Chapter 9 Speech at the Enlarged Meeting of the Front Committee of the Northwest Field Army

(January 15, 1948) Comrades: In the report[1] I made to the Central Conference on December 25 last year, I once said: "The Chinese new democratic revolution is to be victorious without the broadest unity that includes the vast majority of the entire nation. Front is impossible.” Why would victory not be possible without an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal national united front joined by the overwhelming majority of the entire nation? Today I will talk about this issue. Will the revolution succeed? The question is now clear.When our Communist Party started to organize, this problem did not exist yet.During the Great Revolution from 1924 to 1927, we cooperated with Chiang Kai-shek in the Northern Expedition, and at that time the question of whether to win or not arose.However, mistakes were made at that time, the Communist Party was still immature, and the leadership of the Party had capitulationism. , thus losing the possibility of winning.Later, the Agrarian Revolution was implemented and fought against the Kuomintang for ten years.In the beginning we were a small guerrilla army, and we could only wipe out a few enemy regiments and engage in a few counties.At that time, the issue of victory in several counties was on the agenda, but national victory was still relatively remote.During the War of Resistance Against Japan, we proposed to strive for national victory, to drive out the Japanese aggressors through a protracted war, and to organize the power of the masses of the people to overthrow them.After Japan surrendered, a new problem arose. The reactionary Chiang Kai-shek clique launched a civil war.If Chiang Kai-shek hadn't had the help of U.S. imperialism, he would have been slower to fight the civil war, but as soon as U.S. imperialism actively supported it, the civil war would have started very quickly.The Northern Expedition was a civil war, the Agrarian Revolutionary War was also a civil war, and the war against Chiang Kai-shek after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War was another civil war. There were three revolutionary civil wars.The current civil war is different from the previous two.The Northern Expedition was against imperialism and comprador feudal forces. As a result, Chiang Kai-shek won the fruits of victory, and the losers were the Communist Party and the masses of the people.During the ten-year Agrarian Revolutionary War, the revolutionary forces suffered great setbacks, and a long march came.The first two civil wars happened after World War I, and before World War II, our struggle was relatively isolated, especially during the Agrarian Revolutionary War, which was very isolated.The Anti-Japanese War itself was part of the Second World War, and it had international sympathy and support.The current civil war is after the Second World War. The world situation has changed, and the situation in China has also changed. The future of the victory of the revolution is clearly seen.Most of the comrades present here have experienced the four revolutionary periods from the Great Revolution to the present day. Think about it, in which period among these four periods the prospect of victory is most clearly seen? That is the present period.

Now, should we win the victory of the revolution in the whole country? In the past, there was no victory in the Northern Expedition, the Agrarian Revolutionary War, and the defeat of Japanese imperialism in the War of Resistance Against Japan, but the victory of the revolution in the whole country was not achieved either.Will we be able to win this time? This question still exists. Some people have not yet made up their minds to eliminate Chiang Kai-shek and win national victory.However, our leading organs, the comrades who participated in this meeting, our senior cadres, and most of the party members have already seen this problem very clearly.In my report to the December meeting last year I said that it would be a long war, and now it seems that the time to defeat the enemy will not be too long.We must have this confidence.Before March last year, we said we could win based on the experience of other liberated areas in resisting the attacks of the Kuomintang troops. At that time, our Shensi-Kansu-Ningxia Border Region had not yet fought, and Hu Tsung-nan[2] had not yet attacked northern Shaanxi.Now, the nationwide liberation war has been waged for eighteen months, and the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region has also been waged for ten months. We have wiped out so many enemy troops, and we can see this more clearly.In the first year, we wiped out an average of eight brigades of the enemy’s regular army per month. In the first half of the second year, our record increased to an average of nine brigades per month. If we calculate that we wipe out at least eight brigades per month on average, we can wipe out the enemy’s regular army in one year. Ninety-six brigades.The enemy's wiped out troops can be replenished after the first defeat, they can be replenished after the second defeat, and it is difficult to replenish them the third and fourth times.We have always wiped out the enemy in this way, and it will be almost three or four years of fighting, and we are very sure of victory.After the comrades go back, they must explain clearly to the comrades who did not attend the meeting why this time is more certain of victory than the past three times, because the current period is different from the past three periods. After the Second World War and the Second World War The situation in the past was different, and the situation of the People's Liberation Army was also different from that of the Red Army.

But what I want to talk about today is not mainly about this point.What I am talking about today is mainly why national victory is impossible without the national united front participated by the vast majority of the entire nation.The experience of the period of the Great Revolution and the experiences of all subsequent periods have proved that the Chinese revolution must implement a general program if it is to be successful, that is, a revolution led by the proletariat, popular among the people, and anti-imperialist and anti-feudal.As for the specific program, the People's Liberation Army Manifesto mentioned eight points[3], my report on December 25 made eight points[4], and Deputy Commander Peng's report made nine points[5]. Before the forces have been overthrown and socialism has not come, the general program can only be this one, and there is no second one.Our united front is an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal united front led by the proletariat and by the masses; our army is an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal army led by the proletariat and by the masses.The so-called leadership of the proletariat means that it is led by its vanguard, the Communist Party, and the masses of the people are mainly peasants.When we say that we can win, we must build on this foundation.

Many people now pin their hopes on the Communist Party and the People's Liberation Army.Recently, I saw an article in the outside newspapers and periodicals, such as the "Observation" magazine, saying: "If the rule of the past two decades has not been so corrupt and incompetent, why do many people feel that the future is bleak and the center is hesitant, and they turn their hopes to the Communist Party?" [6] Fu Sinian[7] was in Yan'an, he scolded Song Ziwen[8], and said in the article: "Something strange happened in the world, how can capitalists support the Communist Party? It was Song Ziwen who did it."Song Ziwen is a representative of the feudal comprador class.Someone wrote an article last spring, saying: Now the people of the whole country are alienated from the current regime, and everyone hates it.In autumn, this person wrote another article, saying that Chiang Kai-shek and the current Chinese government had lost popular support, like shadows under the sun.When Vice Chairman Zhou[9] went to Shanghai, many capitalists invited him to dinner.We lost Zhangjiakou, some capitalists shed tears, and Zhangjiakou of the Communist Party has something to do with the tears of capitalists.For these capitalists, as well as capitalists like Xi’an Dahua Spinning Mill, we place them within the scope of the middle class and cooperate with them.They have little or no connection with imperialism, are different from the four big families of Chiang, Song, Kong, and Chen, and are oppressed by bureaucratic capital.Now there are many people in the middle class who can't find a way out and pin their hopes on us.After a year and a half of the civil war, Chiang Kai-shek was completely isolated, something that had never happened before, during, or even after the victory of the War of Resistance.Then, does Chiang Kai-shek's isolation equal our victory? Does it mean that we can dispense with the national united front in which the overwhelming majority of the entire nation participates? I don't think it can be said that way.Chiang Kai-shek was isolated because he represented the interests of the landlord class and the bureaucratic capitalist class and oppressed the people.Some people say that the Communist Party was forced out by Chiang Kai-shek, "When one Communist Party was eliminated, ten Communist Parties were created at the same time; when ten Communist Parties were eliminated, a hundred Communist Parties were created at the same time" [6]. , the Communist Party is getting bigger and bigger.This is one aspect of truth.However, there is another truth, that is, our policy is correct.If our policies are incorrect, for example if we violate the middle peasants, middle bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, democrats, enlightened gentlemen and intellectuals, if we mishandle captives, if we mishandle landlords and rich peasants, if we make mistakes on the issue of the united front, Then there will still be no victory, the Communist Party will change from more and more to less and less, Chiang Kai-shek’s isolation will become the isolation of both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and the people will not like Chiang Kai-shek, nor the Communist Party.This possibility exists, but it is not impossible in theory.

Our captive policy has been completely successful.If we do not kill any Kuomintang soldiers who have laid down their arms, most of them can join our troops, and one-fifth to one-fourth of the Kuomintang officers can be used by us after transformation.Chiang Kai-shek practiced closed-doorism, and he dared not use the Kuomintang officers we released.We are bolder than him. For his officers, some of them are boldly used, and most of them are put back.When we were released, we made a condition with him that he was required to go out and do some work. As long as he did a little work, it would be helpful to us.For example, when Yichuan was attacked, a captured officer spoke to the Kuomintang army on the radio, saying that he could "guarantee that he would surrender his gun and not kill him."The officers and soldiers of the Kuomintang army listened carefully to our broadcasts, and our broadcasts had great prestige.It can be seen that the captive policy is very important.

Landlords must be eliminated as a class and protected as individuals.Why eliminate the landlord class? Because it represents a reactionary production relationship.The purpose of overthrowing Chiang Kai-shek politically was to destroy the feudal comprador production relations economically and liberate the fettered productive forces.In the countryside, it is to liberate the peasants, break the feudal land ownership system, implement a thorough and equal division of land, and hand over land ownership to the peasants, so that the peasants can be confident and bold in production and improve farming methods.In the cities, the bureaucratic capital represented by the four major families should be owned by the new democratic state.The legal title of ownership in production relations is ownership.As for private rights, first destroy a part, that is, destroy the private rights of the landlord class to become the private rights of farmers, and destroy the private rights of the four major families to be owned by the new democratic country.But abolishing the private rights of the landlord class does not mean that even his own people are also eliminated.Landlords and old-fashioned rich peasants account for one-tenth of the rural population. There are 36 million people in the country. This is the labor force of the society and a kind of wealth.We give him a share of land and property, and let him participate in productive labor. He can carry stretchers, produce grain, and pay public grain, which is beneficial to the country.As for the right to vote, the peasants are not willing to give it to him within a few years, so will it be denied forever? No, it will not be granted at first, and after a few years, he can be given it after he becomes a peasant through labor reform.Industry is underdeveloped now, but if industry develops in the future, where will the workers come from? Not from the countryside.The rural labor force has increased and is pumped to work in the cities, and millions of people will go to the cities.Thirty-six million people are a large labor force after transformation, almost equal to the population of a small country.We hate feudal exploitation very much, but the landlord himself is still a labor force, and after a few years of transformation, he still has the right to vote.The land needs to be settled properly, otherwise there will be chaos, and we will not be able to win.Landlords can be divided into big landlords, middle landlords, and small landlords, as well as reactionary and enlightened. We should deal with each situation separately.

The issue of beating people and killing people is also discussed here.Our Communist Party does not advocate beating people. People have two hands that are used for work, not for beating people.Beating people is a feudal and barbaric act.Husbands beat their wives, foremen beat workers, teachers beat students, officers beat soldiers, and superior officers beat junior officers.Fighting landlords and beating people in the countryside is also bad, so don't advocate it.During the fight against landlords, the peasants were very angry and went up and beat him. If we immediately came out and said "you can't beat people", this would pour cold water on the masses.It doesn't matter if the masses hit people when they are angry, but we don't advocate beating people.Is it contradictory to say this? Not contradictory.Our slogan is the abolition of corporal punishment. This is our principle, but there must be flexibility.For example, breaking superstition is our principle, but there are still temple fairs in northern Shaanxi. Many people go to temple fairs, and our Yangko troupe also goes.The masses believe in gods, we cannot force the masses not to believe in superstition.There is also a policy in northern Shaanxi that stipulates the abolition of buying and selling marriages, but there are still many buying and selling marriages.These need to be gradually transformed.

Killing is as little as possible.You must kill, but you must not kill more.The People's Liberation Army Manifesto stated that it should treat Jiang's personnel separately. The first is that the perpetrators must be punished, and they must be pursued to the ends of the earth; the second is that the coerced followers should not be questioned; Winners are awarded.That's our policy.In this way, there are fewer people to kill.There is no need to kill so many counter-revolutionary spies.Kill a few spies and stop being a spy? He still wants to do it.Let's use fire to fight fire, so that these "technical" personnel trained by the Kuomintang for many years can be used by me.You have punished the Communist Party in the past, but today you have to do things for me and defeat Chiang Kai-shek.It is a pity to kill Wang Shiwei this time, he is a bad person[10], but he can still write articles.So is it not to kill one? It cannot be regarded as a legal policy.Those who have committed the most heinous crimes and are hated by the masses can be killed.As for ordinary landlords, rich peasants, and captured military officers, they will be dealt with separately.Now there are 80,000 captured officers and 2 million captured soldiers. Have we killed any of them? Not a single one.Did the 80,000 officers rebel? No rebellion.Did it get in the way of the Revolutionary War? It didn't get in the way.On the contrary, it helps us.We must treat the broad intellectual class with caution, such as students, teachers, lawyers, doctors, and engineers.These people used to serve the bourgeoisie, but now they are influenced by the revolutionary movement, and after being educated, they can work for us.If we do this, victory will be guaranteed; if we do not do this, that is, if we do not unite the vast majority of the entire nation in the national united front, victory will be impossible.

Some people say what will happen after the national victory? Will there be a united front at that time? Is it true that "once the power is in hand, the order will be carried out", and the next order will not be a united front? No.The problem at that time was to consolidate victory, and victory cannot be consolidated without a national united front in which the vast majority of the population of the entire nation participates. Comrades, we achieved great victories last year, one was fighting, the other was training, and the work in the rear was also done well.The east and the west were unified[11], and everyone was sure to win the battle. A lot of things were seized in the front, and sufficient food and shells were provided in the rear.These satisfy us.The Central Committee held a meeting[12] and estimated the combat achievements in the liberated areas of the country. More than 1.6 million enemies have been eliminated, including your victories.For the Northwest Field Army, the rear has indeed contributed a lot.Funding issues used to be very difficult.In the middle of August last year, we said that there was no grain north of Zhenchuanbao, and we wanted to "borrow" grain from Hu Zongnan, but instead of "borrowing", Comrade He Long [13] got 50,000 shi of grain. Half eats until December, and the army always has food to eat.Generally speaking, under the leadership of Comrades Peng Dehuai and He Long, the front and rear are united and cooperating very well.When the Communist Party has an army and political power, difficulties can be solved.Now that you want to go to the outside line, you can rest assured about the work in the rear, the leaders in the front, and the central government.So many of you cadres have this confidence, no matter how the landlords rebel, we are not afraid.

After two months of training, your troops have learned the complaining movement from the peasants, which has raised their awareness and strengthened their unity.If our two million troops are united through the complaining movement, there is no reason why Chiang Kai-shek cannot be defeated.As long as our policies are correct, rely on the poor and hired peasants, firmly unite with the middle peasants, protect the interests of industry and commerce, the middle bourgeoisie and intellectuals, and do not kill or capture prisoners of war, we can gain this world.With the united front of the whole nation, there is victory.The greater our power, the greater our chances of victory. This is a very hard truth.

Then, can we underestimate the enemy? No.I said in that report that U.S. imperialism is a paper tiger, and its strength is superficial and temporary.It cannot aid Chiang Kai-shek like flowing water.As for U.S. imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek, we should despise them in general, but we should not despise specific enemies, for if we despise them, we will make a principled mistake.There are two principles. We despise the general enemy, but we cannot despise specific enemies.I remember that I talked about this principle at Hongda University [14].At that time, a comrade said: "You have said so many reasons, and this is also a reason, and that is also a reason. When I started a war, I didn't have so many reasons. I just rushed." I told this comrade, you have your reasons, Your one "push" is correct, but you only have one "punch" is wrong, and you need to add one "punch" to become two "punches".Bravery is one "punch", resourcefulness is another "push", being brave but not resourceful is just one "punch", being wise and brave is two "push".Now, for another example, the elimination of the landlord class is a "chong", and the distribution of land to individual landlords is another "chong".To overthrow the Kuomintang is a "rush", and to fail to overthrow the Kuomintang staff is another "rush".Strategically, we must despise the enemy. This is a "rush".No imperialism is to be feared. They have many contradictions and many problems.There is a crisis in the United States, the Soviet Union is against it externally, and the people are against it internally.Chiang Kai-shek's people are not in harmony with each other, and the army's morale is not in harmony.We are not afraid of the United States aiding Chiang Kai-shek, and we are not afraid of Hu Zongnan having 200,000 people.But on specific issues we cannot underestimate the enemy, this is another "rush".We do not fight a battle we are not prepared for, we do not fight a battle we are not sure of, and in battle we must seize each position one by one.In short, think big and start small. The resolution [15] of the Enlarged Meeting of the Front Committee is very good, but it must be prepared for revision in the future.Last September, we revised the "May 4th Instructions" of the year before last, and proposed a policy of equal land distribution.[16]It might not be possible to propose an equal division of the land the year before last? Impossible, because at that time the determination to divide the land equally could not be made up.From the actual situation, it is better not to make up your mind at that time and make up your mind last September.We released Chiang Kai-shek during the Xi'an Incident, and now we propose to overthrow Chiang Kai-shek. This is not only not contradictory, but only by doing so can we avoid alienation from the masses.At that time, Chiang Kai-shek must be released, if not, our party will become divorced from the masses.We let him go, first fought Japanese imperialism, and implemented the policy of reducing rent and interest. As a result, we expanded the liberated areas, strengthened the PLA, and then moved on to the equalization of land.Two years before the surrender of the Japanese invaders, some places in the Taihang area were divided. They sent a telegram asking if they wanted to correct it? We told them that if they were divided, they should be divided, and there was no need to correct it.At that time, some areas could be allocated land, but it could not be implemented as a national policy.During the Anti-Japanese War, we cooperated with Chiang Kai-shek to reduce rent and interest. Compared with the policy of confiscating land from landlords and distributing it to peasants, is this a step back? It is a step back.After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, we still took a step back.What is the purpose of taking a step back? To prepare to move forward.Why did we exit Yan'an? Exiting Yan'an is to prepare to hit Xi'an.Take one step back, two steps forward, three steps forward.In our thinking and work, the policy of taking a step back is taken on our own initiative.Taking a step back at the beginning of the War of Resistance is not to admit that Chiang Kai-shek should not be overthrown and the land should not be divided, but because Japan has invaded China, and if we do not do so, we will make mistakes.Now it is correct to divide the land equally, and the peasants have this demand, but comrades must pay attention to correcting "Left" mistakes in work.If there are shortcomings and mistakes in our thinking and work, we must be ready to correct them at any time. This is called upholding the truth and correcting mistakes.The truth must be upheld, sometimes the truth is not recognized and understood by most people, and we must go against the "trend".Whether it is a mistake or a shortcoming, even if it is small, we must be ready to correct it. We must get used to listening to gossip, prepare to listen to gossip more, and use it as an opportunity to gather public opinion.There is a lot of gossip in the party school, and we let him talk about it. This is called legal gossip (it is called weird gossip in the army).There are two kinds of gossip, one is said by good people and the other is said by bad people.If it is said by a good person, it means that your leader probably has problems at work.This is the reason why we say that the Party should listen to gossip, and pay attention to collecting different opinions.If the opinions are consistent, there will be no disunity. Disunity is because there are different opinions that cannot be resolved.We need to collect different opinions like sorting out broken copper and iron, and after melting, prepare to correct our defects and mistakes in thinking and work.In the past, a comrade made a serious mistake. He heard someone gossiping about him in the next room, so he couldn't sleep all night and ran to me.I told him, your mistakes are quite big, and you have to be mentally prepared not to be gossiped by one person or a few people, but by hundreds of people. If you have such mental preparations and continue to work as usual, you will not gossip in the future. Someone told you.After a few months, people really stopped talking about him.This comrade is now dead.If mistakes are made in the course of work, who would not be free? If mistakes are made, they must be corrected. This is called adhering to the truth and correcting mistakes.We are going to collect different opinions, and a resolution has been reached. Different opinions can be expressed openly, and any opinion can be expressed.Under the leadership of the correct line, there will be shortcomings and mistakes. For example, there will be a few small bubbles in the middle of the rolling water of the Yellow River. We collect more opinions and recognize the shortcomings and mistakes in our work, so that we can reduce blindness. . Published based on the transcript of the speech kept by the Central Archives. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] Refers to Mao Zedong's written report "The Current Situation and Our Tasks" ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong" No. Volume, People's Publishing House, 1991 edition, pp. 1243-1260). [2] Hu Zongnan, then director of the Xi'an Appeasement Office of the Kuomintang Army. [3] Refers to the eight basic policies of the Communist Party of China announced in the "Manifesto of the Chinese People's Liberation Army" on October 10, 1947 ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong", Volume Four, People's Publishing House, 1991 edition, pp. 1237-1238) . [4] Mao Zedong's report at the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on December 25, 1947 is divided into eight parts.The decision of the meeting pointed out: "This report is a programmatic document of the Communist Party of China in all aspects of politics, military affairs, and economy during the entire period of overthrowing the reactionary Chiang Kai-shek ruling clique and establishing a new democratic China." [5] It seems to refer to the nine articles mentioned in the decision made at the first enlarged meeting of the Northwest Field Army Front Committee presided over by Peng Dehuai, deputy commander-in-chief of the Chinese People's Liberation Army in January 1948.The main contents are: (1) There are two basic tasks for our army to enter the Chiang Kai-shek area: one is to destroy the enemy in large numbers, and the other is to establish base areas. (2) After our army enters the enemy-occupied area, we must adhere to the ten major military principles pointed out by Mao Zedong in his report on December 25, 1947, and implement them flexibly and resolutely, so as to achieve the goal of annihilating the enemy's regular troops and strengthening the army. own purpose.At the same time, we must resolutely eliminate the reactionary landlords' armed forces, establish people's self-defense armed forces, and establish powerful armed working teams. (3) Regarding organizations such as religious superstition gangs, under the principle of not opposing our land reform and the actions of our army, we should win them to cooperate with us, or make them stand in a neutral position of goodwill, gradually divide them in the land reform movement, and strive for Its lower-level masses isolate its upper-level leaders.Students, faculty members and intellectuals in general must be protected. (4) Wherever our troops go, the Kuomintang, the Three Youth League and the Kuomintang government will all be abolished. (5) For industries and commerce, their operations must be protected, and there must be no sabotage such as confiscating materials and arresting people. (6) Army supplies should generally be requisitioned from the landlord class and captured from enemy warehouses.When necessary, borrow from rich peasants. (7) Our military's political work must adopt new methods: 1.Raise the class awareness of soldiers by means of complaining; 2.Establish a disciplinary duty system; 3.Establish various mutual aid groups, especially combat groups, as well as systems for recording credit, demerits, checking credits, checks, celebrations, and democratic judgments. (8) Must be good at using the gaps between battles for military training. (9) Under the policy of completely dividing land equally and eliminating feudal forces, landlords and rich peasants should no longer be recruited into the army.Continue to carry out complaints and "three investigations" campaigns, pay attention to absorbing poor activists into the party, strengthen the work of the party branch, and make the branch the core of leadership in the future. [6] See Chu Anping's "Comment on Bullitt's Partial and Unhealthy Visit to China Report", published in the ninth issue of the third volume of "Observation" magazine published on October 20, 1947. [7] Fu Sinian (1896-1950), a native of Liaocheng, Shandong.At that time, he was the director of the Institute of Historical Language, Academia Sinica.In July 1945, he visited Yan'an as a member of the National Political Council.On February 15, 1947, the "Century Review" published an article "Song Ziwen in this form must go", in which he said: "Today even capitalists have many sympathies with the Communist Party, which is unprecedented in the world. He (referring to Song Ziwen) ) served his government like this, needless to say about the people, he has no people in his heart anyway.” Today “there are so many things to do, and the first thing is to invite Song Ziwen away and completely eliminate Kong Song The two families erode the power of the country." [8] Song Ziwen (1894-1971), a native of Wenchang, Guangdong (now part of Hainan Province).He used to be the president of the Executive Yuan of the Kuomintang government. In September 1947, he became the chairman of the Guangdong Provincial Government of the Kuomintang. [9] Vice Chairman Zhou refers to Zhou Enlai. [10] Wang Shiwei (1906-1947), a native of Huangchuan, Henan.He once served as a special researcher in the Literature and Art Research Office of Yan'an Academia Sinica.During the rectification movement in 1942, he published articles such as "Politician and Artist", which were criticized and expelled from the party. At the end of the same year, he was imprisoned for "counter-revolutionary Trotskyists" and other issues.In 1946, he made a conclusion on his problem and designated him as a "counter-revolutionary Trotskyist spy".Wrongly executed in war circumstances in 1947.On February 7, 1991, the Ministry of Public Security officially issued the "Review Decision on Comrade Wang Shiwei's Trotskyist Issue".The decision said: "During the re-examination, no materials were found that Comrade Wang Shiwei participated in the Trotskyist organization. Therefore, the conclusion that he was designated as a 'counter-revolutionary Trotskyist spy' in 1946 was corrected, and Wang was wrongly executed in the context of the war and rehabilitated." rehabilitate." [11] At the enlarged meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held from July 21 to 23, 1947, it was decided that He Long, commander of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia-Shanxi-Sui Joint Defense Force, would lead the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region west of the Yellow River and the area beyond the Yellow River. The work in the Jinsui border area in the east will form a unified rear area to concentrate all manpower, material and financial resources to support the Northwest Liberation War. [12] Refers to the meeting held by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in Yangjiagou, Mizhi County, northern Shaanxi from December 25 to 28, 1947. [13] He Long (1896-1969), a native of Sangzhi, Hunan.At that time, he served as the commander of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia-Shanxi-Sui Joint Defense Force and the director of the Northwest Finance and Economics Office. [14] Hongda refers to the Chinese Anti-Japanese Red Army University founded in Wayaobao, northern Shaanxi in June 1936.In January 1937, it was renamed the Chinese People's Anti-Japanese Military and Political University, referred to as Anti-Japanese University. [15] Refers to the decision of the enlarged meeting of the Front Committee of the Northwest People's Liberation Army passed in January 1948.This decision stipulates the basic policies and principles that troops should follow after entering enemy-occupied areas, including the following nine items: the basic tasks of entering enemy-occupied areas; the operational objectives of entering enemy-occupied areas; and strategies; deal with Kuomintang reactionary organizations, corrupt officials, bullies, spies, and general innocent Kuomintang personnel in different situations; protection of industry and commerce; solution of military supplies; new methods of military political work; military training between battles; Purify the team to ensure the implementation of the party's policies. [16] On May 4, 1946, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the "Instructions on Land Issues" (commonly known as the "May 4th Instructions"), resolutely supporting the broad masses of farmers in their struggles against rape and liquidation, and reducing rent and interest. Landlords obtained land in their hands, and the practice of "land to the tiller" was practiced.This instruction made an important change to the policy of reducing rent and interest that the party implemented during the War of Resistance Against Japan.From July 17 to September 13, 1947, the Working Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a national land conference in Xibaipo, summed up the experience of land reform after the "May 4th Directive" was issued, and formulated the "Outline of China's Land Law" ".This outline affirmed the policy of the "May 4th Directive" to meet the peasants' land requirements, and corrected some incompleteness of this directive, clearly stipulated the abolition of the land system of feudal and semi-feudal exploitation, and the implementation of equal distribution of all land according to population.