Chapter 8 Chapter VIII New Division

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, all psychiatrists, all historians were dominated by the same outrage.Everywhere we see the same indignation, the same condemnation: "No one should blush for putting the insane in prison." Esquirol enumerates the Château d'Argent in Bordeaux, the penitentiaries in Toulouse and Rennes, The "Bicetre" still surviving in Poitiers, Cannes and Amiens, and the "Castle" in Angers, then wrote: "Also, there is hardly a prison without raving madmen; these unfortunate People in handcuffs and shackles are locked up with criminals. What a terrible mix! Peaceful patients are treated worse than criminals."

This was echoed throughout the 19th century.In America, the Tuckers became historians and apologists for the work of their forebears; In the dungeon that can't be reached" and let out a cry of injustice.The positivists have been claiming for more than half a century that they were the first to liberate the madman from his deplorable mingling with the criminal, and to separate innocent irrationality from crime. However, it is easy to justify the grandiosity of this claim.The same protests have been made for years.Before Ryle, Franck had said: "Those who have visited the German asylums recall with horror what they have seen. One is horrified as soon as one enters these places of torment. All one hears is a cry of despair." Shout, but here dwell men of intellect and virtue." Before Esquirol, before Pinel, Rochefoucauld, Leoncourt and Tenon and before them there was a continual protest throughout the eighteenth century, even by those who would be considered the most indifferent and most willing to maintain this hybrid state.Twenty-five years before Pinel et. Circumstances, physical exercise, and his well-prescribed remedies will surely cure them." Generations of governors, treasurers, and administrators had been whispering to separate the insane from the criminal throughout the eighteenth century and earlier.This request is sometimes fulfilled.The Head of Mercy at Thornley begged the police authorities to take some of the prisoners and keep them in that castle.The administrators of the Brunswick Correctional Institute demanded in 1713 that madmen should not be mixed with convicts working in factories. Haven't the demands of the nineteenth century, made with great fanfare by means of every kind of sympathy, been whispered and tirelessly repeated in the eighteenth century?Aren't the Esquirols, Ryle and Tuckers doing the same thing by speaking up and protesting what has been the norm in the asylum for years?The progressive removal of madmen from prisons from 1720 to the French Revolution is perhaps the most visible outcome of these protests.

But let's hear what people have to say in this half-silence.What was Thornley's argument when the Dean of Charities demanded that the madman be separated from certain criminals? "He (referring to a prisoner) is very poor, and so are two or three others. Lock them up in some fortress, and they will be better off. Because the other six people with them are crazy. These crazy people tortured day and night Follow them." The meaning of these words should be clear to the police authorities, that is, these prisoners should be released.The Brunswick overseer's request implied the same meaning: the workshop was agitated by the cries and confusion of the mentally ill; the frenzied attacks of these people could pose danger at any time, and it was better to send them back to the brig, or They put on irons.From this, we can know that although the protests of the two centuries are similar in appearance, they are not the same in essence. At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was outrage that madmen were not treated any better than criminal or political prisoners.And throughout the 18th century, people were concerned that prisoners deserved a better fate than being locked up with the insane.In Esquirol's view, righteous indignation arose from the fact that a madman was just a madman, while in the view of the dean at Thornley, the problem was that the prisoner was, after all, a prisoner.

The difference may not be so significant.And the difference should be easily noticeable.However, it is necessary to emphasize this difference in order to understand how the consciousness of madness transformed over the course of the eighteenth century.This awareness did not evolve in the context of a humanitarian movement that brought it closer to the reality of the madman's humanity, to his most touching and intimate aspects; It evolved under the pressure of - that pressure made it more focused and a truer reflection of what madness would have to say for itself.If this awareness is slowly changing, it happens in a confinement that is both real and unnatural.This consciousness experienced some imperceptible changes in structure and occasional strong crises, and gradually formed a mad consciousness that was synchronized with the French Revolution.The madman was gradually isolated, and a single insanity was divided into several basic types, which had nothing to do with medical progress or humanitarian attitudes.It is the deep structure of confinement itself that produces this phenomenon, and it is in confinement itself that we must look for the explanation of this new mad consciousness.

This consciousness is not so much a philanthropic consciousness as a political one.For the anxieties of the eighteenth century, perceiving a "derangement" of another nature among the confined, that is, among the freethinkers, the immoral, and the prodigal sons of sin, could not be removed. , then this realization is exactly what the inmates themselves felt.They were the first and most violent to protest.Ministers, police inspectors, and magistrates kept hearing complaints of the same content: a letter to Morpa from a man who had written in a rage because he was "forced to mingle with lunatics, some of whom were so violent that I At every moment there is the danger of being abused by them"; another Montcliffe priest also complained to Director Berryer in the same way: "For nine months, I have been locked up in this terrible place, with 15 or 20 gibbering lunatics, epileptics of every sort." As the century progressed, protests against confinement grew louder.Madness gradually becomes a specter feared by the prisoners, a symbol of their humiliation, an image of their reason annihilated and suppressed.Finally, Mirabeau realized that this shameful conflation of madness with crime was both a clever tool for savagely treating the punished and a symbol of despotism exercising its power.The madman was not the first and most innocent victim of confinement, but one of the vaguest, most visible and enduring symbols of its power.In this terrible form of irrationality, tyranny has always existed secretly among the inmates.Right in the heart of confinement, in a place of euphoria of reason, the struggle against the regime, against the family, against the Church continues.Madness, on the other hand, embodies these powers of punishment to the fullest, effectively producing a supplementary punishment which, in the uniform punishment of the penitentiary, contributes to the maintenance of order.Rochefoucauld Lyoncourt confirms this in his report to the Commission on Beggars: "One of the punishments imposed on the insane and other inmates in correctional institutions, and even on the idle poor, is to put them in Among the lunatics." The ugliness of this approach lies entirely in the fact that the lunatic embodies the harsh truth of confinement, its worst negative tool.Is not this also reflected in the fact, which is found everywhere in the literature of confinement in the eighteenth century, that a person who resides in a penitentiary must be insane?If a person is forced to live in this delusional world, surrounded by rampant irrationality, how can he not join the ranks of living specimens of this world in this environment?I have observed that this is the case mostly with insane persons who are confined in correctional institutions, deranged by extreme ill-treatment, and in state prisons, where they are kept in solitary confinement, and constantly Tormented by hallucinations and deranged. "

There are madmen among the prisoners. This does not illustrate the ugly limit of confinement, but reflects the truth of confinement, not the abuse of confinement, but the essence of confinement. The eighteenth-century anti-infinement debate did involve the forced mixing of the mad and the sane, but it failed to address the fundamentally taken-for-granted relationship between madness and incarceration.Mirabeau the Elder, who called himself "Friend of Mankind," vehemently denounced the incarceration as well as the incarcerated themselves; in his opinion no one imprisoned in the "famous state prison" was innocent; But he should not be placed in these costly institutions, where he is merely lingering and wasting his time.Why confine "those laughing girls? If they are sent to factories in other provinces, they will become working women".Why confine "those rascals? They're just waiting to be free, and that liberty can only get them hanged. Why don't these men in fetters do jobs that might be detrimental to free laborers? They'll be A model for making precepts..."Once these people are all sent away, who will be left in the confinement center?Those who are left behind are those who cannot be placed elsewhere and who do deserve to be: "certain political prisoners whose crimes are unfit for publicity" and "old men who have squandered the fruits of their life's labor in debauchery - who hope to die in a hospital and thus come here in peace."And finally there are the madmen.They need a nest where they can play and roll, "the last kind of people can live the same wherever they are".Mirabeau's argument is just the opposite: "Whoever wants to prove that in castles, correctional institutions, and state prisons, political prisoners, hooligans, freethinkers, madmen, and depraved old people constitute the majority, or constitute a third of their constituents. One-quarter, one-quarter, or one-tenth, I would solemnly refute." The ugliness of confinement, in his view, was not that the insane and the criminal were mixed together, but that they together did not constitute The heart of the incarcerator.So who can complain that he is forced to mingle with criminals?Not those who have lost their minds forever, but those who have lost their minds in their youth: "I shall ask,  … why mix rogues with freethinkers? ... I shall Ask, why are there so few youths with dangerous tendencies mixed with those who can quickly lead them into extreme depravity... Finally, if mixing freethinkers with hooligans really exists, why do we use this notorious to make us commit the most base and infamous crimes of leading people to commit crimes?" As for the mad, what better fate could they have?They are irrational, they have to be locked up, they are unreasonable, and they cannot help being disgusting. "It is true that the irrational must be hidden from society's sight."

We see how the eighteenth-century political critique of confinement worked.It's not in the direction of liberating the sick, or getting more humane or medical attention paid to the insane.On the contrary, it associates madness with confinement more closely than before.It is a double connection: on the one hand, it makes madness a symbol of the power of incarceration and its absurd and haunting representation in the incarcerated world, and on the other hand, it makes madness the typical object of all kinds of incarceration.Madness is thus at once the subject and the object of oppression, at the same time its symbol and its goal, at the same time a symbol of the indiscriminate blindness of this oppression.Yet another justification that justifies everything in this oppression.Through a paradoxical circular argument, the extremely irrational madness that symbolizes the confinement turns out to be the only reason for the confinement.Since Michelet's ideas were still close to those of the eighteenth century, he was able to generalize them with great accuracy; , back to Mirabeau’s train of thought:

First, confinement induces insanity: "Prisons make men mad, and those found at Bastille and Bicetre are demented." Second, the most unreasonable, shameful, and indecent aspects of the tyranny of the eighteenth century are embodied by places of confinement and by a madman: "We have seen madness in the hospital of Sarpetelière. In Vincennes Oil, there is a terrible madman, Sade, who oozes poison. He writes to corrupt the future age." Thirdly, the confinement had to be preserved just for this madman, but in fact the opposite was true: "He was soon released, while Mirabeau remained in confinement."

Thus, an abyss opened in the center of the confinement.It is a vacuum that divides madness, punishes it, and declares it incurable and unreasonable.Madness now appears in a different form from other incarcerated persons.The existence of madmen seems to embody an injustice.But this is an injustice to the other.The undifferentiated unity of the irrational is broken.Madness has taken on a peculiar quality, and is strangely twinned with crime, at least by an as yet undisputed resemblance.thus.A part of the confinement has been emptied, leaving only these two images—madness and crime.They embody in themselves the necessity of confinement.Henceforth, only they should be confined.Although madness distanced itself and finally became an accountable form in the confused world of irrationality, it did not become free.A deep, almost essential connection is established between madness and confinement.

However, at this moment, confinement encountered another, more profound crisis.This crisis makes not only its oppressive function but its very existence itself problematic.This crisis did not arise from within, nor was it an outgrowth of political protest.It emerges gradually throughout the social and economic sphere.Poverty is now gradually emerging from the moral mix of the past.One has seen that unemployment has nothing to do with laziness in times of economic crisis; one has also seen that poverty and idleness are forced to spread to the countryside where one thought one could find the simplest and purest moral life.All this suggests that poverty may not only belong to the world of sin: "Begging is a product of poverty. And poverty itself is caused by accidents in the cultivation of the land or in the production of factories, or by rising commodity prices or population expansion, etc. caused by..." Poverty becomes an economic reality

Yet poverty, while not accidental, is not doomed to perpetual repression.There are certain kinds of poverty that people cannot eliminate.Even if all the idlers were employed, some poverty was bound to accompany every society to the end of the world. "In a well-governed country there need only be poor men who are born in poverty or brought into poverty by accident." This basic poverty is in a sense ineradicable, since birth and accident are inevitable in life part.For a long time, it was impossible to imagine a country without poor people.This need seems to have been deeply inscribed in human destiny and the fabric of society: until the nineteenth century the words property, labor, and poverty were linked together in the minds of philosophers. The role of poverty is necessary both because it cannot be suppressed and because it makes possible the accumulation of wealth.If the poor work more and consume less, the country will be rich and strong, and it will devote itself to the management of land, colonies, and mines.Produce products that are marketed around the world.In short, without the poor, the country would be poor.Poverty becomes an indispensable element of the state.The poor become the foundation of the country and create the glory of the country.Therefore, their poverty is not only impossible to eliminate, but should be praised and respected. "My purpose is merely to direct a part of the attention [of the government] to those who suffer among the people.  … The government's backing is chiefly the honor and prosperity of the empire, and wherever the poor are the surest pillars of the empire, For a prince cannot maintain and extend his dominions without developing his people, and supporting agriculture, crafts, and commerce. And the poor are the necessary instruments of these vital forces that make a nation truly strong." (side) This is from Re-defining the name of the "poor" from a moral point of view means a social and economic reintegration of the role and image of the poor at a deeper level.In a mercantilist economy, the poor man is neither a producer nor a consumer, and therefore has no place: he is lazy, loitering, unemployed, and therefore his only destination is confinement, whereby he is cast out of society.Now, new industries need labor, and he has regained his place in the nation. Economic thought thus interprets the concept of poverty on a new basis.In the past, throughout the Christian tradition, the "poor" was a real and concrete existence, a flesh and blood existence, a perpetually individualized image in need of help, a symbolic medium of God in the image of a human being.In the abstraction of confinement, the "poor" is annihilated, merged with other figures, hidden in a moral condemnation, but its identity is not eliminated. The eighteenth-century man discovered that the "poor" did not exist as a concrete ultimate reality; in them two different realities had long been confused. On the one hand is "poverty", that is, lack of goods and money.This is an economic situation linked to business, agricultural and industrial conditions.Another aspect is "population".This is not a negative factor governed by fluctuations in wealth, but a force that directly affects the economic situation and the production of wealth, since it is human labor that creates wealth, or at least transmits, changes, and increases it. "Poor" is a vague concept.It combines two factors, one is the wealth of "people" and the other is the situation of "needs" that are recognized as indispensable to human beings.Indeed, there is a definite inverse relationship between "poverty" and "population." Physiocrats and economists agree on this point.Population itself is a factor of wealth.It is indeed a somewhat inexhaustible source of wealth.According to Quesnay and his followers, man is the indispensable intermediary between land and wealth; If you can double the value of the land you own, you can reclaim it and get it. God can create man from the soil alone, but in the world, only through man can he own the land, at least the products of the land, and the result is the same .It can be seen that the first thing is to have people, and the second is to occupy land.” In the eyes of economists, population is a very important factor.Because in their view, wealth comes not only from agricultural labor, but also from industrial processing, and even from commercial circulation.Wealth is linked to labor actually performed by people. "Since the actual wealth possessed by the nation consists only in the annual produce of its land and the industry of its inhabitants, the wealth of the nation will be maximized when the produce per acre of land and the industry of each individual is maximized. Limits.” However, a larger population would be better, as it would provide cheap labor for industry, thereby reducing costs and promoting production and commerce.In this infinitely open labor market, the "basic price," what Turgot called the cost of living of the worker, eventually coincides with the price determined by supply and demand.The greatest potential wealth of a nation is that of a large population at its disposal.It will gain an advantage in business competition. Confinement is thus a great mistake, an economic measure designed, for the inversion of Civilization-Age of Reason is that it eliminates poverty by isolating a portion of the poor population and sustaining it with charity.In fact, "poverty" is artificially covered up, and some "residents" are actually oppressed, while the total amount of wealth remains unchanged.Is this done to help the poor escape temporary poverty?They cannot escape poverty because the labor market is finite, and this finiteness is even more dangerous in times of crisis.On the contrary, cheap labor should be used to reduce the high cost of products, and the development of industry and agriculture should be used to make up for the lack of products.The only reasonable solution is to bring the entire population back into the cycle of production and distribute them where the labor shortage is greatest.Making good use of the poor, the vagabond, the exiles, and "immigrants" of all kinds is one of the secrets of making a country rich and powerful in international competition.Tucker, in discussing the problem of Protestant immigration, asked: "What is the best means of dealing with our neighbours, and weakening them, which threaten to overwhelm and weaken our neighbors in power and industry? To reject their subjects as ours? to force them to stay in the country, or to lure them with high wages and give them the same benefits as our citizens?" Confinement has been criticized not only for its effect on the labor market, but also because it, and all traditional philanthropy, is a harmful fiscal expenditure.As in the Middle Ages, Classical times sought to provide help to the poor through a system of charitable funds.This means that a part of land capital or income cannot be circulated.And this situation is permanent, because people have taken various legal measures to prevent these properties from returning to the circulation field in order to avoid the commercialization of charity.But, over time, the usefulness of these properties has diminished, the economic situation has changed, and poverty has changed its image: "the needs of society are not set in stone."Nature, the distribution of property, the classes of men, public opinion, customs, the basic occupations of the nation and its parts, climates, diseases, and the accidents of men's lives, are constantly changing.As a result, new needs are created and old needs disappear. "Therefore, the limitation of the charitable fund is in conflict with the changeable and uncertain unexpected needs. It is reasonable to say that it is used to meet these needs. If the wealth frozen by the foundation does not return to the field of circulation , then as new needs arise, new wealth must be created. The increasing share of funds and income that is put on hold reduces the share of productive funds accordingly. The result is bound to lead to greater poverty and More philanthropic funds are needed. This situation will continue indefinitely. One day, "the increasing philanthropic funds will finally swallow up all funds and all private property." After careful study, it is concluded that the relief of the classical period caused poverty. One reason for this is the gradual freezing of all productive wealth, which is in a sense slow suicide. "If everyone dies with a grave, these unproductive monuments must be pulled down in order to find land that can be cultivated , in order to feed Shengqing, it is necessary to move the ashes of the deceased. " The inhuman harshness of treatment of the sick did not disappear in the course of the eighteenth century, but the apparent justifications of confinement, the overarching principles by which the insane could easily be embraced, and the innumerable threads which wove them into extensions of the irrational .Long before Pinel, madness had been freed, not from the physical constraints that imprisoned it in the ground, but from the more serious bondage that kept it at the mercy of irrational, vague forces, perhaps at least Definitive servitude.Even before the French Revolution, madness was free: it was perceptually detached, its specificity was recognized, and through various operations it was finally given its status as an object. Insanity becomes a problem, cut off from old relationships and left alone within the suffocating walls of confinement.Questions it never asked before are now coming. Most importantly, it puts lawmakers in a bind.They had to end confinement by decree, but did not know where in the social sphere the madness could be placed: prisons, hospitals, or family relief?This indecision was reflected in a series of measures taken on the eve of and at the beginning of the French Revolution. Breteul, in his circular on the "Secret Letters", asked the prefects to describe the nature and reasons for the detentions in various institutions. "Those who are willing to indulge themselves, if they do not do anything that should be severely punished by the law", they should be detained for a maximum of one to two years and then released.On the other hand, the inmates who should remain in detention facilities are "those who are mentally deranged. They are mentally retarded, unable to control their behaviour, and whose deranged behavior threatens the rest of society. In view of the above, what needs to be done is to determine Whether their situation remains the same. Unfortunately, as long as it is recognized that their freedom is detrimental to society and to themselves, it will be necessary to continue to detain them." This constitutes the first stage of reform, namely, the Confinement measures should be used as little as possible in terms of moral deviance, family conflicts, minor debauchery, etc., but the principle of confinement is not touched, and one of the main meanings of confinement is completely preserved: detaining lunatics.At this point, madness has practically taken control of confinement, which itself has lost its other functions. The second stage was a large-scale adjustment by the National Assembly and the Constituent Assembly that began immediately after the Declaration of Human Rights was promulgated. The Declaration of Human Rights declares: "No one shall be arrested or detained except *in such cases and in the manner prescribed by the law.  …The law should permit only such punishments as are strictly and manifestly necessary, and no one shall punished by laws made and promulgated after the crime." The age of confinement bound.Only convicted and soon-to-be-convicted criminals and madmen remained in confinement.The Commission on Beggars of the Constituent Assembly appointed five men to inspect the prisons of Paris.A report was submitted in December 1789 by the Duke of Roche Gongco de Lyoncourt.The presence of lunatics in the penitentiaries gave them a bad image and subjected the inmates to inhuman conditions, the report claimed; this "mixing" was tolerated, showing how reckless the authorities and judges were: f Such indiscretions are a far cry from enlightened, all-encompassing compassion for the unfortunate, from whom the unfortunate can draw every possible help and consolation... In seeking to alleviate poverty, some Would you agree to demean humanity? " If madmen insult those with whom they are imprudently confinement, special places of detention should be arranged for madmen.This confinement is not medical, but it must be the most effective and convenient form of relief: "Among all the misfortunes that man suffers, the state of madness remains one of the misfortunes to which man should be most pitied and cared. Our attention to it There should be no stinginess. When there is no hope of cure, there are still many means by which these unfortunates can maintain at least a decent life." In this passage, the status of madness is very vague; It is necessary to protect the confinement from madness, and it is also necessary to give some special assistance to madness. The third stage was a series of important decrees issued from March 12 to 16, 1790.These decrees are a specific application of the Declaration of the Rights of Man: "For six weeks from the date of this decree, whoever is detained in a castle, abbey, correctional institution, police station, or any other prison, whether under secret They were also detained by order of the executive body, and they should be released as long as they were not sentenced, arrested, awaiting trial, accused of a major crime, or imprisoned for insanity." Thus, confinement It is expressly used for certain prisoners and insane people serving sentences.For the latter, however, there is a special arrangement: "Persons detained for dementia will, within three months from the date of promulgation of this Act, be prosecuted by a public prosecutor, The situation is diagnosed by a doctor who, under the supervision of the local superintendent, announces the true condition of the patients. Finally, after a factual verdict, they are either released or sent to the care of a designated hospital." On the face of it, it seems that The problem has since been resolved. On March 29, 1790, Bailly, Duport-Dutertre and a police chief went to Sarpetelier to investigate how to implement this decree.Then they inspected Bisetel.They found that enforcing the law was difficult.In the first place, there was no hospital at all that was conceived, or at least would make room for, the insane. These material difficulties, combined with certain intellectual doubts, set in motion a long period of indecision.Parliament was being demanded on all sides for a paper to protect the people from madmen until the promised hospitals were built.The result is a retrograde with major implications for the future: the madman is at the mercy of all sorts of unchecked and decisive measures.However, these measures are not even aimed at dangerous criminals, but at unscrupulous beasts. The law of August 16-24, 1790 "requires the attention and power of municipal bodies...to prevent and settle unpleasant incidents caused by released madmen and prowling ferocious and dangerous animals." July 1791 This is supplemented by the law of 22 December, which imposes on the families of patients the responsibility for the supervision of the mentally deranged and allows the municipalities to take all practicable measures: "The relatives of the mentally deranged must take care of them and prevent them from leaving their homes, Indiscipline and disorder. The municipality must preclude private persons from negligence in the performance of this duty." Thanks to this detour in the question of emancipating the madman, this time the madman once again obtained, within the scope of the law, the equivalent of status of animals.In the past, confinement seemed to isolate them according to this status.At this point, when the doctor begins to think that they have a kind of gentle bestiality, they become beasts again.But even though this legal disposition was placed in the hands of government authorities, the problem was not solved.Hospitals for the mentally ill do not yet exist. The Ministry of the Interior has received numerous applications.In his reply to an application, Dreiser said: "Sir, I agree with you that we must work tirelessly to build mental hospitals, so that the unfortunate class of the mentally ill can have a place to rest and recuperate.  … …As for the mentally ill who have been sent to the prisons of your province because they have no place to stay, I can't think of any other way to get them out of places that are not suitable for them, except to temporarily transfer them to Bisetel. Therefore, your provincial government can write to Bidotel to determine the method of admission to the hospital "the method of payment of alimony by your province or the patient's original residence - if their family members cannot afford these expenses. In this way, Bicetre became a huge center for all kinds of sending mental patients, especially after the closure of Saint-Lazare. Likewise, female patients were sent to Sarpeteliers; Two hundred madwomen who lived for five years in the Capuchin nun's convent on Rue Saint-Jacques were sent here. However, in the remote provinces it was not possible to send insane patients to the former General Hospital. As a rule, they were interned In prisons, such as the castle of Arci, the castle of Angers or Bellevue. The chaos in these places is indescribable, and it lasted until the establishment of the Napoleonic Empire. Nodier (Antoin. Nodier) describes a certain Bellevue Some specific situations: "Every day, the nearby residents know from the noise coming from inside that the inmates are fighting and bullying each other.Guards were rushing towards them.Just like today, the prison guards were the butt of jokes for these brawlers.Mayors are constantly being called in to intervene to restore law and order.Their authority is flouted.They themselves were insulted.This is no longer a detention center for the administration of justice. " Bisetle was just as confused, if not more so.Political prisoners are held here, and wanted suspects are also hidden.Many people suffer from hunger here.The administration continued to protest, demanding that the prisoners be held in isolation.Moreover, it is noticeable that some are still proposing that madmen should also be kept in their prisons.On the 9th Brumaire, 3rd Republic, a treasurer of Bisetle wrote to the "Commissioner of the Administrative and Judicial Council Grand Prairie and the Citizen of Osment".The letter said: "I think that today, when humanity has undoubtedly become the standard of conduct, no one will not feel palpitations after seeing crime and poverty coexist in this asylum." The carnage and the constant flight?还有必要向许多天真无邪的眼睛展示被绞死的犯人和悬挂铁镣的场面吗？在那些穷人和老人的"眼前只有铁镣、铁栅和门栓。此外，犯人的呻吟还不时地传到他们耳中。......鉴于此种情况，我恳切地要求，要么将犯人迁出比塞特尔，只留下穷人，要么将穷人迁出，只留下犯人"。最后，如果我们记住这封信写于法国大革命中期，比卡巴尼斯（Georges Cabanis）的报告要早得多，但是比通常所说的皮内尔"解放"比塞特尔的精神病人的时间晚几个月，那么信中下面这段话是非常关键的："在后一种情况下，我们也许能让疯人留在那里。他们是另一种不幸者，他们给人类带来可怕的痛苦。......奉行人道的公民们，为了实现这样美好的理想，快点行动吧。请相信，你们这样做会赢得人们的口碑。"那几年的情况是多么混乱！在"人道"受到重新估价的时候，决定疯癫应在其中所占的位置是多么困难！在一个正在重建的社会领域里安置疯癫是多么困难！