Chapter 11 Reasons for the Separation of the Right Wing of the Kuomintang and Its Influence on the Future of the Revolution

(Winter 1925) Some people say that the Kuomintang has now separated a right wing, which is the concern of the leftists in the party, and this is the misfortune of the Chinese Kuomintang and the Chinese National Revolution.This opinion is wrong.The National Revolutionary Party in semi-colonial China should have this split today.This is an inevitable phenomenon.We don't have to be happy about this, but it's definitely not a bad thing.To understand this reason, one only needs to look at the current situation in modern times, and only need to look at the history of the Chinese Kuomintang from the Xingzhong Society to the present, and you can fully understand it.From the end of the eighteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth century, the bourgeoisie in Europe, the United States, and Japan resisted the democratic revolution of the feudal aristocracy, and cooperated with the petty bourgeoisie, semi-proletariat, and proletariat in the colonies and semi-colonies from the end of the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. The nature of the national revolution of imperialism and its tools bureaucrats, warlords, compradors, and landlord classes is completely different.Not only that, the nature of the revolution in 1911 was different from the current revolution.The revolutions of the bourgeoisie in Britain, France, Germany, the United States, and Japan in previous generations were revolutions of the bourgeoisie alone.Its target is the domestic feudal aristocracy; its purpose is to build a nationalist country, that is, a country ruled by the bourgeoisie; its so-called freedom, equality, and fraternity were used by the bourgeoisie to win over and deceive the petty bourgeoisie, semi-proletariat, and proletariat. It is a strategy used by themselves; the result is to achieve their goals and build a nationalist country; the ultimate result is the development of colonies and semi-colonies around the world, resulting in international capitalist imperialism.The revolution in the modern colonies and semi-colonies is a revolution involving the cooperation of the petty bourgeoisie, the semi-proletariat, and the proletariat. The big bourgeoisie is subordinate to imperialism and has become a counter-revolutionary force. The middle class is vacillating between revolution and counter-revolution. Indefinitely, the actual revolution is a revolutionary alliance formed by the petty bourgeoisie, the semi-proletarian class and the proletarian class.Its target is international imperialism; its purpose is to build a country under the cooperative rule of the revolutionary people; the people's rights and people's livelihood it calls for is not a strategy for a certain class to win over and deceive a certain class for its own use. A common political and economic requirement is listed by their representative (Mr. Sun Yat-sen) as the program of their party; the result is to achieve the establishment of a country ruled by the revolutionary people; the ultimate goal is to eliminate imperialism all over the world and build a A world alliance of true equality and freedom (that is, the equality of mankind and the unity of the world advocated by Mr. Sun).Look again at the differences between the revolution in 1911 and the current revolution.Although the essence of the revolution in 1911 was supposed to be against international imperialism, at that time most party members did not see this clearly, Huang Xing, Zhang Binglin, Song Jiaoren[1] and a group of right-leaning leaders only knew that the domestic Qing dynasty aristocrats The class is the enemy, the revolutionary slogan has become simply "full line", the organization and content of the party are extremely simple, and the fighting team is extremely weak.This is because there were no organized masses of workers and peasants at that time; there was no Chinese Communist Party that represented the interests of the proletariat in China; the international situation was that several powerful countries occupied the whole world, and there was only the counter-revolutionary alliance of the oppressing class and no revolutionary alliance of the oppressed class. , there is only a bourgeois country, not a proletarian country, so China's revolution at that time did not have international assistance.The current situation is completely different from that in the year of 1911: the goal of the revolution has shifted to international capitalist imperialism; the party organization has gradually become more rigorous and complete, because elements of the working and peasant class have been added, and at the same time the working and peasant class has formed a social force; there is already a Communist Party In the International, Soviet Russia, a proletarian state, and the Third International, a revolutionary alliance of oppressed classes, have emerged in the International, and they have become a powerful backing for the Chinese revolution.For this reason, among those who participated in the revolution in the year of 1911, there are only a small number of those with a strong revolutionary will who still advocate revolution. Most of them have given up the revolutionary cause because they are afraid of the current revolution, or they have run to the counter-revolutionary ranks to join the current revolution. against the Kuomintang.Therefore, according to the development of the revolution and the progress of the Kuomintang, the old rightists and the new rightists split up like bamboo shoots.To fully understand the reason for this split, we must also look at the social class attributes of our party members since the revival of the Chinese Communist Party.We know that Hong Xiuquan, who led the rural proletariat in the peasant revolution against the Qing nobles and landlords, was the source of Mr. Sun Yat-sen's original revolutionary ideas.The organization of the Xingzhonghui is completely a gathering party for the homeless proletariat.The organization of the Tongmenghui is composed of overseas Chinese workers, some inland associations, and the other part are foreign students from the children of small landlords, inland students from the children of small landlords, and inland students from the children of self-cultivating farmers. In short, the composition of the Tongmenghui is proletarian It is an aggregate of four classes: class (society party), semi-proletariat (overseas Chinese workers), petty bourgeoisie (some mainland students), and middle class (international students and some mainland students).At this time, Kang Youwei's Royalist Party[2], which led the big landlord class in China, became a confrontation with the Sun Yat-sen faction, which led the Chinese proletariat, semi-proletariat, petty bourgeoisie, and middle class.At the beginning of the Revolution of 1911, the faction representing the small landlords in the Tongmenghui disapproved of Mr. Sun’s implementation of equal land rights and capital control. The political bloc of class interests made the small landlord class the absolute majority in the Kuomintang.Although at this time the Progressive Party, which represented the big landlord class (the Progressive Party was the incarnation of the Consultative Bureau in the late Qing Dynasty, and the Consultative Bureau was the organ of the landlords in each province, exactly the same as the provincial councils of the provinces today), was still in a position of confrontation, but Almost nothing revolutionary.Mr. Sun was furious because of this, and decided to reorganize the Chinese Revolutionary Party. He resolutely put forward the word "revolution" as the name of the party, and did not hesitate to split with the leader of the small landlord class, Huang Xing, in order to maintain the orthodoxy of the revolution.The small landlord leaders of Huang Xing's faction refused to join the Chinese Revolutionary Party for fear of revolution. After breaking away from Mr. Sun, they established the European Affairs Research Association[3].Soon it was expanded, and many large and small landlords were attracted to join, and the political society was established.We only need to see that almost all the people in the political society are not landlords, and we can see why they had to break away from Mr. Sun, why they had to give up the revolution, why they gradually became irresistible to the research department that represented the big landlord class degenerated from the Progressive Party, and why In recent years, the Lianzhi faction has actually been formed (the Lianzhi faction is a political party that the landlord class in the southern provinces has tried to organize for the past four years), supporting Zhao Hengti, Chen Jiongming, Tang Jiyao, and Xiong Kewu[4] to control the power of the southwestern provinces, and the provincial councils and counties The armed forces of the parliament and the regimental defense bureau were their tools to exert great oppression on the peasants, tenant farmers, and farm laborers in the countryside, as well as the workers, students, and small businessmen in the cities, completely standing in the position of counter-revolution.When the Chinese Revolutionary Party was transformed into the Chinese Kuomintang, a group of middle-class non-revolutionaries joined in. At this time, some elements representing the comprador class mixed in. They stood in the dominant position of the party. Mr. Sun and a small number of revolutionary leaders took It is still impossible to revolutionize.But in January last year, he resolutely convened the first national congress of the party, clearly decided to support the interests of the workers and peasants, expanded the KMT organization from the workers and peasants, and accommodated the communists into the party.When Mr. Sun hosted a banquet for delegates to the National Congress at the Changdi Asia Hotel in Guangzhou last January, Mao Zuquan [5] started to disagree, opposing the accommodation of Communists.Mr. Sun stood up and gave a long speech, saying that for twenty years, party members have always obstructed my revolution, always abandoned the principle of people's livelihood, and many followed me, but they always wanted to make their own ideas, and those who really came to revolution with me, such as There are not more than twenty people like Mr. Wang Jingwei, but today they still want to prevent me from accommodating revolutionary youth! Everyone who went to the first National Congress heard Mr. Sun's words.However, this move first offended the leaders representing the comprador class. Feng Ziyou and Ma Su first colluded with imperialism and warlords, broke away from the Kuomintang, and organized gay clubs.The leftists of the Kuomintang have worked in Guangdong for the past two years. In order to support workers’ unity and strikes, they have offended the imperialists and compradors; in order to support peasants’ unity and rent reduction, they have offended the landlord class; They offended Wei Bangping, Chen Jiongming, and Xiong Kewu, representatives of the imperialist tool compradors and the landlord class.As a result, a group of new rightists were stirred up. They have already held a meeting in Beijing, trying to break away from the Kuomintang led by the leftists and organize another rightist Kuomintang.It is only heard that at the meeting in Beijing[6], the faction representing the small landlords and the Chinese industrial and commercial bourgeoisie disagreed with the faction representing the comprador class, and there was talk of the former faction leaving Beijing and going south before the meeting was over.We feel that this phenomenon is also inevitable.China has now reached the time of hand-to-hand combat. On the one hand, imperialism is the leader, leading the comprador class, big landlords, bureaucrats, warlords and other big bourgeoisie to organize a counter-revolutionary united front, and standing on one side; on the other hand, the revolutionary Kuomintang is the leader, leading the petty bourgeoisie. (owner farmers, small merchants, handicraft owners), the semi-proletariat (semi-owner farmers, tenant farmers, handicraft workers, shop assistants, hawkers), and the proletariat (industrial workers, coolies, farm laborers, vagrant proletariat) organize a revolutionary united front and stand aside.Those who stand in the middle of the middle class (small landlords, small bankers and money owners, domestic product dealers, and Chinese-funded factory owners) desire to achieve the status of the big bourgeoisie. The oppression of warlords and warlords prevented them from developing, so a revolution was needed.However, because the current revolution has the courageous participation of the proletariat of the country at home and the active assistance of the international proletariat abroad, they inevitably fear it and doubt the revolution of cooperation between various classes.The middle class in China (except the left wing, that is, people with special circumstances in the history and environment of the middle class, who can cooperate with the rest of the class in the revolution, but the number is not large), is still dreaming of the democratic revolution of the previous generation in the West, and is still dreaming of The realization of nationalism is still dreaming of an "independent" revolution led by the middle class without foreign aid and oppressing workers and peasants. It is still dreaming that it can develop into a powerful bourgeoisie after the success of the revolution and build a one-class dictatorship. s country.The starting point of their revolution is completely different from the starting point of other class revolutions: their revolution is to get rich, and the revolution of other classes is to relieve suffering; their revolution is to prepare a new oppressor class, and the revolution of other classes is to obtain Liberate yourself and make sure that no one oppresses you in the future.This group of middle-class "independent" revolutionaries (most of them come from small landlords) are still playing Mr. Sun's card, saying that Mr. Sun's "ism" and "legacy" represent them.In fact, Mr. Sun is definitely not the case.Mr. Sun's doctrine and teachings are definitely for "relief of suffering" and definitely not for "making a fortune"; they are definitely for liberating human beings from oppressive classes, and definitely not for preparing for new oppressive classes.No matter how misinterpreted Mr. Sun's doctrine and legacy, this meaning must not be changed.They are caught between the revolutionaries and the counter-revolutionaries, and they think they can make an independent revolution, but in fact there is no such thing.They are suspicious of the rise of the workers and peasants, they are suspicious of the assistance of domestic and international proletarian parties, they have abandoned the masses and their helpers. In the semi-colonial and oppressive China of the twentieth century, there is absolutely no reason to make a revolution.In terms of numbers, among the 400 million people, the big bourgeoisie such as compradors, big landlords, bureaucrats, and warlords has at most one out of every four hundred people (one in four hundredths), or one million people.There is about one (one percent) in every hundred people in the middle class, such as small landlords, domestic product industrialists and businessmen, that is, four million people.The rest of the numbers belong to the rest of the classes: the petty bourgeoisie, such as owner farmers, small merchants, and handicraft owners, account for about 150 million; The complete proletariat, such as industrial workers, urban coolies, farm laborers, and vagrants, accounted for about 45 million.Based on this analysis, how many revolutionary people in China are there in order to relieve suffering and seek self-liberation? There are 395 million, accounting for 98.75%.How many enemies are there? One million, accounting for 0.25 percent.How many centrists are there? Four million, or one percent.Under such circumstances, we can conclude without hesitation that the split of the right wing of the Kuomintang, which represents the middle class, is not enough to hinder the development of the Kuomintang, nor is it enough to hinder the Chinese national revolution.Their split was based on their class nature and the special current situation that forced them to split, not because of any leftist concerns.The so-called leftists (the so-called leftists refer to the leftists of the Kuomintang, not the Communist Party, and members of the Communist Party are communists within the Kuomintang, not the leftists of the Kuomintang), are concerned about the suppression of Yang and Liu [7], Zheng and Mo [8], Sweeping Dongjiang, Nanlu, and Beijiang dealt a big blow to Chen Jiongming, Deng Benyin, and Xiong Kewu, and insisting on strikes in provinces and Hong Kong gave British imperialism a big blow to these revolutionary works; however, this is also based on the class nature of the revolutionaries and the current special situation. They have to struggle and have to revolution. Struggle and revolution are their only way out.In such an urgent situation, not only is there no hope of relaxation, but it will continue to be urgent.We predict that in the near future, the centrists will have only two paths: either run to the right and join the counter-revolutionaries, or run to the left and join the revolutionaries (the left wing has this possibility), there is absolutely no third way.But now, if they stay in the Kuomintang, they are really what Mr. Wang Jingwei called "fake revolutionaries", which is not only useless but also harmful.For their separation, for their reaction and attack on the revolutionaries (leftists), the revolutionaries will thus achieve a greater unity.So the slogan we can hear everywhere now is almost the same sentence: "National revolutionaries unite!"

According to the fourth issue of "Politics Weekly" on January 10, 1926. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] Huang Xing (1874-1916), a native of Shanhua, Hunan (now part of Changsha County).An important leader of the bourgeois revolutionary democrats during the Revolution of 1911.After the establishment of the China Tongmenghui in 1905, he served as a general affairs officer in the executive department and directly led many armed uprisings against the Qing Dynasty.After the Wuchang Uprising in 1911, he served as the wartime commander-in-chief of the Hubei Military Government and the Army Chief of the Nanjing Provisional Government.During the Second Revolution in 1913, he served as the commander-in-chief of Yuan's army. After the failure, he went to Japan.In 1914, Sun Yat-sen organized the Chinese Revolutionary Party in Japan, but Huang Xing did not join and went to the United States.Zhang Binglin, also known as Zhang Taiyan (1869111936), was born in Yuhang, Zhejiang.He joined the China Tongmenghui in 1906. After the Revolution of 1911, he served as an adviser to the Presidential Office of the Nanjing Provisional Government.After 1924, he gradually broke away from the Democratic Revolutionary Movement and specialized in lecturing.Song Jiaoren (1882-1913), a native of Taoyuan, Hunan.In 1905, he joined the China Tongmenghui. In 1912, the China Tongmenghui was reorganized as the successor director and acting chairman of the Kuomintang.In March 1913, he was assassinated by Yuan Shikai in Shanghai.

[2] After the failure of the Reform Movement of 1898, Kang Youwei organized the Association for the Protection of the Qing Emperor in Canada in 1899, referred to as the Baohuang Association, and he acted as the president.Its purpose is to save Guangxu, implement a constitutional monarchy, and oppose democratic revolution. [3] The European Affairs Research Association is a political organization established in the early years of the Republic of China.In July 1914, Sun Yat-sen called a group of Kuomintang members in Tokyo, Japan to form the Chinese Revolutionary Party.Another group of party members disagreed with Sun Yat-sen, and formed another European Affairs Research Association. The participants included Li Liejun, Xiong Kewu, Niu Yongjian and other hundreds of people.Although Huang Xing has gone to the United States, he is still listed among them, and the members implicitly regard him as the leader.The association opposed the radical revolutionary approach to Yuan Shikai, and advocated slow progress.It was later renamed the Political Society.When Yuan Shikai publicly carried out activities to restore the monarchy, he also participated in the anti-Yuan united front.

[4] Zhao Hengti (1880-1971), born in Hengshan, Hunan.He was the commander-in-chief of the Hunan Army and the governor of Hunan Province.Chen Jiongming, see note [2] on page 17 of this volume.Tang Jiyao (1883-1927) was born in Huize, Yunnan.Served as governor and governor of Yunnan Province.Xiong Kewu (1885-1970), a native of Jingyan, Sichuan.He once served as the commander-in-chief of the Sichuan Behavior Army. [5] Mao Zuquan (1883-1952), a native of Haimen, Jiangsu.At that time, he was an alternate executive member of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang. [6] Refers to the so-called Fourth Plenary Session of the 1st Central Committee of the Kuomintang held on November 23, 1925 in Biyun Temple, Xishan, Beijing, by more than a dozen rightists of the Kuomintang, including Zou Lu, Xie Chi, and Ju Zheng.

[7] Yang and Liu refer to Yang Ximin and Liu Zhenhuan.See note [3] on page 17 of this volume. [8] Zheng and Mo refer to Zheng Runqi and Mo Xiong.See note [7] on page 23 of this volume.