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Letters from the Woodlanders

Letters from the Woodlanders

托马斯·潘恩

  • political economy

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  • 1970-01-01Published
  • 24478

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Chapter 1 Ⅰ Zhi Ke Tu ②

There is much more backbone in being honestly wrong than being mean and bawdy.As long as it is not for personal gain—not for peddling dog meat, but a sign of principle, then even if it is wrong, it is understandable.It is based on such a tolerant and just standpoint that we treat people and their doctrines separately; we maintain friendship with people magnanimously, but we have to fight against all prejudices against doctrines.But don't let Ketu think that the kindness applies to him too; he is deprived of this distinction; he doesn't deserve it.And if genuine contempt could add some strength to my emotions, it was not insignificant.

I do not care who wrote the letters signed by Ketu, and it is enough for me to know that these letters are full of absurdities, confusion, contradictions, and the most disgusting and willful lies.Let Ketu and his party oppose Independence, and let them do what they please; their influence will not reverse the situation now; but let them know justice, and give some heed to the simple principles of reason.If they fail even this, the sacred cause of truth will approve of our anger, and justify it by calling it a virtue. Already four letters have been published under the name of the real Ketu.What purpose the writers of those letters had in signing such a name, the public will judge best;The first of those letters begets the second, which begets the third, and the third begets the fourth; the fourth letter has come out, and the author still has no access to the problem itself .Why should he spend his time in circles outside of arguments?

Why doesn't he point out to us what the many advantages of rapprochement (with Great Britain) are, or prove that they are real?But he cunningly avoided this.He couldn't help but realize that he was going to hit the rocks.The fate of Ketu of Rome was before his eyes; and to prepare the public for his funeral and eulogy, I venture to predict the time and circumstances of his end.The moment he spelled out the terms of the settlement, Ketu on paper would die.If the terms of the settlement were intended to please the (British) Cabinet, the colonies could not adopt it, and if it were suitable to the colonies, they would be rejected by the Cabinet, and the constant line had not yet been discovered; Same, does not exist.Ketu said: "I venture to declare, and wish to point out to every impartial man, that John Adam, in a letter to his wife, says:" is the same author as "The Woodlanders."His name is Paine, and he came from England about two years ago. ——General Li said that he was a man with geniuses in his eyes. "There are four letters signed by "Residents of the Woods", which were originally published in the "Pennsylvania Journal", and the publication dates are April 3, 10, 24, and May 1776. April's The letters were in reply to "Cutu" who was writing a series of letters in the "Pennsylvania Gazette" at that time, attacking Paine's republican claims and independent claims. "Cutu" is the missionary Dr. Wellcome Smith, a Scottish clergyman of the Church of England, and president of the seminary in Philadelphia; was one of the most powerful preachers in the city until the cause of allegiance to the King which he espoused failed. Letters disputed This was one of the most bitter and important debates that had been circulated in this country, just before the publication of the Declaration of Independence. It was the real dispute whether or not there should be such a declaration. The debate was almost a battle against the opposition of the rich and powerful. This shows the intensity of the debate. I am afraid that both sides of the debate will not be satisfied in retrospect. The letter of "Ketu" was not received. Entering "The Selected Works of Dr. Smith" (published in Philadelphia, 1803), the letters of the "wood dwellers" have never appeared in any "Paine Collected Works". But these letters have historical value. "The wood dwellers" The fourth letter did not involve Cato.——The original editor ② Cato was originally an ancient Roman patriot. He supported Cicero, opposed Caesar, and later supported Pompey, whom he had previously opposed, but failed. Died by suicide. Used here as a pseudonym by William Smith. - Translator

America's real interest lay in a constitutional settlement with Great Britain. " Such a general formulation is really inexplicable!It would be like trying to catch a lion in a mousetrap if Ketu wished to confuse the public with such unexplained generalities.Now talking about reconciliation based on constitutional principles is simply frightening people, unless he spreads out the terms of reconciliation and makes clear the meaning of constitutional principles; otherwise, he has done nothing. It is impossible to expose all of Ketu's absurd claims and fabricated lies in a single letter; nor is it necessary now.Cassantra (to whom I owe my thanks) has saved me a great deal of trouble; in his remarks there is a spirit which only sincerity can inspire, and many of his letters are written with perfect consistency, if principle , it is absolutely impossible to do this.Pay attention to this, Ketu.

One thing I cannot but notice in Ketu's letters is that they are addressed solely to "the people of Pennsylvania."Almost anyone else would have written it that way without attracting attention, but we know he meant it badly.The focus of such a meeting of representatives was undoubtedly local, but the major issues at hand included the entire United Colonies.Whoever attempts to withdraw this State from the honorable union upon which all the people rest must be condemned by all the people.It is in the real good of all that all unite; and whichever colony should withdraw from the protection of the other States, it will be doomed without exception.

Ketu's first letter was dry in style, writing, and content; it was full of personal attacks and satire, and addressed directly to "His Majesty the People of Pennsylvania."The committee could only call, recommend, or recommend a conference; but like all other public measures, it was for the people at large to decide whether they favored a conference or not, and Ketu's opinion on the expediency of this choice for if the masses ever thought, and still think, that the lower houses of the state legislatures (or any of their representatives in the Continental being connected with the governors, and therefore not as fully free as they should be, they (the people) doubtless had, and still have, the right and power, even to place the whole authority of the lower house of the state legislature in their trust. in the hands of any other group.And anyone who dares to express contrary opinions is the public enemy of mankind.The Constitution of Pennsylvania has been twice cunningly falsified by eight former occupants; affirming he said that the rights, power, and property of the mass of the people, are far greater than those of any one individual, when times and things demand When there is a change, they can change the government form according to their own requirements.Ketu was very fond of impressing us with the importance of our "chartered constitution".Alas, sir, we shall not be deceived now by half-childish good-natured words.Had we planned our operations according to the provisions of the present charter, we would have been hopelessly in trouble.It is the Parliament you are referring to that has smashed the Charter on almost every agenda, and had to smash it.Lift it up for the public to see; it's riddled with holes; pierced with deadly wounds like Melott's body.Kequan, ①The author originally wanted to write all his comments on him in one letter. ——The letter of the author ② "Send Committee Members to Participate in the Continental Congress", signed by "Casantra"; Ketu's second letter was sent specifically for this letter.

—Original Editor ①This committee was appointed by the lower house of the Pennsylvania legislature to carry out a directive of the Continental Congress that each colony should order local civil and military officials to take a new oath of allegiance.Turns of events led the committee to convene a statewide conference that reorganized the state of Pennsylvania. —Original editor ②Words reached Philadelphia that at the Battle of Little Harbor Bridge in Mua, North Carolina, the Royalist forces had failed and their interim commander, Melott, had been killed with "twenty bullets in his body." . ——The original editor no longer has to gather the remains of the deceased, nor does he need to humiliate it with a eulogy.

There is nothing noteworthy in Ketu's first letter, except for the following subtly cunning lie: "The slightest restraint of the press must be a great deal to a people with liberty and rights." It is a painful thing. It must be all the more painful if this restriction is not guaranteed not only by those who are empowered to protect their liberty, but also by them who are consistent with liberty itself." In the above passage The personal pronouns of are messy and haphazard, making the semantics ambiguous, but the tell is still exposed.Who, sir, has imposed any restrictions on the freedom of the press?I don't know of a single newspaper in this state that has ever been the object of attention, except the royalist letter from Kent State--first published last spring in the Pennsylvania Business Intelligence-- ——It has attracted attention; it is the responsibility of every good person to expose this letter, because for society, the justice of the newspaper is as important as the freedom of the newspaper.If this is the limitation you complain about, we see your truth at once; and it is clear from the sentence immediately following the above quotation that it is so: you write, "Anyway , in demanding such an obedience, we were quick to submit to it, if at least a passable excuse could be offered." Who obeyed, Ketu?Are we Democrats, or are we Royalists?Until you make the point clear, sir, you must be complacent about being ranked among the top royalists who can write articles; for no other group has any excuse for complaining that the newspapers are not free.The sweet words you utter from time to time cannot keep you from suspicion; those words are but the gilding of poison, and without a gilding, you dare not covet the justice of the people again.

Ketu's second letter, or rather the majority of it, agreed with our views on the appointment and powers of the representatives; Ketu idly and ridiculously addressed them as ambassadors who had come to negotiate peace.How could Ketu not know a little more about the truth?The decree of the council which governed the powers of these persons had been in the city for more than a month, and was still in the hands of Ketu's friends.No, sir, they are not ambassadors of peace, but men who have come to sow pardons, scourges, and insults.To think that these men could confer on each other the powers of an ambassador is enough to expose Ketu's complete ignorance of the British Constitution.In order to prevent him from making mistakes in the future, I am willing to correct him here.The present war differs from all others in this, that it is not waged, as other wars are always, under the decree of the Emperor, but under the power of the whole united legislature; As for the obstacles in the negotiations, it is not the Declaration, but the Acts of Parliament; which obviously means that, even if the King himself came here, he could not approve the terms or conditions of a peace; The king's separate status can demand the revocation of any act of parliament, and the British parliament cannot demand the same from the king.No body is better at protecting its privileges, because they sell them, than the MPs.Ketu, pay attention to that.

I have no doubts: what they do is corruption and bribery (except for our pardon).They use this machine to carry out all their plans.We should regard them as the most dangerous group of enemies, and anyone who does not want to be corrupted by them should promptly raise his protest. Aren't they the same people who have been paid to vote against us on every measure?Shouldn't we be suspicious of their plots?Can we recognize a thief as our father?Is it wise to believe in the viper that lurks in our own bosom?Or is it wise to allow dubious figures like Ketu to move among us when they are everywhere on the Continent?However, let them be physically harmed and insulted--just don't trust them.Our dealings with them are plain and simple: We desire peace, gentlemen; we are ready to admit the terms, and will morally fulfill the conditions; but if after such brutal tyranny after Afterwards, we are back under your rule again, and we deserve to suffer all the miseries that tyranny can inflict on us.

Ketu, trying to gain confidence, said: "Our struggle is founded on the noblest and most virtuous principles that can inspire. We are now fighting for the rights of the British people against a despotic cabinet." No. Yes, Ketu, we are now fighting an imperious king to rid himself of his tyranny.When the quarrel was at the verbal stage, it could be said to be a "fight with the Cabinet"; but now that it had broken out into open war, it was high time that these foolish and flimsy definitions were cast aside.But telling the truth is against Ketu's temper.His interest was in adorning royal savages in the most pastel flowered garments.The patent for the large tract of land in Ketu has not yet been issued.How miserable, poor Ketu! Ketu also tells us with great pomp that "the eyes of all Europe are upon us." This cliché has already had a consistent lineage, from many of the King's speeches, down to some speeches in the British Parliament, and Turned from here to another direction, and came to the mouth of a group of little magi and clergymen near St. James's Palace, until they were finally tortured by boring repetitions and reduced to a wandering situation, and were finally passed by Ketu. He picked it up mercifully, and Wen frightened his second letter.It is a complete bluff, meaningless at all, and to apply it is to expose the poverty of creativity. It means nothing to tell us that "the eyes of all Europe are on us" unless he can also tell us why they are looking at us: that, since he did not say it, let me do it Let's talk.They are looking at us, Ketu, in the hope of seeing the final split between England and the colonies, so that they, the bystanders, can have an unimpeded free trade with the whole American continent up.Ketu, you misunderstood. Farewell for a while, sir.I've seen your alone and I despise it.Remember you have challenged me, Ketu, one of us will tire.I'm not afraid of the battlefield of fair debate, but you stepped aside and made a personal attack.You have taunted me by name; if I don't search you out of every pernicious alley and lurking cave, and bring you trembling criminal to public court, put me in your party too. Go on the list, come and insult me. The Forester in Philadelphia on March 28. ①The ruling class acquired large tracts of land in the colonies of the British Territory, and became the owners with the land license issued by the King of England. - translator ②St. James Sergeant, the royal family in London, near the palace is a high-end residential area, also refers to the British court,——Translator
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