲除，只有极少的人为它流泪。这样的背景使我们想见今后几十年内是从事中国法制生活人士的黄金时代。他们有极多机会接受挑战，尽量创造。针对物质生活的新范围，必有新法律产生。这种工作过去无从提前先做，有如汽车尚未发明之际无从预先构成高速的现代交通管制法案。英国17世纪的经验又使我们体会到，起先看来互不相容之观念，一旦被环境逼迫，到时也可能同时为法律容纳而调和。即是立法程序不及，也仍可以利用司法机关审案的机会补救。 再回到上面提及的一个问题：是否中国已在实验资本主义？我们看来，这问题的本身即应重新考虑。当一个10亿人口的国家以超过一世纪的时间完成了一段前所未有的革命，则以前的名词和词汇都有重新审订的必要。现在中国所产生的问题和她背景上几百年甚至几千年的生活条件攸关，因此也有不尽能由西方经验所产生的语词全部笼罩之事例。中国缘于地理上之要求，政治体系初期早熟，使各地方上之利益及地方上的组织无从充分发展先期构成多元社会，只好采用间架性的设计，构成中央集权的官僚体系。这种办法贯穿了中国历史。再则栽培扶植小自耕农，除了极少的例外情形，一直是君主时代君臣之一贯方针。施政缺乏纵深，也缺乏对一时一地一人一事之详细掌握。总之就是民法无从展开，私人财产权的各种奥妙也不能在法律面前发挥。反面言之，资本主义之展开必待政府参预。因为将资金广泛流通，雇用外界人士为经理，又构成交网通信和保险事业，无不需要信用，而信用需要法律保障才可能形成系统。中国传统政府无此技术能力，也不愿放弃其道德上的着眼为“为富不仁”的商人打算。所以，仅由它拒绝提供法律上的保障，就可以阻塞资本主义之展开了。这也就是以大陆的广泛土地为背景的国家与欧美日本体系主要差别所在。中国农村里的剩余既无门径远走高飞作有益的投资，小自耕农般又胼手胝足缺乏资本（小自耕农实际上也是小本生意人，春种秋收间的生活费也是一种投资），则韩丁所叙“剥削”在客观条件上已无可避免。他们在亲戚邻合间的抵当借贷有时只以口语为凭，不一定见文书，倒可以经乡间的强人如保甲长及缙绅强制执行，因为不如此则关系地方治安。有时候尚用不着麻烦衙门里的父母官。 中共已把这癌症式的复杂情形大刀阔斧肃清。有了以后历史之发展，才使我们了解其真意义在豁除社会组织上的含糊情形，并非将私人之存积资本全部禁绝。在经济发展的程序上讲，中国迄今在“原始存积资本阶段”，大多数人民尚没有享受到机器时代的生活方式。如果真的依从狂热分子之主张，将私人财产整个不要，只能使全面贫穷更恶化。这错误既已被认识，但在社会主义旗帜下廓清私人财产权仍无从避免，虽说这行动已算是姗姗来迟而且在解释其立场时中共已大为感到逻辑上之困难。 目前人民共和国的政策，以时下标语概括之，可谓“致富是一种光荣”。这趋势可以从两方面说明：一方面是扩张国民经济的运动，其规模如此庞大，不能不招致私人参加。譬如，即使美国的通用汽车公司全属国营，它也需要无数零件供应者，服务性质的行店更不可少，如卖汽车的特约经纪与加油站，更有供应快速食品的餐馆和车行取款的银行柜台，又有训练女速记员和汽车旅馆经理的学校。说国家经济计划都能将各节筹办得完满，不免是欺人之谈。19世纪中国的自强运动之所以失败，即是缺乏以上有纵深的准备。 招致私人企业也是承认个人财产权的办法。此事之重要尚未尽为人看出。这当中的关系有立法的意义。一种事业经过批准，其特权应当在法律面前有效。如政府不时将其撤销，则授权者应有权要求赔偿。在这种特权上存积之财富也不当受政治运动骚扰。如是，私人财产权逐渐巩固，也是良好政府之基础。 从王安石失败的故事，我们也可以获得当前的教训：除非下层有法制上的保护，上端无限制抽税的权力并非执政者之福。因为全国财政井没有实际上的结构，各级人员也各就自己的方式敷衍塞责，总之即无从考核。这样也落入一种离奇的局面里去，下端的人民感到税重而喘不过气来，上端国库的收入则不足预期数量。这也可由最近的一个情形看出： 东北的鞍山钢铁厂有好几十所厂房分散在一个广大的地区上。在最近之前，北京的钢铁部只拼死要它增加生产的吨数。财政部则以为它是一种财源。省政府与市政府也要求它将钢材拿出来贡献本地的建筑。如是各方争论不已。技术上的问题也可能牵扯一段思想上的问题和意识形态的问题。最后只有提出一段建议，这企业应当视为一种国营事业，让它自身决策牟利，不过同时向国家和辽宁省两头缴所得税（可是本书出版之日是否照这建议办理，不得而知）。增强私人财产的权利也无非同样的将一切合理化，因之各人有了自卫的权力，影响所及，各选区也可就本地的特殊情形强调它们的本色，回头作特殊的贡献。假如不如此，则照王安石失败的情形看来，中国只能仍然当作一个庞大的农村看待，农民也仍只能集体驱使。此中关键是政治之改革与经济之扩充必互相提携。要使中国能在数目字上管理，先就要提出真实的数字。世界上没有所谓“叫化子的民主”（Beggar's democracy；由魏复古［Karl Wittforel］提出，文字上带讽刺之意）。 历史家从本身的爱憎去褒贬一个现存的政权，与自己身份不符。可是他必须具备能力判断这样一个政权，尤其在它有一种群众运动在后支持时，是否在长期的历史意义里与它前任的行动相衔接。在现在的情形下，我们没有理由作否定的答复。蒋介石、毛泽东和邓小平在人身方面或者互相敌视，在宏观历史的角度看来却代表着一种连续运动之三个段落。今日之人民共和国能自由行动之处，无非自它前任而得来。纵使功劳不加在领袖人物的个人头上，至少也要归功于他们所代表的群众运动。 再从中国整个历史看来，这长期革命的看法也和以前所段落衔接。中国专制时代的第三帝国历时543年，它的特点是内向而无竞争性格。它的体制既如此的与新时代大相径庭，故改造起来不能避免极端的痛苦。这情形也和17世纪的英国大致相似。 再回头提到中国是否已进入资本主义体制，我们必须郑重再三声明，这问题只能有条件的答复。要是不加思索，也可以直率说正是如此。如果时装广告牌出现于人民大会堂不过一箭之遥的地方，有冰箱和冷气的高贵汽车供私人使用，而且新企业以出售股票筹集资本，那就难于解说这些事物仍属社会主义范畴。可是从历史上看来，“资本主义”这名词从西方传来，到底有它欧洲之背景。如果将四周牵扯的事物一并拿来讨论，也可以从狭义的说资本主义只能由市民之特权（municipal franchise）作基点产生。不论从内从外着去，资本主义总是和自由城市结不解缘。因之市民阶级（bourgeoisie）有了他们的绝对优先权。也因此，私人之资本总是在公众生活中构成特殊影响。中国的革命，从毛泽东的故事看来，则主要的是由受过教育的年轻人领导农民发动。在后来建国过程之中，中国人发现西方和日本所创以货币为主的管制方式不能避免。从这一点上模仿过去，邓小平影响下之中国才有了一种所谓资本主义色彩。可是这色彩与内容之间仍有极大区别，不仅方面多而且内容深。 虽有最近的放松管制，但人民共和国的政府从未宣布它将放弃在很多事业上的专利，这专利及于冶金、炼油及化学工业、机械工程、造船业、交通事业、保险业、对外贸易、传播事业甚至旅游事业。这些事业是国民生产值中之极重要部分。目前的解放，仍只是管理的人员有行使职权之自由。私人企业还只限于小商店、食品供应零售业和若干政府本身不能生利的事业。并且很多事业尚且是拨归私人办理，不过是“承包到户”，出之以合同的关系。此外公办私营的范围已扩大，人民公社可以说是停止了本身的操作，因为食品生产已由农民自己作主、可是尚不能说公社已经废除，因为它们仍是原则上的土地所有人，将土地租与个人。政府也仍在收购食物，管理其分配并厘定其价格。这些都是社会主义性格。接受私人资本和采用先进国家管理的技术，并无肃清中国大陆社会主义形态的趋向。 不过，从西方眼光看来，中国自相矛盾的情形极多。此中的混淆也由于某些人士过度渲染，他们好像将经济合理化的运动牵扯到极端，不到局面破裂不止。另一方面，又有对意识形态死硬不肯放松的人，他们没有把“马克思主义”②当作革命过程中的一种工具，而是倚之为自身安全的保障，这样一来纠纷才多了。 『②马克思主义之本身为由知识界所掀起的各种左倾思想组成的一大集团，缺乏固定轮廓。马克思自己所作政治小册子不如他经济方面著述之详尽。《共产党宣言》内中条列的各项步骤在19世纪中期看来带革命性格，以后却供很多西方国采纳，连美国在内。此外，《资本论》则由罗宾生教授（Joan Robinson）与熊彼德教授（Josegh Schumpeter）指出，内中有不少不合实际的地方，如机器只能传达价值，不能产生价值，如大学教授不事生产，只是社会上游手好闲的人物，如娼妓，如资本家承担风险不能算是对社会或经济的一种贡献。殊不知现代高等科技如计算机等即全由他所不承认的三个因素产生。总之则20世纪末期没有人能说他全都遵守马克思主义，更不用说整个国家。 人民共和国国有一做书评家指出本书作者“不是马克思主义者，观点有可商之处”（见《读书》1983年5月号）。I fully admit it.可是另一方面，认为经济之组织对法律和文教有决定性的影响，作者也和其他非马克思主义的作家一样无法否认受有马氏的影响，刻下将历史观作冗长、互相继续而作梯度前进的观察时尤然。 』 中国人的平等观念和某些集体行动之性格有长久历史根据（详以上各节，尤其第二章所叙），因之由西方产生的原始型资本主义可说和中国文教传统相违。这原始型色彩造成城市里的无产阶级，在海外建立殖民地，和参加商业战争等等，在20世纪已不能照办；开头如此的国家也早将这些办法革除。要是中国还将它们之所遗