Chapter 32 3.Precise Calculation and Strong Endurance

The Great October Revolution Day is approaching.On the approach of the twenty-fourth anniversary of the birth of the Soviet state, our people have passed the most difficult test.In the main direction of Moscow, the fascist forces are only 80 to 100 kilometers away from our capital, and in the south the enemy is approaching the gates of the Caucasus. Looks like this is our toughest time yet. In 1941 the war reached its peak.Armies were increasingly in need of arms and ammunition, and the production of arms and ammunition was sharply curtailed due to the capture of many large industrial areas by the enemy.Businesses evacuated to the east have just started at new locations.Industry has not been able to replace the army's losses in aircraft and tanks.The shortage of ammunition is becoming more and more acute.The army is hungry, and every shell is valued, so it needs weapons and equipment too much.

That's the general situation.At that time, the question faced by the Military Committee of the Front Army was: What should we do after the consolidation of the new area?It appears that the possibility of transitioning to active combat operations cannot even be discussed.Everything makes one think that passive defense has become imperative.But the dangerous situation on the front's flanks still forced people to look for other solutions.On our right, part of the forces of the Bryansk Front have been encircled by the enemy.The situation on the left was equally tense: the breakthrough of Kleist Tank Army was threatening Rostov.

We at the Front Command have thought a lot about the prospects for our army's operations.The deeper I analyzed the situation, the more convinced I was that passive defense in that situation was tantamount to death.Should attack, must attack.I weighed our abilities over and over again.Assembling a very strong group is difficult, but possible, if somewhat risky.I showed my calculations to the Chief of Staff.Always a proponent of activism, Borgin immediately enthusiastically endorsed my idea. "We need to attack," he said, "not just because we want to eliminate the threat on the flanks. Attacking improves the morale of the army, and at present, the army is somewhat despondent from retreating for a long time. We should use even small, but effective Effective victories cheer people up. But where and with what forces to attack? This is a question that we have to think about. One thing is clear: we should concentrate our forces to the greatest extent, and implement a more or less large attack at a time. assault."

We studied the battle situation on the map again.In order to help the Bryansk Front under strong enemy pressure in the north, we can launch an assault from the northwest of Kastornoye.But the situation in the south is more favorable to us, and there is no delay.Here, the Southern Front threatened Kleist Tank Army's overstretched left flank.If we split the enemy's front at this point and move out to the rear of his tank assault group, we would not only gain great moral and political benefits, but would also eliminate the threat to Rostov and thus to the North Caucasus. threat. When I voiced this vision, Borgin agreed:

"Yes, it seems that there can be no two opinions: everything points to an assault near Rostov. However, we must now lose no time in trying to find the necessary force and weapons to attack the enemy also from the Kastornoe area. Carry out an assault to aid the Bryansk Front." We calculated the forces and weapons that could be brought to the southern offensive, and plotted our intentions on the map.The Chief of Staff entrusted me with reporting to the Commander in Chief. "You came up with it, and you are also good at it." Marshal C. C. Timoshenko listened to my report and carefully looked at our map. The thick red arrows on it pointed directly to the flank and rear of Kleist's army.Then he said thoughtfully:

"To take this step, we have to establish a sufficiently strong assault group in the northwest of Rostov. The Southern Front does not have that many troops now. It seems that the Southwestern Front has to give something to Cherevchenko. If the base camp starts again tomorrow What should we do if we want to leave the Southern Front? At that time, all the troops and weapons transferred there will leave us and never return..." We were silent.Given our lack of troops, his argument is perfectly justified.After studying the map for a long time, the Marshal said: "However, in the interest of the cause, let's do it. Let's make a rough estimate of how many troops we can transfer to the Southern Front without special consequences. These troops plus Cherevichenko will be transferred to Baika The reserve divisions that will be supplemented in the Litwa area will help us build the backbone of the assault group for future attacks."

"It would be nice if these forces could be united and put under a unified command," Borgin said. "Yes." Timoshenko agreed. "We are going to form a new commanding body of the army. It happens that we have an experienced and battle-tested general in reserve. I mean Major General Lopatin. He just asked today to let him go to work quickly. You too Think about these things, make the necessary calculations, and draw up orders. We will not delay: discuss these matters at the military council today." In the evening, the Military Council held a meeting.The meeting unanimously supported the idea of ​​attack.

All that remains to be done is to seek Moscow's consent in advance. I remember the first call on the subject on October 31st.After listening to the commander-in-chief's report, the chief of staff expressed concern: Is it too risky to carry out a major offensive now, and will the Southwest Front Army's transfer of part of its troops to its neighbors destroy its stability. "War is impossible without taking risks," Timoshenko retorted simply. Marshal Shaposhnikov ordered his proposal to be stated in a telegram to the Supreme Commander.On the same day, we drafted the telegram.The telegram said:

"The enemy has suspended its offensive from the front mountains to the Kharkov, Stalino, and Taganrog areas, and began to slowly push us out of the Donbass with infantry. Its tank army continued to stay in the direction of Rostov ... South In view of its numbers and weapons and equipment, it is impossible for the front army to reliably block the enemy's approach, nor can it guarantee to hold Rostov together with the 56th Army. Moreover, the enemy's advance is dangerous for the entire southern front. The threat of cutting off the Caucasus from the Don and Volga valleys. The threat of the enemy's penetration into the rear of the Southern and Southwestern Fronts will force both Fronts to retreat and clear the Don and even the middle and lower reaches of the Hopior. At the same time, But it will make way for the enemy in the direction of Kuban and Stalingrad.

Considering that Kleist's Army was the main danger, the Southwest Front should be strengthened by reducing its strength, at the risk of weakening the Southwest Front.At the same time, we want to proceed with the formation of the leading body of the 37th Army, and plan to incorporate the four infantry divisions allocated by the head of the Southern Front for supplement and reorganization into the Army.We request: 30,000 rifles, 500 light machine guns, 250 heavy machine guns, 200 anti-tank guns, 150 field guns and 200 tanks. " After C. C. Timoshenko signed, he ordered the telegram to be sent to Moscow immediately, which we complied with.

The desire to take positive action is not unique to us.At just after six o'clock in the evening, General Cherevichenko requested permission to carry out a short assault on the enemy with three infantry divisions, two tank brigades and a detachment from the Novocherkassk Cavalry School of the 9th Army.The front commander requested that the 56th Army support this attack.The marshal shook his head and said: "There's no point wasting troops on these innocuous assaults. One should be prepared for one that the enemy will remember for a long time." Marshal Timoshenko spoke to Cherevichenko. "We want to form a leading body of the Army Group and put it under your command together with an infantry division, a tank brigade, two anti-tank artillery regiments and two armored trains of the Southwest Front. We propose to appoint General Lopatin as The commander of the army group, Popov, the political commissar of the division, is a member of the military committee, and Colonel Varennikov is the chief of staff... We plan to form the leading body of the army in Voroshilovgrad. What do you think?" Cherevichenko replied that it is best to send the new army leadership to Baikalitva, where three infantry divisions are currently being formed.Let these three divisions also belong to Lopatin. Cherevichenko had not yet grasped that the commander-in-chief was preparing a major offensive, and that it was for this purpose that a new army had been hastily formed, so he mentioned again that he was planning to launch some short assaults on the enemy. "Among them, we plan to carry out such a campaign in the Kubyshevo area. The purpose is to smash a tank division and a motorized division of the enemy and go to the Mius River. We will mobilize our weapons for this, but this will weaken us A joint with our neighbors. We ask Comrade Remezov to safeguard our campaign with active actions..." Cherevichenko has always only thought of small local assaults, not big offenses.The marshal told him not to worry, but to think about everything carefully. From 1 November there was silence in the direction of Rostov.What's going on?Are the Hitlerites preparing a new rush, or are they too exhausted to attack anymore?This is up to the reconnaissance department to answer.So reconnaissance at all levels stepped up the search.It was finally discovered that the enemy was concentrating powerful tank and motorized forces in the direction of Rostov.That is, the enemy is preparing for an assault.But where would Kleist take his tanks and motorized infantry?Directly at Rostov, or round it from the north?These two directions are our extremely weak directions.However, a direct assault on Rostov would have been dangerous for Army Group Kleist, since the Southern Front's left wing corps threatened its flank and rear.Most likely, the fascists tried to outflank the city. Our army's offensive attempt in the direction of Rostov was fully considered under such circumstances.After analyzing all possible solutions, Marshal Timoshenko concluded that it would be most beneficial to transfer the rebuilt army to the junction of the 9th and 18th armies on the left wing of the Southern Front.If the Fascist High Command attempts to attack the left flank of the Southern Front, then a cutting-edge Soviet army will appear here, which will cause considerable difficulties for the enemy; Kleist Group's flank and rear assault. The first three days of November were busy organizing the defense of the armies in the new area, busy transferring the Belov cavalry corps to the vicinity of Moscow, and busy transferring designated corps and troops from the Southwest Front to the South Front.For some reason, the headquarters did not reply to Marshal Timoshenko's suggestion.So he decided not to wait for Moscow's final determination to meet with the chief of the Southern Front to discuss the basic issues of the future campaign. On the night of November 3, the commander-in-chief ordered the air force commander, General Faraleyev, to ensure that he flew to the headquarters of the Southern Front in Kamensk.Departure is scheduled for eight o'clock the next morning. We spent the night at headquarters preparing calculations and reference material covering future campaigns.What worried General Bogin the most was the thought: how would the chiefs of the fronts and armies, who were actually going to carry out the entire mission, grasp the idea of ​​a massive offensive?He rightly believes that the success or failure of the offense depends to a large extent on this. "You know, Ivan Khristoforovich," he said to me, "how important it is for us to make a decisive change in our thinking. We are used to thinking that the initiative is firmly taken by the enemy, and we think that now we must The best thing is to use active defense to wear it out, because our strength is not enough to do bigger things for the time being. And our strength is indeed a little smaller, with very few weapons and ammunition. But the problem does not stop there. Psychological factors cannot Forget. We keep retreating, getting used to the idea that the enemy is stronger than us, and a big attack is out of the question. A small counter-assault, a small counter-attack - that's all right, a big attack - it's too early The halo of invincibility with which fascist propaganda adorns its own armies unknowingly affects us. It is high time that we expose this myth." Borgin smiled thoughtfully. "If before we thought the enemy was like a lion, now we have to think of it as a mouse. Are you laughing? I am reminded of an interesting passage in the book "Kochubey" written by Arkady Pervintsev. Kochubei, the talented commander, always carried with him a large-scale map. On this map, the regiments of the White Guards were marked with small, barely visible circles, and Kochubei's Cossack cavalry company Well, it is marked with large blocks of red color, and the attacking arrows are pointed at the enemy one by one. If any company starts to retreat under the onslaught of the superior forces of the white bandits, Kochubei will call the company commander, Pointing to his "psychological" map, he asked sternly: "How big is your army, and how small are theirs? Do you see that?" The company commander scratched the back of his head, gasping for breath. With a large number of troops, he muttered embarrassedly: "That little bug wants to bite me too!...Okay, my lord, let's clean it up." So, the boys of his company really defeated the White Bandits up. "The writer correctly sees that confidence in one's own strength already half-guarantees victory. Of course our general is not Kochubey's childish commander, but in the present situation, if we are in Kleist It's not bad to think of the Army Group as such a 'little bug' when compared with the strength of the Southern Front. Kleist is of course strong. Still, we should try to show his weakness." I honestly admit that Pavel Ivanovich and I did everything possible to reduce the Kleist Army's combat effectiveness in the eyes of the Southern Front Army Chief and the commanders of the various armies.In that case, we deliberately violated the principle that cannot be violated: it is not allowed to underestimate the enemy's capabilities.However, Bo Jin and I started from the following point: At that time, it was important to overcome the psychological barriers in the minds of our army commanders. Advantage without knowing it is the inevitable result of retreat. Experts in military science will obviously not approve of our experiments.However, anything can happen in war.The story I tell proves it again.In any case, our little tricks in preparing the Rostov counteroffensive paid off. In the morning, we arrived at Kamensk-Shakhtinsk.Members of the Military Council of the Southern Front and many generals gathered in a large room.Nothing reveals the true emotions of a military chief like his judgment of the situation.If he believes in his own strength and is ready to carry out any task, then he is trying to emphasize not the enemy's strengths but his weaknesses.Therefore, the commander-in-chief started by listening to the situation. The first to report was Colonel Alexander Filippovich Vasilyev, Chief of Intelligence of the Front.He listed and evaluated the German regiments in front of the Southern Front in detail.The enemy forces attacking in the face of the 12th and 18th armies are the 76th, 94th, and 97th German Infantry Divisions of the General Schweedler Group; the 9th, 3rd, and 52nd Italian Infantry Divisions, the 198th German Infantry Division and the 49th German Mountain Army .General Kleist's 1st German Tank Army was ready to resume its offensive at the junction of the 9th and 18th Armies and in the face of the 9th Army and the independent 56th Army.The Minister of Intelligence emphasized that not long ago almost all the divisions of the enemy army had been replenished with active forces, and the tank corps had been replenished with tanks.Kleist's basic forces (SS "Viking" Division, SS "Adolf Hitler" Division, 13th, 14th, 16th Tank Division and Motorized 60th Division) were transferred to our 18th, In front of the junction of the 9th Army Group. A few hours ago a fascist officer was caught, on him the combat order of the 16th tank division was found.It can be seen from this document and the officer's confession that Kleist planned to carry out the main assault in the direction of Rostov with the forces of the 13th, 14th, and 16th Tank Divisions, the 60th Motorized Division and the 49th Mountain Army.The attack front and direction are clearly defined.Only the offensive start time has yet to be determined. This report clearly worried the Commander-in-Chief. "What measures were taken to counter the enemy's attack?" he asked Cherevichenko. The commander of the front army reported that the enemy may concentrate 200 to 250 tanks in the main assault direction.What we are defending on the ninety-kilometer front here is General Kharitonov's Ninth Army.Its strength was four infantry divisions and fifty tanks.Nine anti-tank fortification areas were established in the army zone, a particularly strong one was at the junction of the army and the 18th army in the Dyakovo area.Anti-tank artillery and tanks were deployed behind reliable engineered obstacles and minefields.In order to guard against the enemy's breakthrough in certain directions, the commander of the group army left two tank brigades with 50 combat vehicles in the rear as a reserve. "As soon as we learned that Kleist would carry out the main assault on the right flank of the Ninth Army," Cherevichenko said, "I ordered Kharitonov to send there two additional tank divisions, a tank brigade and four Artillery regiment." "Will Kharitonov have time to carry out this maneuver?" asked the commander-in-chief. "Our capture of the enemy's staff officer may force Kleist to hasten the attack." "The deployment has already begun, Comrade Commander-in-Chief." When all the details of resisting a possible attack by the enemy had been discussed, the marshal walked thoughtfully to the map hanging on the wall, and carefully sized up the attendees. "So, what do we do next, comrades?" Everyone was silent in bewilderment.Semyon Konstantinovich explained: "After we repel Kleist's attack, what are we going to do next? Should we just resist like this? Should we also beat the enemy like that, so that it doesn't dare to stare at the Caucasus, but looks back on the way back home? The marshal sneered: "Do you think I am dreaming? Or are you so used to defense that you have forgotten how to attack?" "We already suggested to you to beat the enemy," Cherevichenko retorted. "But you, Comrade Marshal, have not responded to our proposal." "Yes, Yakov Timofeevich, I have no answer, because now we are not satisfied with smashing a division or two of the enemy. It is time for us to think about a big offensive. And it is here, at the Rus Near Tove. Only in this way can we break Hitler's plan to rush to the Caucasus. He extended his claws to the Caucasus, and we, after smashing Kleist's army, will cut off his claws." "All practitioners want to become immortals..." Cherevichenko replied gloomily. "We don't object, but at the moment, we can even block the enemy. Smash such a giant as the Kleist tank army... And when all the commanders of the army are complaining that the troops are not enough to even defend... The more the commander went on, the more gloomy the commander-in-chief's face became. "It's not good if your subordinates have such emotions," he said angrily in a low voice, "and it will be even worse if your front army's brains are led by their noses. One If the military chief doesn’t believe that his career will succeed, he will be defeated first.” The marshal heaved a sigh of relief. "Who says we don't have the strength to unscrew Kleist's head? How many divisions do you have in formation?" "Seven." General Antonov, Chief of Staff of the Front Army, answered hastily. "Five infantry divisions, two cavalry divisions. And two tank brigades." "Look, what a reserve you have." "But our weapons are not enough to replenish them," Cherevichenko retorted. "Moscow will help. We have already asked the headquarters for help." The commander-in-chief thought for a while and added: "We will transfer two to three infantry divisions, a tank brigade, several artillery regiments and some guards from the Southwest Front Army. The mortar ① is under your command, and a large number of aviation units are also deployed to support the battle..." -------- ① That is rocket launcher. ——Translator's Note. Seeing that the generals were listening to every word he said with fascination, the marshal ended happily: "Kleist is powerful, and he has many tanks. No one will argue about this. But fighting is not only based on numbers, but also on skills! Although the fascists in the entire southwest are stronger than us, but after we decided to implement Where we are attacking, we can gain an advantage by maneuvering from other areas, even if it is a small advantage. All in all, we must not only consider how to stop Kleist, but also how to destroy it!" Everyone is active.It can be seen that the Commander-in-Chief excited his comrades with his irrepressible optimism and conviction, and fascinated them with the idea of ​​a grand offensive. The Marshal announced that he would entrust the chief of the Southern Front with direct preparation and execution of the campaign. The meeting also discussed the issue of party and government work.It must be made clear to every commander and fighter that fascists are no longer the fascists of June.They are not prepared for winter.Hitler promised them that the war in Russia would end before the autumn cold, but in fact it has failed.The morale of Hitler's army was demoralized and casualties were heavy.In the occupied territories, the aggressors are no longer able to stand.This by no means means that the enemy's strength is small.No, it still has great strength.We cannot promise our people that victory will be easy.The battle will be hard.The Fascists will struggle later, not because they believe in victory (which they no longer have), but because they must now think about running for their lives.But our people and the people's army have infinite strength, and the enemy will be wiped out in the end. Faraleyev, who came to the airport earlier, was already waiting for us there.He reported to the commander-in-chief that the air condition was excellent. "That will fly to Voronezh!" The marshal joked and strode towards the plane.It can be seen that he is in a good mood. Dusk, as if waiting for our plane to land at Voronezh airport, descended on the wet, autumn rain-soaked ground in an instant.We drove with the headlights off on the darkened streets of Voronezh, where the command post of the Southwest Front is now located. Our house is right in front of us.The house looked deserted, and the windows showed no light: our chief of guard's concern for the camouflage of lights was not in vain.But as soon as he crossed the threshold, he immediately plunged into the boiling life.The combat staff is busy on the topographic map as big as a bed sheet; the direction staff is drawing up orders to be transmitted by telephone; their assistants hoarse their voices into the telephone in order to obtain the latest information from the various armies.The command is working at its own daily front-line rhythm. The night passed relatively peacefully, but the morning... At 9 o'clock, the Southern Front Command reported that the enemy had turned to attack.As expected, General Kleist's Panzer Group was rushing towards the Ninth Army, which was covering Rostov's approach from the northwest.It is not difficult to guess that the reason for Kleist's anxiety is to prevent us from using the information obtained from the German staff officers captured by my reconnaissance department. This report disturbed the Commander-in-Chief and all of us working at Front Command.The flames of battle may engulf the reserves we have painstakingly assembled for the intended battle.Everything now depended on the Ninth Army: could it hold out under the onslaught of the enemy?And we can never figure out what happened to its zone.General Cherevichenko also failed to get in touch with Kharitonov's headquarters.It was not until noon that the commander of the front army reported that the enemy's impact in the 12th and 18th Army areas had been successfully repelled, but a very serious situation had formed in the 9th Army.Kleist launched a heavy main assault on the right-wing divisions of the army towards Likhaya and Kamensk.Two German tank divisions and a motorized division were found there so far, but the aviation found new tanks and car columns carrying infantry coming from the rear. (It was later discovered that the main assaults were carried out by the 14th and 16th tank divisions, the 60th motorized division, and the SS "Viking" division). The assault was so violent that our army was forced to fight and retreat.Judging from Cherevichenko's report, the 136th Infantry Division on the right wing of the 9th Army retreated to the position of the 18th Army and consolidated in the Dyakovo area, where we have built a solid anti-tank area.Units of the 30th Infantry Division retreated to Bordrevo.From this it can be concluded that a gap thirty kilometers wide has opened between the two corps.The 150th Infantry Division, defending on the left of the 30th Division, fought and retreated to Novoshakhsk. You don't even need to know the details to understand that the situation of the 9th Army is already very dangerous. After a quick analysis of the situation, the commander-in-chief disagreed with Cherevichenko's conclusion that Army Group Kleist appeared to be rushing towards Kamensk.The Marshal concluded that Kleist would most likely run towards Schacht, rounding Rostov from the north (this conclusion was soon confirmed). Timoshenko asked Bokin what could be used to help the 9th and 18th armies.The Chief of Staff of the Front Army replied that the 99th Infantry Division was going under the command of General Kolpakchi, commander of the 18th Army Group, and that A.A. Hollen's cavalry corps could be transferred to Kharitonov. "But, the divisions of this army have just begun to replenish?" "Then what can we do? Let Hollen's army reinforce the 9th Army a little bit. At the same time, the 142nd Tank Brigade will also move to Novoshakhtinsk." "That's too little," retorted the Commander-in-Chief. "Kleist stormed Kharitonov's army with heavy tanks. Concentrate most of my bombardment and assault aviation on these forces." "Yes, without a doubt," Borgin agreed readily. After the commander-in-chief drew up the general plan of subsequent operations, he asked Cherevichenko: "What do you want to do? Use aviation? Where is Faraleyev coming to you?" "Faraleyev is by my side." was the answer. "The entire aviation force is used against the wedged tank group. I have ordered Kharitonov's army to hold on to the lines of Dyakovo, Biryukovo, Novoshakhtinsk, and Glushevskaya at any cost." Commander-in-Chief instructed to make more active use of the tank brigades and the Holon cavalry corps for counterattacks, to which Cherevichenko replied that he had given General Hollen such orders and entrusted him with a reserve anti-tank artillery regiment command. The Commander-in-Chief convinced the Front commander that the battle had convincingly proved that we had guessed Kleist's intentions correctly, and that there was therefore no reason to fear his assault north and northeast. In these difficult and worrying days for the Southern Front, Marshal Timoshenko never gave up his plan to attack with his characteristic tenacious spirit.He insisted that Cherevichenko not neglect to establish a shock group at the junction of the 9th and 18th armies.Such is the character of our commander-in-chief: if he has made up his mind, he will do his best to carry it out. Cherevichenko disapproved of the commander-in-chief's optimism.He said that although he was completely assured of the posture of the 12th and 18th Armies, he still believed that they must be withdrawn in some sectors.This made it possible to reduce the front and draw two or three infantry divisions into reserve, which would help Kharitonov improve his situation. Cherevichenko expressed doubts about the possibility of establishing an offensive shock group in this situation.He reminded the Marshal that the four new infantry divisions currently had neither artillery nor machine guns, not even enough rifles. The commander-in-chief convinced him that the base camp would help him, and the Southwest Front Army would share his concerns. In short, the Marshal made it clear that no battle at the front could force him to abandon his original intention. To prove this, he then demanded that the order to form the 37th Army (4th, 176th, 218th, and 253rd Infantry Divisions) be handed over to He signed.Until then, the new army existed only in our imaginations.Now its establishment has been officially sanctioned. However, even after the commander-in-chief talked with the commander of the Southern Front, both Bokin and I were still worried about the fate of the Ninth Army.Only Marshal Timoshenko remained calm and confident, at least outwardly. At the same time, the fighting of the Southern Front also worried Moscow.Marshal Shaposhnikov called the Commander-in-Chief to the telegraph until C. C. Timoshenko convinced him that nothing had happened: the Kharitonov Army was fighting with great tenacity, the Army remained stable Only then did he feel relieved. Then I was convinced again how important the mental calculation and tough endurance of the military chief are in the war. On the morning of November 6, one of our staff officers returned from the Southern Front.He recounted in detail what had happened to Kharitonov's army. At dawn on November 5, the fascists began to attack.They carried out fierce aviation and artillery assaults on the deployment locations of our 136th, 30th, and 150th Infantry Divisions.The battlefield was filled with fireworks.General Kleist, it seems, decided that nothing could survive in this hell, so he let the tanks and motorized infantry advance without even doing reconnaissance.Enemy tank columns occupied not only all the roads but also the spaces between them.It seems that nothing can stop them.However, no sooner had they approached the position of the 136th Infantry Division than the bunkers shattered by shells and bombs came alive: rifle fire converged into salvos, and long bursts from machine guns brought down hordes of enemy infantry.Mortars and artillery also fired in tandem.Soviet tanks burst out from the flanks.The enemy retreated.Its artillery and aviation launched a violent attack on our army's positions.So the fascist tanks and motorized infantry moved forward again. The result was the same - the enemy retreated.Twenty-nine fascist tanks were burned in front of Lieutenant Colonel E. A. Vasilenko's 136th Infantry Division alone. The tank crews of Major General B. A. Kuzmin's 132nd Tank Brigade destroyed eleven enemy combat vehicles. However, seventy fascist tanks finally wedged into the defense of the 136th Infantry Division at nearly 15:00.This forced Lieutenant Colonel Vasilenko to withdraw a regiment on the left wing to the northeast in the direction of Dyakovo.The right wing of the 30th Division of the Neighboring Infantry has been exposed, and fascist tanks approached the headquarters of the division.The division commander, Major General M.J. Goncharov, organized a counterattack properly, so that his headquarters avoided the assault.But he no longer has the strength to eliminate the breach. Major General J. B. Yegorov's 150th Infantry Division, fighting on its left troops, repelling the onslaught of fascist troops almost on the entire front.However, the cavalry of the 66th Cavalry Division could not withstand the impact of the tanks on the right flank.The fascist column rushed to Novoshakhtinsk.The battalions of the 2nd Tank Brigade, under the command of Major B. F. Kuznetsov, charged against them and engaged in fierce tank battles.The nerves of the Hitlerites could not bear it, turned around and fled. If it hadn't been for the enemy's heavy tank group to break through at the junction of the 30th and 136th infantry divisions, the results of the first day of the battle could have been considered very satisfactory.However, the gap east of Dyakovo has caused unease.Cherevichenko transferred there from his reserves the 99th Rifle Division and the 142nd Tank Brigade.But are these measures enough? On November 6, Faraleyev surprised us: his pilot reported that, thirty kilometers northwest of the city of Novshakhtinsk, the entire ground was crowded with motorized and tank columns.Only five hundred tanks were found!And this is used to deal with dozens of tanks of the 9th Army... Cherevichenko worried that Kharitonov's army would not be able to hold on under such pressure, so he was ready to put all the reserves used for the offensive into battle.He first asked the commander-in-chief to allow him to transfer two infantry divisions from the reserve to the 9th Army. "Don't worry." The marshal replied, and ordered the 253rd Infantry Division to remain in the reserve for the time being, and the 51st Infantry Division to be incorporated into the 37th Army that was being formed. Once again C. C. Timoshenko displayed the patience befitting a great commander.He told the chief of the general staff, who was closely watching the fighting in the Ninth Army's area, that the above-mentioned aerial reconnaissance results should be verified. He had already transferred more than half of the Southwest Front's air force to support Cherevichenko. Moscow wanted to know how else it could help the Southern Front.General Vasilevsky posed the question to Borgin.Bogin replied: Since the Belov Cavalry Corps left our place, our rapid reserves have been drastically reduced, and weapons and technical equipment are needed to form them. Therefore, the General Staff, please send what has been promised to us as soon as possible. .Bokin added one hundred and fifty T-34 tanks and five thousand rifles to the original figure. The answer was not at all what our Chief of Staff expected: "You cannot count on the help of headquarters. Do not forget about the fighting in Moscow. All weapons are now being distributed to the reserve armies, which will later play a decisive role. In my own name and on behalf of the Chief of the General Staff, I beg you to take all possible measures to prevent the the enemy. I hope it will be of help to you in aviation." The worried Bogin convinced Vasilevsky that the army to the southwest would of course stop the enemy, but supplementing weapons would make it easier for them to complete their task. On November 6, the 136th Infantry Division and the 132nd Tank Brigade were cut off from the rest of the Ninth Army by the enemy and retreated to the Dyakovo area.Kleist's tanks turned around to the rear of the 30th Infantry Division, which had to retreat northeast across the Kundryuchya River.在其左面防守的步兵第150师师长决定帮助友邻。可是他刚展开各团，德军坦克重兵集团就出现在各团后方了。这些团不得不停止反冲击，来了一个一百八十度的大转弯，与敌坦克展开了战斗。 这时，在头一天出色地击溃了法西斯分子的坦克第2旅各营正向进逼步兵第136师的敌军集团后方推进。可是旅长得知克莱斯特的突破迫使我各兵团退却后，便只好调转各营与第9集团军主力会合，以便掩护主力退却。这是一个艰巨任务，因为坦克第2旅的坦克兵实际上承受了扑向新沙赫京斯克的敌军集团的主要突击。 我们在关切和忧虑中迎来了伟大的十月革命二十四周年。西南方向军事委员会于11月6日晚签发了告两方面军军人书，表示坚信希特勒主义必将被彻底消灭。 我们以特别迫切的心情等着莫斯科的节前讲话。当时这种讲话对我们来说，包含着多少意义哟！司令部每个部都弄到了收音机，并调好莫斯科波段。当扬声器里传来熟悉的不太响亮的声音时，大家都屏息静听，生怕放过一个字。 这次，斯大林又明确而极为通俗地解释了最复杂的现象。他谈到了我国在四个月的战争里所遭受的惨重牺牲，谈到了红军在军事上的暂时失利。可是这四个月表明，法西斯德国对苏联实行“闪击”战的计划已彻底破产了。 真是怪事，大家产生了这样的印象，由最高统帅所代表的党和政府仿佛看透了那些使我们激动的想法，并努力进行解答。可以看出，党和政府非常了解我们正在经受的一切困难，并坦率地向人民讲明这些困难。下面的话说得既严峻，又镇静：“德国侵略者相对苏联各族人民进行歼灭战。好吧，既然德国人想进行歼灭战，他们就一定会得到歼灭战。” 最高统帅的演说使我们感到精神振奋。 这天晚上，作战部里特别活跃。格列博夫、丘马科夫和雅科夫列夫成了上校，波格列边科、萨夫丘克、索博列夫成了中校，利皮斯、萨拉库察、奇日成了少校。五名军官被授予勋章。我祝贺这些出类拔萃者，并预祝他们取得新成绩。遗憾的是没有时间会餐——每个人都有急事。 11月7日早上，在莫斯科举行阅兵式的同时，我们在沃罗涅日也举行了隆重的阅兵式。铁木辛哥元帅检阅了军队。总司令看到刚组建的一个步兵师的指战员穿着新大衣，装备良好，在主席台前迈着整齐的步伐走过去，满意地笑了：昨天的工人、集体农庄庄员和知识分子看起来成了真正的士兵。 十月革命节那天，南方面军地带的交战达到了顶峰。法西斯分子不断投入新的预备队，越来越拼命地实施冲击。但是他们未能摧破南方面军的抵抗。斯大林在莫斯科市苏维埃庆祝大会上和红场上的讲话，起了巨大的鼓舞作用。这一天，军队特别顽强地对敌人进行了反冲击。 到处都举行了短时间的集会和会议。甚至直接参加战斗的那些师和部队，也竟能在敌人两次冲击间抽出十分钟来开会。南方面军的许多负责的政治工作人员，其中有A·A·勃列日涅夫、F·A·多罗宁、A·A·茹科夫、D·A·科马尼耶茨、C·B·克赖纽科夫、P·B·里亚布奇等，都曾到作战军队中去。 各种集会和会议都充满了高昂的情绪。 军事委员会在准备进攻时，研究了在我军所占区域内，最大限度地动员一切物质技术资源满足方面军需要的问题。在乌克兰共产党中央委员会和共和国政府参加下，在各方面军和集团军军事委员会之下都建立了由卓越的党和国务活动家组成的作战组。 每个方面军都有三个那样的组着手进行工作，这三个组是：工业组、交通通信组、供应采购组。乌克兰人民委员会的副主席被任命为各组组长。M·C·格列丘哈和J·C·科罗特琴科实行总领导。各作战组负责组织弹药的补充生产（当地生产），组织武器、技术兵器和辎重被服物资的修理，采购粮食。各集团军军事委员会下设的组分别由各人民委员、乌克兰共产党中央负责人员、州委书记和乌克兰各州执委会主席领导。 11月7日晚，铁木辛哥元帅判断情况后得出结论，克莱斯特集团军的进攻正在减弱，敌人在逐渐衰竭，应该等待交战中的转折。 不久，这一预测就应验了：克莱斯特军队减弱了攻击，第9集团军各兵团的态势明显稳定了。它们退过昆德留奇亚河并接近新沙赫京斯克市后，便设防固守，充满信心地抗击敌人的冲击。希特勒分子企图推进，但已经蒌靡不振和失去信心。在军队已失去取胜的信心，而上面又一直下达进攻命令的那种场合，通常就会发生这种情况。克莱斯特的坦克集团，战争四个月来首次无法动弹了。希特勒的这位将军为所属各师的小小进展损失了一百一十三辆坦克、二百七十三辆汽车、二十三门火炮，增加了几千个在顿巴斯草原遭到可耻下场的士兵的新坟。 同时，我们听到风声，说大本营决定在我们已有两个方面军的基础上，还要把布良斯克方面军交给我们。这一消息不能使人高兴。我们的司令部指挥两个方面军已经负担过重了。而现在还要领导第三个。作战线将会由亚速海一直延伸到距莫斯科仅三百公里的叶夫列莫夫。后来了解到，大本营早在11月4日就定下了把布良斯克方面军转隶西南方向总司令的决心。但是，后来法西斯军队更猛烈恢复的进攻，迫使大本营暂缓实行这一决心。甚至到了11月8日，我们也还没有收到任何关于这一问题的正式号令。 这天，我们司令部在中断联系很久后，又同突围成功的布良斯克方面军司令部建立了通信联络。通话是由布良斯克方面军参谋长B·O·扎哈罗夫少将①和我们的博金将军进行的。帕维尔·伊万诺维奇问起司令员和军队的状况，扎哈罗夫回答说： “叶廖缅科同志一个月前受了伤，现在在古比雪夫。我们的全部集团军都突围了。克列伊泽尔的第3集团军最后突围。现在我们正在恢复它的战斗力，让它向普拉夫斯克、图拉方向进攻，而用第50集团军部分兵力由图拉地域向晓基诺突击。第13集团军在季姆市以北至韦尔霍维耶之间防守……” -------- ①B·O·扎哈罗夫（1897—1957），苏军大将（1944），以后曾任集团军、方面军和军区司令员。 ——Translator's Note. 结束通话时，扎哈罗夫谈了方面军其余地段和莫斯科附近的战况，说明了敌军的特点。他极为乐观地看待未来。他在谈到法西斯军队向乌兹洛瓦亚进攻时指出，它们企图迂回图拉，但第50集团军打破了它们的计划。 扎哈罗夫希望布良斯克方面军和西南方面军之间建立较密切的协同，请求从季姆市地域派出第40集团军的一个加强支队，以便同第13集团军近卫步兵第2师建立牢固的联系。 博金明白必须答应这一请求，因为只有这样才能封闭两方面军接合部形成的缺口。但是未经总司令同意，他不敢答应扎哈罗夫，于是请对方在电报机旁等候，他通过内线给元帅打电话。 铁木辛哥同意调一个支队来保障同布良斯克方面军的接合部，但同时要求建立两方面军之间更经常和密切的联络，建议互派联络军官。扎哈罗夫欣然同意。这样，在同布良斯克方面军中断联络几乎一个月后，终于又同它重新建立了经常的通信联络和协同，从而极大地巩固了莫斯科方向作战军队左翼的态势。 我已说过，我们完全相信敌坦克第1集团军的进攻已遭失败，克莱斯特不管愿意不愿意都得停止无谓的冲击。可是法拉列耶夫将军又一次弄得我们着慌起来。他发来一份报告，说他的飞行员在季亚科沃地域及其以东，即第9集团军各右翼兵团当面，发现了一千二百辆坦克和汽车。 当博金向铁木辛哥报告此事时，他骂了好长时间的街。 “瞧他出的题！你倒猜猜看，这一千辆里有多少坦克，又有多少汽车。” 铁木辛哥命令南方面军司令员在第9集团军地带集中全部预备反坦克炮兵后，要求法拉列耶夫再次实施侦察飞行，准确察明德军有多少坦克集中在这一地域。 我已被最近三天的激烈战事折腾得精疲力尽了。把总司令的所有号令和询问都传达给南方面军后，我便慢慢回自己的屋，差点儿在半路上睡着了。 由于损失惨重，克莱斯特已经衰竭，实际上已被迫承认自己失败了。他的坦克和摩托化师的拼命冲击已被我第9集团军稳定的积极防御所粉碎。法西斯分子还想在某些地方冲击。但这些冲击不禁使人想起惊涛骇浪在陡岸撞碎时溅起的飞沫。 这大概是埃瓦尔德·克莱斯特这位六十岁的德军坦克兵将军所遭到的第一次严重失败。人们说他的坦克履带沾满了西欧所有道路的灰尘。克莱斯特坦克集团曾以实行强盗征战轰动一时，它在乌克兰原野上遭到的猛烈打击，把这些灰尘连同履带都打落了：该集团军已不止一次更新了人员、装备。 惯于百折不回地实施预定企图的C·C·铁木辛哥，要求南方面军首长立即着手计划和组织原定的进攻。此项工作的主要担子压在聪明和异常有才干的组织家、当时领导南方面军司令部的A·A·安东诺夫少将肩上。 最近几天中常常亲自向铁木辛哥询问我军在罗斯托夫方向态势的最高统帅，把元帅叫到了电报机前。斯大林在得知克莱斯特的坦克冲击被击退，并且损失惨重后，称赞了第9集团军的行动： “原来哈里托诺夫是个不坏的集团军司令员。幸好我们没有听信某些同志的意见，他们多次建议把他调离指挥岗位。” “您说得对，斯大林同志。”总司令赞同说。“哈里托诺夫是个明智的集团军司令员。对聪明人来说，就是犯错误也有好处。我相信他以后永远不会再犯类似的错误了。” 这话指的是：当克莱斯特令自己的坦克前进时，哈里托诺夫急忙转移自己的指挥所。因此暂时失去了对军队的指挥。 正如我所指出的，最高统帅喜欢询问下级对大本营的某一重要步骤有什么看法，现在他又问铁木辛哥对把布良斯克方面军第3、13集团军交给他指挥（不带方面军领率机关）有什么意见。 铁木辛哥沉思起来。正当他想集中全部精力考虑罗斯托夫附近的预定进攻时，承担这额外的操心事显然不是时候。但是元帅明白，总的情况迫使这样做，所以他同意大本营的意见。 铁木辛哥提起了准备进攻克莱斯特的事，请求定下最后决心。最高统帅略微停顿一下后回答，他赞成实施预定的战役。 结束通话后，总司令忽然想到被撤销的布良斯克方面军司令部和领率机关以后命运的问题尚未解决。他想利用它们来组建自己的司令部。从9月起，他不得不在没有司令部的情况下对付，通过西南方面军司令部来指挥整个西南方向的军队。 铁木辛哥没有拖延这一问题的解决，不久就与总参谋长联系，告诉他： “大本营建议把叶廖缅科的两个集团军交给我们。我们同意，因为第3、13集团军实际上已进入我方向的行动地区，并且因此引起我们极大的关注。但我们请求把叶廖缅科的整个领率机关也交给我们，我们将用来补充西南方向领率机关。部分工作人员将去补充各集团军司令部。我们关心的主要是指挥工具。至于人员，大部分我们将按您的指示去分派……您的意见如何？” 沙波什尼科夫元帅答复：“关于转交第3、13集团军的命令已发给您，命令中也已规定了方面军机关和通信工具的移交。您可以斟酌使用这个机关。至于布良斯克方面军代理司令员扎哈罗夫同志，我们拟召回国防人民委员部任用：马泽波夫①调总政治部，波诺马连科②调国防委员会。这样，我们的愿望就一致起来了。” -------- ①师政委级、方面军军事委员会委员。 ②白俄罗斯共产党中央委员会书记、方面军军事委员会委员。 铁木辛哥很知道沙波什尼科夫只有经过深思熟虑才解决问题的习惯，他感到惊奇，也很兴奋。他明白，问题已经在大本营讨论过了，沙波什尼科夫实际上不过是把通过的决定告诉他罢了。 总司令满心高兴地问，对于我们申请调援军和武器来加强预定参加进攻的军队，作出了什么决定。 沙波什尼科夫回答，总司令应该完全依靠他自己拥有的兵力，他提到了莫斯科附近的情况。大本营不得不把全部预备兵力兵器用于保卫首都。 尽管这一消息对总司令来说不算太突然（几天以前华西列夫斯基对我们的请求已预先作过同样的答复），但他仍然感到十分不快。坚决粉碎克莱斯特集团军的希望大大减小了。 总司令立即同切列维琴科将军联系，命令他加紧进攻准备，并且只能依靠他所拥有的和答应从西南方面军调给他的那些兵力兵器。切列维琴科回答，他和他的司令部正加紧进行战役准备。 11月9日夜，我们收到命令，证实了沙波什尼科夫关于解散布良斯克方面军的通知。该方面军第3、13集团军从11月11日12时起转隶我们，西方向和西南方向的分界线已大大北移到斯帕斯克－里亚赞斯基、米哈伊洛夫、乌兹洛瓦亚站、克拉皮夫纳、别廖夫一线。我们有一个步兵师编入了西方面军。 自收到这一命令后，西南方面军司令部就增加许多麻烦事了：要立刻接收两个集团军，关心其所属各师战斗力的提高，因为大多数师是从古德里安军队中间冲出来的，已把大部分火炮和轮式车辆丢弃在布良斯克森林和奥廖尔森林难以通行的泥泞地里。法西斯统帅部力图阻挠对这两个集团军进行整顿，日益加强了猛攻，并向叶夫列莫夫和叶列茨发展进攻。 总司令委托自己的副手O·F·科斯坚科接收新集团军和在西南方面军右翼建立坚固防御。拨出了一个参谋组归他调用。 11月10日，步兵第216、295师，坦克第3旅，坦克第 71营和三个反坦克炮兵团开始装载，由西南方面军调往南方面军。这是实施罗斯托夫进攻的最初几个实际步骤。在此之前，罗斯托夫的战斗行动已完全沉寂下来。 方面军和集团军侦察部门集中注意力研究前进受阻的克莱斯特军队所仓卒建立的防御。到处都发现敌人在进行积极的工程作业。这就提醒人们，克莱斯特集团军需要不少时间来医治自己的创伤。当它在准备新的进攻时，我们可以先发制敌，抢先突击。 在这些日子里，首先是南方面军首长，接着是西南方向总指挥部，终于都确信，假如克莱斯特坦克集团军还来得及在最近几天恢复进攻的话，那也将向原来的方向，即向新沙赫京斯克、新切尔卡斯克进攻，换句话说，不直接向罗斯托夫，而向其以北进攻。 我们以科斯坚科将军为首的小组刚刚出发去接收布良斯克方面军领率机关和集团军，华西列夫斯基的副部长①沙罗欣将军就给我来了电话，说大本营决定暂时保留布良斯克方面军领率机关，把它留在预备队里。这就是说，铁木辛哥元帅靠这个领率机关组建西南方向总司令机关的企图，目前还是一纸空文，而西南方面军司令部从此承受的就不是双重，而是三重的负担了…… -------- ①华西列夫斯基当时任副总参谋长兼作战部长，沙罗欣任作战部副部长。 ——Translator's Note. 11月12日，安东诺夫将军把未来进攻战役计划送总司令批准。预定以重建的第37集团军全部兵力，第9集团军一部（一个步兵师、一个骑兵师）和第18集团军一部（两个步兵师）自11月16日晨起向巴甫洛夫卡镇至大克列平斯卡亚以至塔甘罗格这一总方向实施主要突击。目的是与独立第56集团军协同，消灭克莱斯特坦克集团军主力，南方面军前出到米乌斯河。 整个战役拟分三个阶段实施：11月11至15日——集中突击集团和进行战役准备；11月16至19日——转入进攻，粉碎克莱斯特集团军楔入第9集团军配置的一个集团，前出到图兹洛夫河一线；11月20至22日——发展既得胜利，前出到米乌斯河一线。 方面军突击集群的基本兵力（第37集团军）应成两个梯队进攻，第一梯队有四个步兵师和一些坦克旅；第二梯队有两个步兵师。霍伦将军的骑兵军和内务人民委员部的一个旅配置在第37集团军后面。 对进攻进行战役总领导的各条线，都应汇集到南方面军指挥所，总司令应率一个作战组前往该指挥所。方面军指挥所同所有集团军都保持着全面的通信联络：有线通信（电话通信和电报通信）、无线电通信和飞机通信。第37集团军指挥所与第9、18集团军指挥所及本集团军各师也通过有线通信线路、无线电和地面运动工具（汽车、摩托车）取得联络。 总而言之，计划包括了战役组织、准备和实施的一切问题，并且反映了总司令的基本要求：进攻应完全出乎法西斯分子意料之外；新集团军应配置在预计克莱斯特可能恢复冲击的地段；至迟于11月16日开始进攻，以便先发制敌，并通过对克莱斯特集团军实施突击，帮助防守罗斯托夫的第56集团军；应使进攻的军队在情况一旦发生急剧变化时能够毫不费力地转向任何方向。 计划未经重大修改就得到总司令批准了，于是南方面军各集团军开始实施这一计划。 随后几天，我们主要操心的是调动和集中第37集团军①所属各师，其中大部分要从距进攻地域很远的地点调来。只有两个步兵师（第96、99师）在当地，它们应于11月14日由第18集团军转隶第37集团军。这一切都要在很短的期限内做完，并且要使法西斯侦察部门无法发现军队转移，否则我们实施突然突击的整个盘算便要落空。 -------- ①截至进攻开始前，该集团军辖：步兵第51、96、99、216、253、295师，军属炮兵第437、269、266团，统帅部预备队炮兵第8团，反坦克炮兵第186、521、558、704团，坦克第2、3、132旅，近卫迫击炮（“卡秋莎”）第2团第1、3营，第2、6、8号装甲列车。 虽然军事交通机构、铁路员工和军队本身已竭尽全力，但在指定期限内集中第37集团军的希望仍然是渺茫的。难道要推迟进攻吗？这一想法使我们所有人都感到不安。对于由西南方面军调来的步兵第216、295师不能在进攻开始前赶到，我们已经听其自然了。计划中是规定它们在战役过程中进入交战的。元帅命令无论如何要保障其余四个师集中。至于推迟进攻，他连想也不让想，因为必须先于克莱斯特发起进攻。 铁木辛哥力图从两面夹击敌人，便提出了防守罗斯托夫并直属莫斯科的第56集团军参加战役的问题。但是总参谋长考虑到列梅佐夫集团军兵力弱，而克莱斯特用来对付它的兵力又占有巨大优势，所以表现了理所当然的谨慎。他说，列梅佐夫集团军只能在南方面军的进攻吸引开克莱斯特基本兵力的那一时刻实施短促反突击。 总司令靠动用列梅佐夫军队来加宽进攻正面的希望没有实现。 在大本营禁止解散前布良斯克方面军领率机关以后，总司令产生了在西南方向军队北翼建立一个新方面军的念头。他和自己最亲密的几个助手对这一问题讨论了两天，11月4日，他给最高统帅写了一封信。总司令指出，西南方面军现在辖六个集团军，而情况又要求在与西方面军的接合部再组建一个集团军。仅仅一个西南方面军领率机关很难领导这么多的军队。因此，将我们右翼的几个集团军调给独立的奥廖尔方面军的问题已经酝酿成熟，奥廖尔方面军可由前布良斯克方面军领率机关指挥。建议任命科斯坚科中将为新方面军司令员，波诺马连科为军事委员会委员，科尔帕克奇少将为参谋长。奥廖尔方面军编入西南方向。（我先说完吧：一个半月后，这一想法便付诸实施了，不过方面军仍然称为布良斯克方面军。在大本营迟迟不答复总司令建议期间，我们这个较小的司令部要指挥分布在广阔区域的十个集团军。） 从方面军空军司令员法拉列耶夫将军那里送来了关于敌营中进行积极夜间移动的报告。敌军变更部署的目的我们仍然不十分清楚。西南方面军新的情报部长、不久前由莫斯科来到我们这里的伊利亚·瓦西里耶维奇·维诺格拉多夫上校根据收集的情报推测，克莱斯特正集中主力，以便直接对罗斯托夫实施突击。但是这一推测需要用事实来证明。我们的侦察部门来得及获取这些事实吗？ 总司令命令向莫斯科求援。于是在11月15日发去了请求。总司令想在进攻前获得哪怕在某种程度上说明敌人在西南方向整个宽大正面的企图的情报。因此，我们请求莫斯科帮我们更详细地察明敌人在罗斯托夫附近以及哈尔科夫、库尔斯克、奥廖尔等地域的兵力和意图。我们特别关切的是德军在红利曼至阿尔乔莫夫斯克这一地段变更部署的用意。我们还想准确知道，根据莫斯科所掌握的情报，克莱斯特集团军究竟还有多少坦克。 在进攻前夕，我们对西南方面军北翼态势的忧虑进一步加深了。新编入方面军的两个集团军尚未稳定，我们随时都准备遇到麻烦。我们的推测似乎开始得到证实了：第3集团军参谋长A·C·扎多夫少将报告，敌庞大兵力正迂回该集团军右翼，没有什么兵力去进行掩护。出现了西南方面军与莫斯科方向作战军队相隔绝的危险。 铁木辛哥立即命令派两列装甲列车、一个工程兵营、一个反坦克炮兵团和五十二辆坦克去加强第3集团军。他特别舍不得给坦克：进攻多么需要它们啊！他还派出了六十四架飞机。此外便再无什么可派了。于是总司令决定向大本营求助。元帅是经过冥思苦想后才拿定这一主意的：他知道莫斯科附近的处境十分困难。但又看不到别的出路。再说，西方面军和西南方面军接合部的威胁可能使莫斯科保卫者的处境更加严重。 虽然此时第3集团军在叶夫列莫夫失守后已阻住法西斯军队的进攻，但其暴露的右翼遭到深远迂回，却继续使总司令深感不安。那几天，我们开始担心法西斯统帅部由于在莫斯科附近受挫（据西方面军司令部的通报判断，战事有此趋势），可能再次用古德里安和克莱斯特的坦克集团军突入西南方面军和南方面军后方，亦即再进行一次敌人9月份在基辅以东得逞的那种机动。 因此，总司令在准备发给斯大林的一份电报中，力图强调西方向和西南方向接合部的威胁正在增大。Telegram says: “在图拉附近受阻的敌军察明布良斯克方面军（原来的布良斯克方面军——本书作者注）第3集团军中的薄弱点后，沿公路向叶夫列莫夫发起进攻（兵力为两个步兵师和一个坦克师），迫使第3集团军后退。” 总司令在开列了他决定用来加强第3集团军的那些兵力兵器后说，他已经什么都无法再给了。 他接着强调指出：“莫斯科附近的失败（指德军——本书作者注），可能使古德里安转向东南，与克莱斯特对进。这一切都要求采取措施，哪怕用五至六个步兵师和二至三个坦克旅来加强布良斯克方面军右翼。请调给这些兵力……” 现在，当我们已知道莫斯科战事的全部进程后，不难明白：关于拨出整整一个集团军归我们指挥的请求，不仅是做不到的（在决定莫斯