Chapter 2 Chapter Two Fighting Chaos and Liberation

That night, He Yingqin, commander-in-chief of the Army of the Nationalist Government, followed Chiang Kai-shek's will and issued an order to Neiji Okamura, commander-in-chief of the Japanese Army's China Expeditionary Force, asking him to maintain order in the occupied area. Surrender and disarm anyone except by order of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces."Immediately afterwards, two consecutive orders were issued the next day, to the Nationalist Army and Zhu De's Eighteenth Army in the Liberated Area.According to this order, the Kuomintang government army should "intensify the battle, actively advance, and do not slack off", while the Communist army should "stand still and stand by" and "do not act without authorization."

Everyone knows Chiang Kai-shek's heart.Mao Zedong looked at these three orders, without speaking for a long time.He lit a cigarette and said to Zhu De, who was lying on the map: "It's unreasonable. If there is no harvest, I want to harvest millet. If you don't plant trees or water them, you want to pick peaches!" "Don't worry about him, soldiers come to block you, water comes to cover you, you can't be polite!" Zhu De straightened his waist and clenched his fists. "He issued three orders from Chiang Kai-shek, and we will come to six of them!"

It is the established policy of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to fight against Chiang Kai-shek and fight for every inch of land.In fact, in the next few days, the central government issued seven orders to the liberated areas in one go, ordering all troops to launch a counterattack against the Japanese and puppet troops, wipe out the Japanese and puppet troops, and force the Japanese and puppet troops to surrender and disarm. On August 13, senior leading cadres of the party, government and army in Yan'an gathered in the small auditorium of the Military Commission.Mao Zedong stood in front of an old-fashioned Eight Immortals table, with his hands on his hips, and said impassionedly: "For example, if a peach tree bears peaches, this peach is the fruit of victory. Who should pick the peaches? It depends on whether the peach tree is Whoever planted it carried the water. Chiang Kai-shek squatted on the mountain and did not carry a load of water, but now he stretched out his hands to pick peaches. He said, the ownership of these peaches belongs to me, Chiang Kai-shek, and I am the landlord. You are serfs, and I don’t allow you to pick them. We refuted him in the newspaper. We said, you have never picked water, so you have no right to pick peaches. The people in our liberated areas water every day, and we should be the ones who have the most right to pick peaches. Comrades, the victory of the War of Resistance was won by the bloodshed and sacrifice of the people. The victory of the War of Resistance should be the victory of the people, and the fruits of the War of Resistance should belong to the people. As for Chiang Kai-shek, he passively resisted the War and actively opposed the Communist Party, which was a stumbling block to the people's War of Resistance. A stumbling block wants to monopolize the fruits of victory, and China after the victory of the War of Resistance must return to the old state before the War of Resistance, without the slightest change. This is how a struggle broke out. Comrades, this is a very serious struggle.”

Mao Zedong's "struggle" was overwhelming, which was first shown in the adjustment of the order of the army.The armed force system, with the regular corps of the field army as the main body and combined with local troops and militia, seemed to stand out overnight.Among them, the Jinsui Field Army and the Jinsui Military Region are directly under the leadership of the Central Military Commission.The Jinsui Field Army is composed of the 358th Brigade, the Independent First Brigade, the Independent Second Brigade, and the Independent Third Brigade of the Shanxi-Gansu-Ningxia-Jinui Joint Defense Army. Those separated from the central government govern the three military regions of Luliang, Yanmen and Suimeng.The well-known He Long and Li Jingquan unified command of this powerful team.At the same time, the original Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Jinsui Joint Defense Army did not disappear. It still included all other troops stationed in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Liberated Area except the Jinsui Field Army and the Jinsui Military Region, and Wang Shitai was determined to be the acting commander. Communist Party member and Xi Zhongxun are acting political commissars.It is like a suspense, quietly cherished, and it lays an immeasurable foreshadowing for the future First Field Army that will be devastated across the Northwest.

On the point of dispatching troops, Chiang Kai-shek's national government obviously saves much trouble than the CCP.As the chairman of the Military Commission of the Nationalist Government, Chiang Kai-shek commanded the three armies and commanded a million troops. On the right were the Third, Seventh, and Ninth War Zones of Gu Zhutong in the southeast; on the left were the First, Second, Fifth, Sixth, and 8th, 10th, 11th, and 12th, a total of 8 major theaters and 5 directly affiliated armies, including the 24th, 56th, 76th, 79th, and 55th, and the Kunming Camp and the Chongqing Garrison Command The Fourteenth Army under its jurisdiction and the new First Army stationed in India; in addition, there are four front armies under the command of He Yingqin and Wei Lihuang under the Army General Command, the Kunming Defense Command and the guards on the eastern section of the China-India Highway. Headquarters, it can be said that the wind gets the wind, and the rain gets the rain.And Zhu De is just one of the "commander-in-chief" among the five group armies under the jurisdiction of the Second Theater under the control of Yan Xishan.There are as many as 23 army-level command organizations like this in his Hanzhong camp alone.

However, Chiang Kai-shek's confidence in "restarting the fight against the chaos" was quickly bruised.He found that the roster of daily calls was just written information. As his political enemies, Mao Zedong and Zhu De, their actual energy was no longer the momentum of the Jinggangshan and Xiangjiang areas back then, but they could stand in front of him and say "no" confidently. This is a serious illness in Jiang's heart.In less than two days after He Yingqin issued several orders like Zhu De, Mao Zedong called Chiang Kai-shek twice to express his position in the name of Zhu De, the humble commander-in-chief: "...you made a mistake in this order, and it was very wrong. So powerful that we have to say to you: Resolutely reject this order." Especially thinking that it was not enough, Mao Zedong wrote another meaningful article to Xinhua News Agency on the same day-"Chiang Kai-shek is provoking a civil war."Just looking at the title alone, Generalissimo Jiang's blood boiled straight up, not to mention the sharp comments on Jiang's "order" in the article.Mao Zedong's style of writing has always been sharp, fast and righteous, and his every word hits the hearts of the people all over the country.He accused Chiang Kai-shek of "provoking civil war from the beginning to the end." "Once the War of Resistance is over, the danger of civil war will immediately and seriously threaten the people of the whole country. Is there any doubt about this? Now we appeal to our compatriots all over the country and allies all over the world to unite and fight together." Together with the people of the Liberated Areas, we must resolutely put an end to this Chinese civil war, which endangers world peace."

Please note that "citizens of the whole country" and "allies all over the world" are two big mountains, and a mere Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government cannot bear them back no matter what!Mao Zedong's kung fu in public opinion warfare can be seen.It is not difficult to see from this that he is determined to save the people from the dire straits with the momentum of destruction. The word "liberation" is about to burst out like the rising sun! Three days later, another telegram from Yan'an came back with a sharper tone: "Among the commanders of all the allied countries, you are the only one who gave an absolutely wrong order. I think your mistake is due to your selfishness. Yes, with a very serious nature, that is to say, your order is beneficial to the enemy. Therefore, I stand on the standpoint of the common interests of China and the allies, and resolutely and completely oppose your order until you openly admit your mistake, And until the time when this erroneous order is publicly withdrawn. I will continue to order the army under my command to cooperate with the Soviet, American, and British armies to resolutely attack the enemy until the enemy actually ceases hostilities and surrenders its weapons. Until the time when the country is completely recovered."

Including many veteran Kuomintang military and political personnel, they all have to admit that this is a wonderful article, which embodies reason, benefit, and restraint. Chiang Kai-shek almost became the defendant and was taken to the moral court.Since Jiangxi "put down the rebellion" and "suppressed the Communist Party", he was almost always in such a predicament during the entire Anti-Japanese War.But Chiang Kai-shek is Chiang Kai-shek, even if there are unpredictable situations like the Xi'an Incident, he will never forget the Zen saying "to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down inside".

However, Chiang Kai-shek had to take a step back this time.Among the mysteries, the then US President Truman clarified it decades later.Du believes that "Chiang Kai-shek's power only extends to the southwest corner, South China and East China are still occupied by Japan, and there is no shadow of any central government in the north of the Yangtze River." "If we get the Japanese to lay down their arms immediately and drive to the sea, the whole of China will be taken by the Communists. We must therefore take the extraordinary step of using the enemy as a garrison until we Until the Kuomintang army can be airlifted to South China and the navy can be transferred to defend the harbor."

There is no doubt that it will not only take time but also fame to accomplish all of this. The "allies" hoped that Chiang Kai-shek would come up with a perfect strategy to put aside the Communist Party, which had been fighting the enemy bloody for eight years and had gone through untold hardships, so that China could realize "peaceful reunification" under the leadership of the Kuomintang.In this way, the baton of the Americans would have permanent authority on the Asian continent. Hurley is destined to play an important role at this historical juncture.He had to add weight to Chiang Kai-shek's wobbly balance.It's just that they don't have a tacit understanding, but different dreams in the same bed.Hurley's vision is still different from Truman's. With his naivety in terms of peaceful ideals or blind optimism about China's issues, it may be difficult to understand the reality of Chiang's high-profile operations of peace.At this time, the CCP has put the hat of launching a civil war on Chiang Kai-shek's head, and it is impossible for Chiang Kai-shek to hide it.Whether it is the time required for the fighter plane or the status required for the war itself, Chiang Kai-shek is required to make further political performances.

Therefore, peaceful negotiation became Chiang Kai-shek's reasonable choice.Hurley firmly believes that as long as the Kuomintang and the Communist Party make concessions and come to the negotiating table, China's problems may become clearer. On the second day of Mao Zedong's verbal criticism, he suddenly received an urgent telegram from Chongqing: Obviously, Chiang Kai-shek kicked the ball over.He expected that Mao Zedong would not have the guts to go to Chongqing, so at the same time as the telegram was sent, he also sent a telegram to the two liaison staff officers stationed in Yan'an to ask Mao Zedong's reply in person, clearly intending to bruise the CCP's spirit by expressing his position immediately.The fact is that he never expected that Mao Zedong would be invited to go, let alone seriously consider sitting at the same table with each other to "discuss together". When Mao Zedong saw Chiang Kai-shek's telegram, he kept silent about the word "admitting his mistakes", and he didn't mean to take it back at all. Instead, he was "extremely looking forward to" him "coming to the capital" and "looking forward to it", so he roughly understood what this condescending chairman sang. Which one came out.Therefore, Mao Zedong immediately avoided the truth, grabbed Lao Jiang by the tail, and replied: Immediately after the telegram was sent, Mao Zedong sent someone to see the Kuomintang liaison staff Zhou Liwu and Robert Lun, and informed them: "Mr. Mao is not planning to go to Chongqing. We will consider it after Chairman Jiang replies to Zhu De's telegram." Seeing the reply, Chiang Kai-shek was even more convinced that Mao Zedong would not dare to go to Chongqing.Once upon a time, the ten-year civil war of "fighting chaos" is still fresh in the memory. Chairman Jiang offered a sky-high price for Mao Zedong's head, and the pursuit from Jiangxi to northern Shaanxi almost never stopped. Now, only a few days have passed, and Mao Zedong was asked to go to Chongqing to "negotiate" face-to-face with himself. Would Mao Zedong still eat the bear's heart and leopard?Three days later, on August 20, Chiang Kai-shek followed up with a follow-up telegram, and his words became more and more sincere, urging Mao Zedong to go to Chongqing to "make a big plan together." With Mao Zedong's personality, the struggle with Lao Jiang must be contested to the end.However, there was another political factor that he could not ignore. Stalin, who always regarded himself as the emperor, actually conveyed his wish to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China twice in a row through the intelligence agents of the Soviet Communist Party in Yan'an, hoping that Mao Zedong would go to Chongqing to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek.Stalin's words were relatively hard, and he threw them on the ground with a bang. He said: "China can no longer fight civil wars. If there is another civil war, it may lead the nation to the danger of extinction." "Leading the nation to perdition" is certainly not the desire of any Chinese, but if the CCP does not negotiate peace with Chiang, it seems that it will bear the responsibility for the civil war.What Stalin wanted was the national interest.He must ensure that Chiang Kai-shek implemented the "Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance" signed with the Soviet Union on August 14, 1945, which included "Sino-Soviet joint management of the Changchun Railway for 30 years, Lushun as a shared naval base for 30 years, and Dalian as a free port... ..." and so on.For this benefit goal, he may even follow the model of the French and Italian communist parties in handling their relations with the bourgeoisie in the late World War II, allowing the CCP to disarm and hand over the army in exchange for a legal status in the government and a half-job .Stalin once believed that this was a good way to avoid civil war in China, consolidate post-war relations with major powers, and maintain cooperation with Western countries.His calculations are very precise: if the Communist Party and the Kuomintang form a coalition government, it can also ensure that China will not completely fall to the United States and the friendly relationship between China and the Soviet Union. will always bow before the Bolsheviks. The CCP cannot disrespect the words of Stalin's "big brother".Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, etc. weighed it over and over again, and on August 22, they replied to Chiang Kai-shek, announcing that "for the sake of unity, Comrade Zhou Enlai is specially sent here to pay homage." Chiang Kai-shek understood that Mao Zedong was competing with him, and he was still unwilling to have an interview with him.He had to move out of Stalin again, and then forwarded the CCP telegram to Moscow.Stalin immediately sent another telegram to Yan'an: "Chiang Kai-shek has repeatedly invited Mao Zedong to go to Chongqing to discuss state affairs. Under such circumstances, if he refuses blindly, the domestic and international parties will not understand. If there is a civil war, who will bear the responsibility for the war?" Stalin Advise Mao Zedong not to worry about his personal safety, saying that the United States and the Soviet Union will be responsible for this issue. Chiang Kai-shek pinched Stalin's mind and became more "magnanimous" in his words and actions. The third telegram to Yan'an on August 23 was almost to the point of being forceful: "I am very pleased to have sent Mr. Zhou Enlai to negotiate business negotiations. However, all important issues at present are waiting for Mr. to discuss. The time is urgent. I still hope that Mr. If we can come together with Mr. Enlai, important issues can be resolved quickly. The future of the country depends on it. I specially prepare a plane to meet it, and I will drive it fast." While talking, the plane also came, and the above Sitting American uncle Hurley. Did Mao Zedong go to Chongqing?Surrounding this issue, there was an uproar among senior cadres in Yan'an within a few days.No matter who Chiang Kai-shek was, the communists had learned enough lessons. Liao Zhongkai, Zhang Xueliang, and Yang Hucheng were all lessons learned from the past. No one could pat their chests and guarantee Mao Zedong's personal safety.However, from August 14th to 23rd, in just ten days, Chiang Kai-shek sent three invitation telegrams to Mao Zedong in a row, which was more aggressive and extravagant. Chiang Kai-shek said in the telegram: "The great war is over, and the civil war is not allowed. I deeply hope that I will understand the dangers of the country and the sufferings of the people, and work together to build. How to reap the fruits of the war of resistance through the founding of the country depends very much. Mr. Yu's kindness, if you go together and make a big plan together, you will benefit from the favor, not just an individual!" This is simply a hymn for peace. Not only that, Chiang Kai-shek also gave a reasonable "argument" for the initial "three orders a day" on the method of accepting surrender, saying that it was "determined by the Allied Army Headquarters" and that "Commander Zhu is a patriotic A general who loves the people can only strictly observe discipline, abide by military orders, and complete our mission of resisting the war and building the country." What's more, Stalin was still there to "help" Chiang Kai-shek, relentless, hard and soft. Mao Zedong pondered for several days. On August 22, at the same time as sending Zhou Enlai to "Come to Jin Dynasty", he also had a high-profile interview with Zhou Liwu and Robert Robin, and informed them of the contents of the telegram sent to Chongqing. Zhou and Luo were so nervous for several days, they went around Yan'an streets and alleys to inquire about Mao Zedong's true intentions.As a result, all news indicated that it was impossible for Mao Zedong to go to Chongqing.Therefore, all the secret reports Chongqing received were: Mao had no intention of going to Chongqing for negotiations.Chiang Kai-shek frowned on the surface after hearing this, but actually felt comfortable in his heart. This is exactly the information he wanted to get.The peace talks became a public cover, so he didn't have the slightest time to prepare for the peace talks. He was only busy with dispatching troops and seizing major cities and strategic locations. The preparations for the negotiations by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China are in full swing, and all the texts of the peace talks are being refined day and night.Various strategic guidelines are also imperceptibly implemented.On August 22, Mao Zedong also issued the "Instructions on Changing the Strategic Policy to Capture Small Cities and Vast Villages", requiring all subordinate troops to focus on capturing small cities and vast rural areas.In this eye-catching document, for the first time, he loudly put forward the three slogans of "peace, democracy and unity".This is the big right and wrong in the current situation, the focus of social conscience and the main artery of historical development.When Mao Zedong could not grasp "power", he must grasp "reason", because "reason" is always something that lives in the hearts of most people.Mao Zedong always believed that the people create history, not those powerful and powerful people. On August 23, 1945, Mao Zedong solemnly convened an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee with about 50 people in Zaoyuan, Yan'an, to study and judge the current international and domestic political and military situation.After repeated considerations, he has already made up his mind-the decision to go to Chongqing to "meet Lao Jiang for a while" is a firm decision.For the sake of "property", Zhou Enlai was proposed to be sent one step ahead.As soon as Mao Zedong said his thoughts, the venue immediately became turbulent again. The core was still "worried about the chairman's safety." Irresponsible to the cause of the party." Mao Zedong was tight on the inside and loose on the outside, looking very free and easy.He is a master at keeping his finger on the pulse of politics.Just imagine, under the close watch of the focus of public opinion almost all over the world, how could Chiang Kai-shek be so stupid as to use means against him who is unarmed?Even if Stalin did not express that attitude, and promised that the United States and the Soviet Union would be responsible for his safety, Mao Zedong also expected that Chiang Kai-shek would not dare (but in fact, this judgment is still wrong, and Lao Jiang did "punish" when he couldn't make any sense in the end. Mao Zedong's idea, but it did not become a reality after all).Therefore, Mao Zedong dared to tell everyone generously at that time: "We went in to 'wash face' for Chiang Kai-shek, not 'behead his head'." Although there was no major problem in the judgment, Mao Zedong was still prepared to encounter the greatest difficulty and possibly concession.As usual when he was excited, he waved his huge palm and said that all his personal adventures are to pass the negotiation step, first to establish a government led by the bourgeoisie with the participation of the proletariat, and then to realize the new democratic system. Obviously, this is asking for perfection, basically accepting the ideas of the Soviet Union's "big brother" Stalin. Given Mao Zedong's prestige in the party and the fact that he has turned the tide at critical moments, people have no reason not to believe his high-sounding remarks, and no reason not to be inspired by the blueprint he drew for the future.Everyone said that it is better for the Chinese to solve the Chinese affairs themselves. It is in the Chinese people's interest that the U.S. troops do not land and the Soviet troops do not enter the customs.As for the development of the CCP's power under the new situation, it is completely possible to let go of the burden and be full of confidence.Some people also made a series of peaceful imaginations before and after the meeting, such as Chiang Kai-shek’s return to Nanjing, and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China should also move its capital, either merged into Nanjing, or opened a little distance, and Huaiyin, an important town in the northern Jiangsu base area, has relatively excellent conditions in all aspects. Wait.Zhu De thought more long-term, even thinking about the future democratic election campaign. He believed that Mao Zedong's negotiation in Chongqing was beneficial to the CCP, and said humorously: "Let Chiang Kai-shek be the president, and let us be the vice president." Mao Zedong never "fighted unprepared wars."He suggested that during the period of going to Chongqing, Liu Shaoqi should act as his representative, and suggested that Chen Yun and Peng Zhen should be added to the secretariat, so that when Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai were not in the secretariat, there would still be five people in place and able to hold meetings .The most important thing is to master the troops. On the second day, Liu Bocheng, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yi, Lin Biao, Chen Geng, Bo Yibo, and Xiao Jinguang left Yan'an at the same time and rushed to the troops.This attitude of being ready for battle naturally created a tragic atmosphere in Yan'an of "the wind is rustling and the water is cold".Mao Zedong's heroic spirit of "a strong man goes to death" once again moved the people in the red base areas and the officers and soldiers of the whole army. The senior generals swore an oath and everyone expressed their opinions, quickly forming the political tone before the decisive battle.This is the mental state Mao Zedong needed. On this day, August 23, Chiang Kai-shek called Yan'an for the third time, again urging Mao Zedong with ulterior motives to make the trip as soon as possible.Mao Zedong still took it easy for a day, and it was not until August 24 that he sent a very cordial telegram: "I am very willing to meet with you to discuss the peaceful construction of the country. As soon as the plane arrives, Comrade Enlai will immediately go to Chongqing to pay a visit to Jin Dynasty. My younger brother is also planning to go to Chongqing soon." On August 26, 1945, Mao Zedong personally drafted the "Notice of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Negotiations with the Kuomintang", and proposed that there are two possibilities for negotiations in Chongqing: First, Chiang Kai-shek conditionally recognized the status of the CCP under internal and external pressure, and the CCP also conditionally Recognize the status of the Kuomintang, so the two parties (Join the Democratic League) cooperated, and the country entered a new stage of peaceful development; second, the Kuomintang launched a civil war and "lost the truth" in front of the whole of China and the whole world, then, "our party has reason to take self-defense war and break its attack". This is the real internal information of the CCP. Contrary to the "secret information" received by Chiang Kai-shek from the "liaison staff" stationed in Yan'an, he always concluded that Mao Zedong would not really come to Chongqing.Of course, Lao Jiang believed in Dai Li's group of people, so amidst the anxiety in Chongqing, he still maintained a cold calm, always saying: "Don't panic, I know..." In terms of obtaining reliable information in Yan'an, Chiang Kai-shek made great efforts, using many means, both openly and secretly.Still in 1943, two "well-trained" Kuomintang officers came to Yan'an on donkeys.One of them is Xu Foguan, the liaison staff officer stationed in the 18th Group Army newly appointed by the Military Command, and the other is Guo Zhongrong, the liaison staff officer stationed in the 120th Division of Helong.Yan'an gave these two "senior counselors" very high courtesy. Mao Zedong, Zhu De, and Ye Jianying received banquets every now and then. Even Xu Foguan and Guo Zhongrong took care of the CCP's Yan'an rectification documents. Study carefully and report the latest developments to Chongqing at any time. In the circle of the Kuomintang military command, going to and from Yan'an is undoubtedly the most worthwhile experience to show off.Therefore, every time Xu Foguan had the opportunity to return to Chongqing to report on his work, he would be invited by Dai Li to give lectures and preach scriptures at the Military Control Bureau.However, Yan'an is a "big dye vat" after all, and staying there for a long time will eventually be dangerous. Lao Jiang is worried, and Dai Li can't let go. Xu and Guo also feel miserable, so they are soon replaced by Zhou Liwu and Robert Lun. Zhou Liwu was eager to climb the ladder, and when he arrived in Yan'an, he was eager for fame, and he wanted to get valuable information from the CCP so that he could go to Dai Li to ask for credit.So, he soon followed a waiter named Wang Rongtang in the Yan'an Communication Office.Xiao Wang was young and tender, so Zhou Liwu wanted to use a little trick to seduce him. When he went out, he deliberately threw a gold ring on the ground, trying to catch Wang Rongtang's money-losing heart when he picked it up.But how did Zhou Liwu know that Wang Rongtang is an "old" border guard of the CCP who has undergone strict training and has been on the battlefield. He saw through his tricks at a glance, and reported to the organization without saying a word.Zhou Liwu was not reconciled, and set his sights on Guan Shuzhen, a girl from the Yan'an Normal School who was ordered to take care of their lives, and naturally ended in failure. In fact, the Kuomintang army liaison officers were highly controlled from the moment they stepped into Yan'an, but they didn't know it.Every telegram they secretly sent was placed on Mao Zedong's desk before Lao Jiang circled it.Although this is an episode of the success or failure of the Chongqing negotiations, it is also the main topic. The KMT and the Communist Party are still in the midst of the warm-hearted cultural performances, and the rain is about to come in the mist, but the reality has slowly begun.The so-called "negotiation" is nothing but a "bright card" without any suspense.According to Mao Zedong's words - "This is a bet in a glass bottle"! The difference between the two sides playing the "bright card" is that the Yan'an CPC Central Committee has "acted the fake show" with a "liberated" attitude from the very beginning, so it came prepared and did not leak.However, the Chongqing Kuomintang government has embraced the old imperial calendar of "fighting chaos" from the very beginning, "fake dramas and fake acts", its arrogance is undisguised, and it looks up and down at the chairman of the committee. When it comes to the negotiating table, you are unprepared and full of loopholes.Therefore, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, who had seen through their opponents' cards, were able to always hold the initiative in the negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.The entire negotiation can only be deduced step by step according to the plan that the CCP has already drawn up, but Chiang Kai-shek is caught off guard, always angry and unable to follow the point, so he simply bites the bullet and does not follow the routine. Breaking one's word is inevitable, and people's hearts will turn against each other—this cannot but be said to be a kind of destiny, from which we can see the clues of the future battle situation.