Chapter 58 On the United Front

(September 23) Snow asked: Could you please explain the Communist Party's united front policy and its changing attitude towards the Kuomintang government. Mao Zedong Answer: There are three main factors that lead us to decide on the policy announced in the recent manifesto[10]. The first is the seriousness of Japanese aggression, which is increasing day by day and poses such a threat that all Chinese forces must be united before it.In addition to the Communist Party, we certainly recognize the existence of other parties and armies in China, the most powerful of which is the Kuomintang.If we do not cooperate, our existing forces will not be enough to carry out the War of Resistance Against Japan.Nanjing must participate.The Kuomintang and the Communist Party are the two main political forces in China. If they continue to fight the civil war now, the result will be unfavorable for the anti-Japanese movement.

Second, since August last year (1935), the Communist Party has issued a manifesto calling on all political parties in China to unite and resist Japan. The masses of the people agree with this programme.Today, the Chinese people and many patriotic officials are eagerly looking forward to the unity of the two parties for the goal of national salvation.They fervently hoped to end the civil war.If this is not realized, the anti-Japanese movement will encounter enormous obstacles. Third, even within the Kuomintang, there are now many patriots in favor of reuniting with the Communist Party.Today, even within the Nanking government and its army, there are some anti-Japanese elements who are ready to unite in view of the national crisis.

These are the main characteristics of the current situation in China.Because of these characteristics, we have to reconsider carefully the specific formulas that would make this cooperation of national liberation movements possible.In fact, such a plan has already been proposed in our recent negotiations with the Kuomintang.The basis of unity we uphold is the anti-Japanese principle of national liberation.In order to realize this principle, we believe that a democratic republic must be established and a national defense democratic government must be established.Its main tasks should be: first, to resist foreign aggressors, second, to grant democratic rights to the broad masses of the people, and third, to accelerate the development of the national economy.

Such a program conforms to the will of the current people and will be unanimously supported by the people. This is the reason why the Soviet government favors the establishment of such a unified people's democratic government. We will support the establishment of a representative government with a parliament, a government that resists Japan and saves the nation—a government that protects and supports all the patriotic forces of the people.If such a republic were formed, the Soviet government would be part of it.Our region will take the same steps to establish democratic representative government as the rest of the country.

Question: Does this mean that the laws of such a government are also valid in the Soviet area? Answer: Yes. QUESTION: Does this mean that the existing laws in the Soviet area, especially those concerning land issues, will be repealed? Answer: If a united front is established with the Nanking government, this problem will be easily resolved. Of course, we know that pro-Japanese factions in Japan and China will strongly oppose this program, whose principles are in direct conflict with their interests.But the Chinese people will welcome this program, and we believe they will fight to make it happen.Every conscientious person will definitely see that if we don't do this, we will be conquered by Japanese imperialism and China will perish.

We know that some Kuomintang members are already opposing further submission to the Japanese.Just as among our own workers and peasants, organized anti-Japanese patriotic groups have emerged among the broad masses of the people, among all walks of life, among soldiers, scientists, students, businessmen, policemen, and freelancers. We sincerely hope that Work hand in hand with these groups.We hope that these people will form a combined force to overwhelm the pro-Japanese influence.We hope that these individuals will help restore and once again realize the fundamental principles Sun Yat-sen practiced during the Great Revolution, namely (1) to unite with the Soviet Union and all countries that are equal to me, (2) to unite with the Chinese Communist Party, and (3) to protect the fundamental principles of the Chinese working class. Benefit.We hope that these people will help fulfill Sun Yat-sen's will against Japanese imperialism.

If such a movement develops in the Kuomintang, we are ready to cooperate with it, to support it, and to form with it a united front against imperialism like the one that existed in 1924-27.We are convinced that this is the only way to save the country.If such a program is realized, we need not fear Japan.Japanese imperialism cannot defeat the truly united, armed and organized Chinese people. At the same time, however, Japan was contemplating forming its own anti-communist front.For the Chinese people, this is actually a front for the demise of China.We want to establish a national liberation front, and its success will mean the victory of the anti-Japanese struggle. This victory, in the final analysis, is the victory of world peace.Because only with such victories can the Chinese people advance side by side with all the free peoples of the world.

Q: What exactly do you mean by "representative" government? What minimum conditions are you going to insist on, for example, with regard to the right to vote? Answer: Suffrage should be universal, independent of property, social status, education, and sex. QUESTION: If Nanjing accepts such a program, will the Red Army agree to change its name and obey Nanjing's superior orders? Answer: We admit that in a war against Japan, the national army must have a unified command, but we also believe that the military committee should be representative.It should be emphasized that this can only be achieved on the basis of the establishment of the Anti-Japanese National Liberation Front.Some Kuomintang elements also talked about "unification", but they did not support the national liberation and anti-imperialist movements.In fact it is clear that there can be no national unity without a real struggle against imperialism.

As for whether the Red Army will change its name, it depends on the situation of the reunion. Q: Does this new policy mean that the Communist Party recognizes that national liberation must first be achieved before the class revolution can be completed? Answer: At this stage, the anti-imperialist movement must be carried through to the end. This is the current and consistent principle of the Communist Party.So, fundamentally speaking, our emphasis on the anti-Japanese national struggle is not a new argument.At the same time, as we have already pointed out, we believe that the anti-Japanese movement can only be carried out effectively if both the liberation of the oppressed peasants and Sun Yat-sen's third principle of protecting the interests of the working people are simultaneously achieved.

Q: Does the policy of the United Front mean that the Communist Party is willing to abandon, or indefinitely postpone, the implementation of the policy of confiscating land from landlords and redistributing it to poor, landless peasants? Answer: It also depends on the development of the anti-Japanese movement.However, we are convinced that the anti-Japanese program cannot be realized without lightening the burden on the peasants.The agrarian revolution, as you know, is a bourgeois revolution.It is conducive to the development of capitalism.We are not opposed to the current development of capitalism in China, what we are opposed to is imperialism.This principle is in line with the requirements of all democrats in the country, and we wholeheartedly support it.

Question: Does the united front achieved on this basis actually mean an immediate declaration of war on Japan? Answer: Yes.It is very likely that a declaration of union today will lead to war tomorrow. Based on "Mao Zedong's Conversation with Snow in 1936" published by People's Publishing House in December 1979. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] Snow (1905-1972), a famous American progressive journalist and writer.In July 1936, he arrived in Bao'an, northern Shaanxi, and was the first foreign reporter to visit the area under the leadership of the Communist Party of China.During his stay in the Soviet area for nearly four months, Mao Zedong accepted many interviews with him.This article includes three conversations between Mao Zedong and him, which were published in the American magazine "Meiya" and the Shanghai "Miller's Review". [2] Siam, the old name of Thailand. [3] Dutch East Indies, now Indonesia. [4] In May 1935, the Japanese imperialists made unreasonable demands to the Kuomintang government for the right to rule North China. On June 9, Umezu Yoshijiro, the commander of the Japanese Garrison in North China, proposed a "Letter of Enlightenment" to He Yingqin, the representative of the Kuomintang government in North China. ", within three days to reply.After secret discussions with the Japanese side, He Yingqin formally replied to Umezu Yoshijiro on July 6, accepting the Japanese request and selling out a large amount of sovereignty in North China, commonly known as the "Ho Mei Agreement." [5] On January 28, 1931, the Japanese invading army attacked Shanghai, and the 19th Route Army of the Kuomintang Army stationed in the Shanghai area, driven by the anti-Japanese upsurge of the people across the country, rose up to fight against Japan.However, Chiang Kai-shek insisted on the policy of domestic security before fighting against the outside world, sent representatives to negotiate with Japan, and signed an armistice agreement on May 5, and designated Shanghai as a demilitarized zone. China was not allowed to station troops in the area from Shanghai to Suzhou and Kunshan, while Japan could. Garrison in many areas.This agreement is called the Shanghai Armistice Agreement, that is, the Songhu Armistice Agreement. [6] In March 1933, after occupying Rehe Province, the Japanese invading army launched a massive attack on various entrances of the Great Wall. The 29th Army of the Kuomintang Army and other troops stationed along the Great Wall resisted.On May 31, the Kuomintang government sent Xiong Bin to sign an armistice agreement with Okamura Ningci, a representative of the Japanese Kwantung Army, in Tanggu, which actually acknowledged the fact that the Japanese imperialists had occupied the three eastern provinces and Rehe, and designated Suidong, Chabei, Eastern Hebei was free for the Japanese army to enter and exit the area, which facilitated Japan's further control of the entire North China.This agreement is called the Tanggu Agreement. [7] Abyssinia, that is, Ethiopia. [8] Wells (1866-1946), British writer.In the early days, he wrote some science fiction novels, such as "Star Wars" and "The First Men on the Moon".Later, he published novels and wrote "Outline of World History" and so on. [9] See Stalin's "Conversation with Mr. Roy Howard, General Manager of the United States "Scripps-Howard Newspapers" Newspaper United Company, March 1, 1936."Stalin said: "We Marxists believe that revolutions will also occur in other countries. But revolutions can only occur when revolutionaries in these countries think it is possible or necessary. Exporting revolutions is nonsense." ("Selected Works of Stalin" , People's Publishing House, 1962 edition, p. 73) [10] Refers to the "Letter from the Communist Party of China to the Chinese Kuomintang" dated August 25, 1936, see pages 424-433 of this volume.