Chapter 48 Reports and conclusions at the meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee

(September 1948) a report (September 8) There are eight issues to be resolved at our meeting. First, the estimation of the international situation. As for the international situation, an estimate was made at the December meeting [1] last year.At that time there were disagreements within the party, even within the Central Committee.There are two formulations: one is either peace or war; the other is that there is a danger of war, but no war will break out.The danger of war is common, and war and war are different.The former formulation believes that the power of the people of the world is not yet sufficient to stop the war.The latter formulation believes that the Soviet Union and the people of the world can mobilize their forces to stop the war, and the US and British reactionaries are not ready for war. We can buy time to stop the war. Therefore, we have the task of mobilizing the power of the people of the world to stop it.After World War II, unlike after World War I, the possibility of stopping war was greater.The German and Japanese fascists were defeated in the Second World War, and it was not easy to help them back up again.The U.S. and British reactionaries are indeed preparing for war, and the danger of war does exist.But the world's democratic forces headed by the Soviet Union have surpassed the reactionary forces (Molotov and Zhdanov [2] have said so, some comrades in our party, especially the centrists, still can't see clearly), and it is still going on. development, so the danger of war must and must be overcome, and the prerequisite is to work hard.If time can be bought for ten to fifteen years, the war will surely be stopped.We should not ask the question of compromise or breakup, we should ask of compromise later or earlier, as was the case recently with the Berlin question[3].

When we talk about compromise, we don’t mean that compromises can be made on all issues, which would be impossible if a resolution were to be made to cancel the colonies, but that compromises are possible on certain issues.This kind of compromise refers to international issues, not domestic issues; not all issues, but a number of issues, including important ones.In 1947, the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom agreed to conclude a peace treaty with Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Finland.Peace treaties with Germany, Austria, and Japan, although difficult to conclude, will eventually be concluded.Trade between Britain, France and the Soviet Union is possible, but the possibility between the United States and the Soviet Union is less.

The Soviet Union made a compromise with the United States, Britain and France based on democratic principles, so let’s make a compromise with the Kuomintang, too, the centrists think so.I don't see it as such.The policy of the Soviet Union was non-interference in the internal affairs of countries, and the Atlantic Charter[4] also recognized that people of all countries have the right to choose their own political system.The Chinese people did not choose Chiang Kai-shek's system.The Soviet Union and all democratic forces are fighting against the reactionary forces, and compromise according to democratic principles is the result of the struggle.Does it mean that the people of all countries must compromise with the domestic reactionaries? It cannot be mentioned in this way.Of course, if we can force Chiang Kai-shek to do what we do, disband the fascist organizations, get rid of the local tyrants and evil gentry, and let us build the army and carry out land reform, then what's wrong with that? But Chiang Kai-shek is a reactionary, and he doesn't agree.Since ancient times, the reactionaries have adhered to two principles for the democratic forces: those who can be eliminated must be eliminated, and those who cannot be eliminated temporarily will be eliminated in the future.The United Kingdom is now eliminating the Communist Party within the government first, and then slowly dealing with the Communist Party in society.We should apply the same two principles to the reactionaries, and what we are practicing today is the first.

These are three-point estimates from last December's meeting.World peace and the Soviet Union not fighting wars are of great benefit to the people of the world.But Chiang Kai-shek hopes to fight a third world war, and some people in our party think there will be a third world war.If the people of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries can produce peacefully for ten to fifteen years, and the Soviet Union can increase its productivity to 60 million tons of steel per year, people will not even dare to hope.Three years have passed, only twelve years to go.Such is the international environment.

Second, about our strategic approach. Our strategic policy is to overthrow the Kuomintang, and our strategic task is to advance the army, grow an inch in production, strengthen discipline, transition from guerrilla warfare to regular warfare, build an army of 5 million, and annihilate 500 brigades of the enemy's regular army. Down with the KMT.As the army advances, it must grow an inch, otherwise there will be no food.It is also necessary to strengthen discipline and gradually standardize combat methods.This is the policy. The method of warfare should gradually transition from guerrilla warfare to regular warfare.We have benefited from guerrilla warfare.We have a lesson in premature regularization.In the past two years, we have concentrated our operations, and we have formalized this point, but have not yet normalized other points.It is still a transitional period, and it cannot be fully achieved in the third year, and it cannot be fully achieved if Pingjin is not laid down.Without railroad tracks, locomotives, and automobiles, it is impossible to organize modern regular warfare. For example, the regularization of the Northeast is better.Our current military establishment is five first column, second column, third column..., and the five regions all have the same designation, and difficulties will arise when one of them is encountered.Even if the numbers are unified, the number of people, staffing, and supply standards are not uniform.Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to move towards formalization in a planned way. If you are late, you will make mistakes, just like making mistakes when you formalize too early.To unify and formalize, there are many things to do now.Comrade Enlai is drafting a document[5], but it is not yet ready.

The purpose of building an army of 5 million is to completely overthrow the Kuomintang and sweep away all corners.Basically, to overthrow the Kuomintang, it will take about five years[6] and a military strength of four million.In the third year, there will be no increase in the number of troops. Now we have 2.8 million troops, plus 1.4 million other people's armed forces, for a total of 4.2 million. If the number is insufficient, we must make up for it. If there are only 10,000 A column with many people needs to fill up to 20,000 people.In the fourth and fifth years, it will be expanded, and it can be expanded after arriving in the south of the Yangtze River.Five million includes all of this.

Eliminate 500 brigades of the enemy's regular army.There were ninety-seven brigades in the first year, ninety-two brigades in the second year, and nearly 200 regular army brigades were wiped out in two years.The reasons for the decrease in the second year are: 1. The enemy changed the system of two regiments per brigade to three regiments.Second, Northeast and Su Yu[7] lost one battle.3. Liu Deng[8] weakened after arriving in the Dabie Mountains.4. The main force of the Huaye Field Corps, in the three months of July, August, and September last year, was in Shandong when they encountered waters and fields, and they lacked the air of fighting a big battle.Therefore, the number of enemies eliminated is not much.In the first half of this year, Chen Su[9] did not fight for five months, and the Northeast did not fight for half a year, but we still wiped out 92 enemy brigades and 1.5 million people, which shows that the Kuomintang troops are not difficult to wipe out.The advantage of the second year was that Linfen was opened up, Xu's [10] corps became a combat-capable corps, Xu Tan's [11] corps was strengthened, Chen Su's situation changed, Liu and Deng began to grow stronger, and although there were fewer fights in the Northeast A battle, but now it is very strong.There are still four months left in this year, and it is possible to build another thirty-six brigades.To get Jinan and Taiyuan down, Liu Deng to get Nanyang, and Peng [12] only need to pay one brigade a month and it will be fine.In the future, various conditions will be better, and there is no reason to say that it is impossible to wipe out another 300 brigades of the enemy's regular army in the third, fourth, and fifth years.The Kuomintang now has 284 brigades, some new, some empty, some strong and some weak, and 500 brigades will be wiped out, usually twice.The fundamental defeat of the Kuomintang does not mean that every corner has been swept away. For example, before Jinan and Taiyuan were captured, could it be said that Chiang Kai-shek was basically defeated in Shandong and Yan Xishan in Shanxi? [13] Yes, it is possible That said, but not all down.Striving for the fundamental overthrow of the Kuomintang in about five years is also in line with publicly advocating national victory in at least five or six years.As for seizing cities and expanding the population and size of the liberated areas, we have never mentioned it, because once the enemy is wiped out, the cities will come, the liberated areas will also expand, and the population will also increase.After annihilating 200 enemy brigades in the past two years, we gained Siping, Jilin, Yuncheng, Linfen, Yan'an, Weixian, Luoyang and other cities.

Third, on the establishment of the people's democratic dictatorship led by the proletariat and based on the alliance of workers and peasants, and the overthrow of the reactionary dictatorship of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism. The class nature of our regime is this: led by the proletariat, based on the alliance of workers and peasants, but not only workers and peasants, but also a people's democratic dictatorship in which bourgeois democrats participate.The formulation of this question has a historical development process within our party.During the Great Revolution, we talked about the "United Front". At that time, the theory of the right was that the power should be transferred to the Kuomintang, and we will come to the revolution later.Later, when we launched the Agrarian Revolution, the Sixth National Congress stipulated the democratic dictatorship of workers and peasants, and it was not estimated that bourgeois democrats could still cooperate with the proletariat under imperialist oppression.The cooperation happened later, because with the Japanese aggression and now the American aggression, we are back in the right period in the Revolution.Now it is not the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, but in principle it is still "the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party".Now we are not cooperating with Chiang Kai-shek, but with Feng Yuxiang and Li Jishen[14], with the Democratic League, the students of Pingjin, and with the bourgeois elements who split from Chiang Kai-shek. Advocates of the "middle line" and "third aspect" [15] will not work, but we must cooperate with those who advocate this.We are a people's democratic dictatorship. Governments at all levels must add the word "people", and all political organs must add the word "people". .We have a broad united front. The task of our regime is to overthrow imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism. To overthrow them, we must overthrow their countries and establish a country under the people's democratic dictatorship.

A country under the people's democratic dictatorship is represented by the government formed by the people's congress.As for the issue of the central government, the December meeting only thought about it, and this meeting must be discussed as an agenda item.As soon as Shijiazhuang was opened, the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei and Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Hebei districts demanded unification.Taiyuan has not yet been opened, and there are still some opinions on the unification of Jinsui and North China.Once Pingsui Road is opened, the Northeast will raise the issue of reunification.People's thinking changes with the change of matter, opening Shijiazhuang is a change of matter.

With regard to the establishment of a system of people's congresses at all levels of democratic centralism, should the system of our political power adopt a parliamentary system or democratic centralism? In the past we called the system of Soviet congresses. Called "Congress", "Congress of Soviets" became "Congress of Representatives".This is a dead foreign noun.Now we use the term "people's congress".We adopt democratic centralism, not bourgeois parliamentarism.The parliamentary system, Yuan Shikai and Cao Kun [16] have both done it, and it already stinks.It is very appropriate to adopt democratic centralism in China.We proposed to hold a people's congress, and Sun Yat-sen's will also stated that a national assembly should be held, and the Kuomintang recited the will every day, and they could not object.The foreign bourgeoisie could not object either, and they did not object to Chiang Kai-shek's two "National Congresses".Germany and North Korea did the same thing.I think we can decide in this way that we don't need to engage in bourgeois parliamentarism and the separation of powers.

The CPPCC will hold a meeting in the second half of this year or the first half of next year, and preparations are now underway.The fourth year of the war will see the establishment of a central government.What is the name of this government? It may be called the Provisional Central Government, or the Chinese People's Liberation Committee, both of which are temporary central governments in nature.Exactly what it is called will be decided at that time. Fourth, on financial unification. There is no need to dwell on this issue.The Finance Committee of the North China People's Government unifies the possible and necessary construction and administrative work of the economy, finance, trade, finance, transportation and military industry in North China, East China and Northwest China.Not everything is unified, but what is possible and necessary is unified, what is possible but unnecessary is not unified, and what is necessary but impossible is not unified temporarily.For example, agriculture and small handicrafts are temporarily not unified, but financial work and currency issuance must first be unified.Administrative unity means that the North China Finance Committee issues orders, and the party, government, and military in the three districts must ensure the implementation of the unified orders of the North China Finance Committee. Fifth, develop inner-party democracy, train cadres, improve their theoretical level, and prepare cadres in various fields that will be needed after the occupation of the whole country. The way to realize inner-party democracy is to implement the system of congresses and congresses.There is democracy in our party, but it is still insufficient or lacking, and now we need to increase it.The method is to replace cadre meetings with congresses and conferences.The advantage of the cadre meeting is that it is quick, convenient, and relatively easy to convene. The representative meeting should preserve the advantages of the cadre meeting and not make it too complicated. To train cadres, we must train not only those inside the Party, but also those outside the Party.Rotational training of cadres in Jizhong Village is a way to train a large number of grassroots cadres.The government wants to run schools, including universities and specialized schools, to train a large number of various cadres.The training of cadres who work in various fields across the country is a big problem.To send troops to Sichuan, Hunan, Hubei, and Jiangxi, 20,000 to 30,000 cadres will be needed immediately.So make a plan. It must be admitted that the theoretical level of our Party is still low and must be raised a step further.Such a large party either does not understand or is not consolidated on many basic theoretical issues. If it is divided into classes, it shows the low level of our party's theory.There are many new intellectuals and worker and peasant cadres in the party who are ignorant of many basic viewpoints and unable to explain many issues.There are millions of students, professors, and many theater troupes across the country. If you can't explain a reason, you have to listen to him.We want to improve theoretically and popularize it.Members of the Central Committee and the Politburo must pay attention to this issue as a political task, otherwise they will not convince those comrades who have made mistakes. Can't tell a reason, don't have that kind of air.It would be unrealistic to ask everyone to read all the anthologies of Marxism-Leninism. You can choose some, otherwise there are so many books and it will be difficult to read.The East China Bureau printed five copies, saying that someone was reading them.If five books are not enough, you can choose ten books, including History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), Introduction to Leninism, and On Imperialism[17].Leontiev [18]'s "Political Economy" can also be selected.The Propaganda Department can do some research to see which books are good to pick, if five books are not enough, then ten books, but not too many, too many will not work. Sixth, about learning industry and doing business. The whole party should put forward this task, and also write articles to do propaganda, advocating learning industry and doing business in the whole party.We have cities and vast areas, and this task must be solved. Seventh, on strengthening discipline and overcoming indiscipline and anarchy. There are many things mentioned above, but this one must also exist. Without this one, the many things will not be implemented smoothly.Indiscipline and anarchy have now reached intolerable levels in the party.From the central government agencies, central representative agencies, all the way to the localities, they report good news but not bad news, keep secrets from others, and block the news.The village has the right to kill.One officer can kill the director (capitalist) of a large factory, and the nine who take care of [19] become the nine who don't take care of him, and he shoots himself in the foot.Some people are waiting to be fed because they have no land.These states must change.Comrades in the Central Committee must do this with all their strength, and must overcome anarchy and lack of discipline in the entire Party and army within the third year of the war. Eighth, about "new capitalism" and "agricultural socialism". The nature of our regime has been mentioned above, it is a people's democratic dictatorship led by the proletariat and based on the alliance of workers and peasants.What about our social economy? Some people say it is "new capitalism".I think this term is inappropriate, because it does not explain that what plays a decisive role in our social economy is the state-run economy and the public economy. This country is led by the proletariat, so these economies are all socialist in nature.The rural individual economy plus the urban private economy is large in number, but it does not play a decisive role.Our state-run economy and public economy are relatively small in number, but they play a decisive role.It is better to call our social economy "New Democratic Economy". We are opposed to agricultural socialism, which means doing socialism without industry and as long as agriculture is used. This destroys production, hinders the development of production, and is reactionary.But there should be no misunderstanding.Agriculture will also be socialized in the socialist system in the future. There are some mistakes in the six major resolutions, but they are fundamentally correct.It put forward the Ten Programs of the Chinese Revolution[20] based on the estimation of the situation at that time, and what we have done today has basically not exceeded this program.We are working on the first one, and we are also working on the second one, but we can consider it strategically. There are also three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, and ten items. Today we basically still use these ten items.For example, our basic taxation principle is unified progressive taxation.But in these ten articles there is no confiscation of bureaucratic capital, and no alliance with the petty and middle bourgeoisie.At that time, the Chinese bourgeoisie did not want this program at all in terms of political power, nor did it do anything economically.Now our political power is based on the worker-peasant alliance, but we can recruit bourgeois democrats and intellectuals to participate on behalf of the bourgeoisie (this is a bit more relaxed than the Ten Programs), and we can confiscate bureaucratic capital economically (this is more drastic than the Ten Programs) Some).This is different from the six major resolutions. There are two sections at the end of "The Chinese Revolution and the Communist Party of China" that talk about "future" and "dual nature" [21]. Both the Sixth Congress and the Seventh Congress[22] recognized that capitalism must have a development after the victory of the democratic revolution, because it is inevitable.Capitalism is too little in our country and needs its development.But when it comes to socialist factors, it only talks about political conditions, not the confiscation of bureaucratic capital.Many classes are led by the proletariat, this is called the socialist factor.Now the possibility of socialism has become a reality among the 160 million people, that is to say, there are elements of socialism.It has been twenty years since the Sixth National Congress.In the past twenty years, especially during the eight years of the Anti-Japanese War, bureaucratic capital has developed greatly.In my report on December 25 last year[23] I mentioned that bureaucratic capital was confiscated and owned by the new democratic country. The economic structure of New China is firstly a state-owned economy, and secondly an agricultural economy that develops from individuals to collectives. The third is the private economy, and the state-run economy is the leading component.Now the problem cannot be solved without mentioning the state economy.The resolutions of the Sixth Congress did not provide for the confiscation of bureaucratic capital, and later even small ones were also confiscated, which violated the resolutions of the Sixth Congress.During the Anti-Japanese War, the six major resolutions were fully implemented in dealing with capitalist economic issues.The mistakes of the "left" during the Civil War actually negated the policies of the Sixth Congress on cities. When writing "On New Democracy", the difference between national capital and bureaucratic capital was not clear in our minds.Large-scale industries, large banks, and large businesses, regardless of whether they are bureaucratic capital or not, will be confiscated within a certain period of time after the national victory. This is the principle of the new-democratic economy.And as soon as they are confiscated, they belong to the socialist sector.The capital of our State Bank is socialist in nature.After the Agrarian Revolution, farmers set up cooperatives, depending on whose leadership they were under: under the leadership of the bourgeoisie, it was capitalist; under the leadership of the proletariat, it was socialist.Of course, the cooperatives in our rural areas today are cooperatives organized by individual farmers on the basis of private property. They are not completely socialist, but they have a socialist nature and are moving toward socialism.Cooperatives are different from state-owned enterprises. State-owned enterprises are completely socialist in nature and not capitalist.The cooperatives of government-owned production organizations are more socialist in nature than private cooperatives. We should talk about the nature of socialism, but the entire national economy is still a new-democratic economy, that is, an economic system under the leadership of a socialist economy. China is a country with 50 to 10 million industrial workers.If we have five to eight million industrial workers here, things will be easy. Two conclusions (September 13) I don't have much to say. There hasn't been a meeting like this in three years.The Seventh National Congress discussed all the problems that existed before the Seventh National Congress. Without that summary, there would be no great progress after Japan's surrender.Our party is now different from the period of the Anti-Japanese War.At that time, before 1940, it was very awkward. In terms of military affairs and policies, such as mass movements, rent reduction and interest reduction, there were many inconsistencies, and there was no summary of the first two periods in the history of the party. .The Seventh National Congress made a summary, which led to the victory of the three-year liberation war after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War.In the first year, there was no big fight. At that time, many issues of principle were resolved. For example, there were no disputes over the Kuomintang's policy of unity and struggle, so the CPPCC was able to run well; military strategy issues were completely consistent; rent and interest reductions It has been done for a long time, and the land reform will be carried out in the future, and it will be done with one order.The discussions at this meeting were more extensive than those at the February meeting[24] in Yan'an last year, and this has something to do with the success and victory of our policies.Everything was discussed at this meeting, and even the future was discussed.Regarding the issue of victory in the past few years, what was discussed in the past was only the possibility, and it was enough to talk about the analysis of the development prospects. It was not officially mentioned in the meeting, and even if it was discussed, there was no conclusion.Last July at the Xiaohe meeting[25], we summarized the achievements of the year, and we can see the development of the situation.Now that the war has been going on for more than two years, the situation is clearer, and we can express our opinions with certainty. At this meeting, there was less talk about the international and domestic situation, and some were also mentioned.The situation at home and abroad and the balance of forces between the enemy and ourselves are favorable to us.We have always said that the situation is very good, and the Seventh National Congress also mentioned it. However, we still estimated many issues at that time. It was the "good" we saw under the conditions at that time. Some estimates have changed later.For example, the unity of Britain, the United States, France and the Soviet Union was decided, but they are no longer united.The Crimea Conference[26] once said that the victory of the anti-fascist war opened up the path of democracy and the future of unity, but this has not been proved now, and the relationship has become more and more deadlocked.The power of the world revolution has surpassed the power of the counter-revolution. This is what Zhdanov said at the meeting of the Nine-Power Intelligence Bureau[27]. Molotov also said it, and Stalin said it several times.Our current estimate is still the estimate of the Nine Nations Intelligence Bureau meeting.The plans of the reactionaries to start a war can be broken.The danger of war is severe, but it does not start immediately. There is a process from the danger of war to the outbreak of war.In short, the international situation is favorable to us, while the domestic situation is such that our revolutionary forces have grown stronger and Chiang Kai-shek's has become weaker. With regard to our tasks, the opinions at this meeting are unanimous, and there is still room for improvement, which is good.Many opinions are planned, such as the army building plan, the establishment of the New Democratic Youth League, women's representative conferences, youth representative conferences, political and industrial conferences, etc., can all be held. Slogans against waste should be put forward, not limited to food, but also human and material resources, such as capturing prisoners, standing stretcher teams, artillery shells, and military industry.It was the same battle, some of them entered with only twelve casualties; some had more than sixty casualties, and they still couldn't get in.The same is true for the captives. Some of them were won over for use, while others were released or scattered;The catch must be returned to the public, and waste must be overcome. This slogan has rich content.Only by combining the opposition to waste and the development of production can we achieve victory and achieve the goal of growing the army to five million and overthrowing the Kuomintang in about five years. Strengthening international ties, such as youth and women, was not mentioned in my report, but Comrade Deng Yingchao [28] mentioned it in the report on women's work.In the past two years, we have had extensive international activities in the women's, youth, and labor movements.This is something that did not exist in the past, and these activities will increase in the future.After we announced the establishment of the central government, the international people's democratic forces headed by the Soviet Union will cooperate with us.Also, our ties with other fraternal parties should also increase.Our party's international prestige is quite high, which is a big deal. On the issue of education, it is worth noting.In the third and fourth years, I am afraid it will be necessary to hold educational conferences.Also, it is necessary to strengthen the work of Xinhua News Agency. Newspapers are very effective and powerful, so we must grasp them.In the past, the Central Committee and the Central Bureau did not pay close attention to the newspapers, but now Comrade Shaoqi, or Comrades Enlai and Bishi[29] read most of the Xinhua News Agency.Is this a dictatorship? How well you have a dictatorship like this! It will be fine if you go to college for three to five months.It is good to look at the big picture. You can learn it yourself, change it with your heart, and when you are on the road, you can hand it over to others.I heard that the newspapers of the North China Bureau are read by a wave of [30] comrades. "Fundamentally overthrow the Kuomintang in about five years or so", here there is a "about", a "about", and "fundamentally".These adjectives cannot be removed, not even one of them.With regard to the public propaganda of "fundamentally overthrowing the Kuomintang in about five years", it is certainly beneficial. In principle, I have no objection, but how to say it and how to say it still have to be considered.Now I tend to speak more difficultly, like the formulation in the "August 1st" editorial[31], which can make people calmer and work harder.Internally, it can be said first among the cadres and secondly among the soldiers, and it can also be said at the local level.But we have to make it clear that there are "about" five years, "about" and "fundamentally", this is not wrong.It must also be estimated that although the explanation is clear, once it gets out, it will immediately be said to be a "five-year" victory. "Build an army of five million", "Destroy the enemy's regular army of 500 brigades", "In about five years or so, we will basically overthrow the Kuomintang", these words are simple and clear, and they are slogans.The function of a slogan is to make it easy to speak and pass on.Stalin said it very well in "On China", when he pointed out that the Kuomintang must be criticized in the United Front[32].When we say "unity and struggle", we mean the same thing, and if it is made into a slogan, it is easy to say and pass on. This meeting fully estimated the difficulties and the possibility of overcoming them.Our Party encountered two major difficulties, which were caused by two major mistakes: the defeat in 1927 and the Long March in 1935.The later difficulties were different from those two difficulties and were easier to overcome.What major difficulties will we encounter in the future? For example, if we make a mistake in our estimation and fail to stop the war due to poor work and insufficient strength, a world war breaks out and breaks out very quickly. This is a difficulty.Of course, if a world war does not break out, it will be much more beneficial to the Chinese revolution.The Soviet Union does not fight wars, and it is possible for us to receive international assistance.It is of great significance to have the world's democratic forces help us.But if we underestimate and a world war is coming, what should we do? We don't want to fight yet.It’s going to rain, and my mother is going to get married. What can I do? A world war is coming. This is a great difficulty for the whole world, and it is also a great difficulty for us.However, the Chinese people, especially the Communists, are not afraid of this after many years of war.We will be better if we are mentally prepared.Another example is a severe drought.We talked about this at the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China. It is very likely to come, and it will indeed be a big difficulty when it comes. We must overcome it.In the past, Taihang, Shandong, and Jinsui all had experience in dealing with famines.If there is a severe drought, there is no other way but to mobilize the whole party and organize manpower to overcome it.For another example, if the war is prolonged, the command is wrong, the military is not going well, and the river cannot be crossed next year, then it must be fought north of the Yangtze River.Eighty percent of Chiang Kai-shek's power is in this area, and if his power is wiped out, the Kuomintang will be defeated.The so-called Chiang regime is mainly his army.If Li Zongren [33] came out to form a government and made twists and turns, it would be difficult.But as Comrade Enlai said, we can handle it.We should not completely reject negotiations, this is a matter of people's awareness.At that time, there may be two situations, either to refuse peace talks, or to carry out peace talks.But now it is necessary to expose the possible peace talks scam of the Kuomintang.If the masses are awakened and want to continue fighting, and realize that peace talks are about letting the enemy rest before fighting, and that it is laborious, then we will fight.If the masses do not have this kind of consciousness, if they want to make peace, they should hold peace talks, talk and fight at the same time, and educate the masses during the negotiations, explain to the masses what the peace talks are all about, in fact, they still need to continue to fight, so as not to attack the enemy When.In short, at that time, it depends on the consciousness of the people, the consciousness of the masses inside and outside the party, but never close the door to peace talks.Don't make this mistake, whether inside or outside the Party.There is also the difficulty caused to us by U.S. imperialism helping Chiang Kai-shek, and we can also overcome this difficulty. On the issue of New Democracy and socialism, Comrade Shaoqi’s outline [34] analyzed it in detail, which is very good, and the transition between the two stages is also very good. After returning to the Central Bureau, comrades can publicize this point.There are socialist elements in the new-democratic society, in all aspects of politics, economy, and culture, and they are leading elements, but generally speaking, it is new-democratic.This means that the "February 7th" editorial [35] was written.Now let me point out a word. After the completion of the bourgeois democratic revolution, the main internal contradiction in China will be the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, and the external contradiction will be the contradiction with imperialism.Secondly, there are also ethnic conflicts internally, such as the conflicts between the Han nationality and ethnic minorities in Tibet, Xinjiang, etc., and the contradictions with the Hui people, and there are also contradictions within a certain ethnic group.This can be solved in the Soviet way.In addition, there are also contradictions between workers and peasants, but they are not confrontational contradictions. These can be resolved within the worker-peasant alliance by supplying machinery, organizing cooperatives, and participating in state management.In order to consolidate the leadership of the proletariat over the peasants, the distribution of land to the peasants only establishes the leadership, and this alone is not enough.The so-called leadership is to convince the leader that in the future economic construction, he will be given machines, and cooperatives will be organized to enrich and unite the peasants.If they are convinced, the leadership will be consolidated, otherwise the leadership will be lost.Comrade Shaoqi talked about this issue.With regard to preparations for completing the transition from New Democracy to socialism, the Soviet Union will help us, first of all help us develop the economy.It will take another ten to twenty years for our country to achieve national independence economically.We must work hard to develop the economy and transition from developing a new-democratic economy to socialism.These views can be promoted.As for the analysis of the economic components, Comrade Shaoqi should consider it first and draft a document for use when the Second Plenary Session of the Central Committee is held. Some of the main points I have said, plus issues such as youth, women, political work, etc., make simple resolutions.In addition, there are individual issues for which decisions have been written.The meeting basically passed it, and sent it to the Secretariat to make some revisions in order to achieve consensus.The good suggestions put forward by comrades will be implemented one by one in the future, so I won’t talk about them here.This meeting lasted for six days, it was a bit longer, but it could be shortened a bit.Some comrades make short speeches, which make people remember them; some long speeches make people forget them.We can also take the "capital restraint" approach to meetings. Published based on the transcript of the speech kept by the Central Archives. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] Refers to the meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held in Yangjiagou, Mizhi County, northern Shaanxi from December 25 to 28, 1947.At this meeting, Mao Zedong issued "Some Estimates on the Current International Situation" written by Mao Zedong in April 1946, and discussed and adopted this document. [2] Molotov (1890-1986), then served as Vice Chairman of the Soviet Council of Ministers and Minister of Foreign Affairs.Zhdanov (1896-1948), served as Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) since 1944, responsible for ideological work. [3] In June 1948, the United States, Britain, and France independently implemented currency reforms in the western part of Germany (the West-occupied area) and West Berlin they occupied, cutting off the economic ties between the Western-occupied area and the Soviet-occupied area.Subsequently, the Soviet Union announced the reform of the currency system in the Soviet-occupied area and imposed a blockade on West Berlin. The United States, Britain, and France implemented an anti-blockade on the Soviet-occupied area and prohibited Western countries from importing goods from Eastern European countries.In order to resolve the resulting Berlin crisis, the United States, Britain, and France conducted negotiations with the Soviet Union many times. [4] Refers to the joint declaration signed by the United States and Britain at the end of the Atlantic Conference in August 1941.The declaration stated that: the two countries do not pursue territorial or other expansion; respect the right of people of all countries to choose their own form of government; agree to destroy the German Nazi tyranny and disarm aggressive countries. [5] Refers to the "Regulations on the Unification of the Organization and Numbering of the Whole Army" drafted by Zhou Enlai for the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China (November 1, 1948). [6] It was estimated at that time that it would take about five years from July 1946 to fundamentally overthrow the reactionary Kuomintang rule.Later this time was greatly shortened. [7] Su Yu was acting commander and acting political commissar of the East China Field Army at that time.Prior to this, he was appointed as the deputy commander of the East China Field Army and the commander and political commissar of the First Corps to carry out the preparations for the cross-river operation planned at that time. [8] Refers to the Central Plains Field Army with Liu Bocheng as the commander and Deng Xiaoping as the political commissar. [9]指陈毅任司令员兼政治委员、粟裕任代司令员兼代政治委员的华东野战军。 [10]徐，指徐向前，当时任华北军区第一兵团司令员兼政治委员。 [11]许、谭，指许世友、谭震林，当时分别任华东野战军山东兵团司令员和政治委员。 [12]指彭德怀任司令员兼政治委员的西北野战军。 [13]阎锡山（一八八三——一九六○），山西五台河边村（今属定襄）人。当时任国民党军太原绥靖公署主任。 [14]冯玉祥，一九四八年曾任中国国民党革命委员会中央执行委员会常务委员兼中央政治委员会主席。见本卷第117页注[4]。李济深，当时任中国国民党革命委员会中央执行委员会主席。 [15]“中间路线”，即所谓第三条道路。在人民解放战争初期，有一些民主人士幻想在国民党的大地主大资产阶级专政和中国共产党领导的人民民主专政之外，另外寻找所谓第三条道路，这条道路实际上就是英美式的资产阶级专政的道路。“第三方面”，指主张走第三条道路的上层小资产阶级和中等资产阶级的知识分子中的一部分人。 [16]袁世凯（一八五九——一九一六），河南项城人，北洋军阀首领。清末曾任山东巡抚、直隶总督兼北洋大臣、内阁总理大臣等职。辛亥革命后，一九一二年在英、美、日等帝国主义支持下，窃取中华民国临时大总统职务，组织了代表大地主大买办阶级的第一个北洋军阀政府。一九一三年用武力胁迫国会选举他为总统，接着又把国会解散，另行组织御用工具“政治会议”和“约法会议”。一九一五年十二月恢复帝制。一九一六年三月在全国人民反对下被迫取消帝制。曹锟（一八六二——一九三八），天津人，北洋军阀直系首领之一。在一九一二年袁世凯窃取政权后，历任北洋军第三师师长、直隶督军、直鲁豫巡阅使等职。一九二二年第一次直奉战争后，他在英、美帝国主义支持下，控制了北京政府。次年十月，他贿买国会议员，当上了总统。 [17]《帝国主义论》，即列宁著《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》。 [18]列昂节夫（一九○一——一九七四），苏联经济学家、苏联科学院通讯院士。《政治经济学》一书是他早期的著作，出版于一九三五年。 [19]一九四六年，在讨论起草《中共中央关于土地问题的指示》（即“五四指示”）过程中，有些解放区针对一些地方土地改革中出现的“左”的错误，提出需要从政策上规定一系列的照顾，内容有九条，即：照顾中农利益，分给中农斗争果实；照顾富农的自耕部分；照顾“军干属地主”（抗日军人及抗日干部之家属中属于地主成分者），多留一些土地，政治上替他们保留面子；照顾中小地主，多留一些土地；照顾开明绅士（与“军干属地主”相同）；照顾被汉奸恶霸利用的人员中的贫苦出身者；照顾地主富农开设的工商业，除大汉奸大恶霸开设的由行署以上政府没收外，一律不动；照顾一切可能团结的知识分子，家庭是地主者多留一点土地，家庭是劳动人民者多分点斗争果实；照顾地主人员的生活出路，对豪绅、恶霸、大地主，除依法处死者外，也要留给土地，给他们饭吃，对逃亡地主应争取其回家并给以生活出路。这些照顾当时称为“九个照顾”。 [20]一九二八年六月十八日至七月十一日在莫斯科召开的中国共产党第六次全国代表大会通过的十大政纲是：一、推翻帝国主义的统治；二、没收外国资本的企业和银行；三、统一中国，承认民族自决权；四、推翻军阀国民党的政府；五、建立工农兵代表会议（苏维埃）政府；六、实行八小时工作制，增加工资，失业救济与社会保险等；七、没收一切地主阶级的土地，耕地归农；八、改善兵士生活，发给兵士土地和工作；九、取消一切政府、军阀、地方的税捐，实行统一的累进税；十、联合世界无产阶级和苏联。 [21]指《中国革命和中国共产党》一文的第二章第六节“中国革命的前途”和第七节“中国革命的两重任务和中国共产党”（《毛泽东选集》第二卷，人民出版社1991年版，第649—652页）。 [22]七次大会，指一九四五年四月二十三日至六月十一日在延安召开的中国共产党第七次全国代表大会。 [23]指毛泽东一九四七年十二月二十五日在陕北米脂县杨家沟召开的中共中央会议上的书面报告《目前形势和我们的任务》。 [24]指一九四七年二月一日在延安召开的中共中央政治局会议。这次会议通过了毛泽东为中央起草的关于时局与任务的指示，即《毛泽东选集》第四卷中《迎接中国革命的新高潮》一文。 [25]指一九四七年七月二十一日至二十三日在陕北靖边县小河村召开的中共中央扩大会议。这次会议总结了人民解放军在全面内战爆发后第一年的战绩，着重讨论了军事计划和地方工作等问题。 [26]克里米亚会议，又称雅尔塔会议。一九四五年二月四日至十一日，苏、美、英三国首脑在苏联克里米亚半岛的雅尔塔举行会议，协调最后击败德国的军事计划，讨论欧洲的战后安排和对日作战等问题。会议签署了公报和议定书，并秘密签订了《苏美英三国关于日本的协定》（即《雅尔塔协定》）。会议公报表示，三国政府“将使自己的政策协调一致”，以援助被解放的欧洲各国人民“用民主的方式解决他们迫切的政治、经济问题”；“为和平而团结正如为战争而团结”，三国决心“在未来的和平时期将保持和加强联合国家在目标和行动上的团结一致”。 [27]指一九四七年九月在波兰华沙举行的保加利亚、罗马尼亚、匈牙利、波兰、苏联、法国、捷克斯洛伐克、意大利、南斯拉夫九国共产党和工人党代表会议。会议决定成立九国共产党和工人党情报局，通过了《关于国际形势的宣言》。 [28]邓颖超（一九○四——一九九二），河南光山人。当时任中共中央妇女委员会副书记。 [29]弼时，即任弼时（一九○四——一九五○），湖南湘阴人。当时任中共中央书记处书记兼中央秘书长。 [30]一波，即薄一波，当时任中共中央华北局第二书记。 [31]指《人民日报》一九四八年八月一日刊载的新华社社论《人民解放战争两周年的总结和第三年的任务》。社论中说：“中国人民还必须准备继续作几年的艰苦奋斗，至少还要准备拿三、四年时间去作这种艰苦斗争，才能最后解放全中国，并在民主基础上统一全中国。在斗争过程中，某些暂时的、局部的间歇和曲折，仍然还是可能有的。那些以为中国革命会在一次或几次斗争中就能完全胜利，并在具体斗争中抱轻敌态度的人们，或者以为它会完全一帆风顺，不会有任何暂时的、局部的曲折，而在遇到这种曲折时就感觉迷乱的人们，是错误的。” [32]指《列宁斯大林论中国》一书。书中编入斯大林一九二七年五月二十四日发表的演说《中国革命和共产国际的任务》，其中指出：“支持武汉的政策同时就是展开资产阶级民主革命并取得由此而产生的一切结果的政策。由此便有了共产党人之参加武汉国民党和武汉革命政府，这一参加并不排斥共产党人用一切办法批评国民党党内自己的同盟者的不彻底和动摇，而是以此为前提。” [33]李宗仁，当时任国民党政府副总统。 [34]指刘少奇一九四八年九月十三日在中央政治局会议上的讲话。 [35]指新华社为纪念“二七”二十五周年发表的社论《坚持职工运动的正确路线，反对“左”倾冒险主义》。这篇社论曾经毛泽东审阅和修改过，修改部分见本卷第48－49页。