Chapter 19 Learn from history and oppose great power chauvinism[1]

(September 24, 1956) We welcome you to China.We're glad you came.We have your support and the support of fraternal parties in various countries.Of course, we also support you and support all fraternal parties.The fronts of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Parties in the world are now united, no matter where they have won or where they have not yet won.But there have also been times of disunity.We have something to say sorry to you.In the past, we listened to the opinions of the Intelligence Bureau[2]. Although we did not participate in the Intelligence Bureau, it is hard not to support it.This happened in 1948.In 1949, the Intelligence Bureau called you executioners and Hitler[3] elements, but we did not say anything about that resolution.In 1948 we wrote an article[4] criticizing you.In fact, this approach should not be adopted, and we should discuss it with you.If some of your viewpoints are wrong, you can discuss them with you and let you criticize them yourself. There is no need to rush.Conversely, if you have opinions about us, you can also adopt this method, the method of consultation and persuasion.Criticism of foreign parties in newspapers has rarely been successful.This incident is a profound historical lesson for the international communist movement.You have suffered a loss, but for the international communist movement, you have learned a lesson from making mistakes.Be fully aware of this error.

You recognize the new China, we have neither answered nor objected.Of course we cannot and should not, and there is no reason to.When British imperialism recognized our country, we did not oppose it. When your socialist countries recognized it, what reason do you have to oppose it? There was also a reason why we did not answer you at that time, that is, our Soviet friends did not want us to establish diplomatic relations with you.Then is China an independent country? Of course it is an independent country.Since we are independent, why should we listen to their words? Comrade! At that time, the Soviet Union put forward such an opinion, and it was very difficult for us to disagree.At that time it was said that there were two Titos[5] in the world, one in Yugoslavia and one in China.Of course no resolution was made to say that Mao Zedong was Tito.I told Soviet comrades that you suspect that I am half Tito, but now they do not admit it.Since when did you take off half of Tito's hat? After the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea[6] hit U.S. imperialism, this hat was taken off.

The Wang Ming line[7] in the past was actually the Stalin line.It knocked down 90% of the power in our base areas at that time, and knocked down almost 100% of the white areas.Comrade Shaoqi also mentioned this point in his report to the Eighth National Congress[8].Why not publicly state that this is Stalin's line? There are also reasons for this.The Soviet Union could criticize Stalin openly, but our public criticism is not so good.We should have good relations with the Soviet Union.Maybe at some point it could be raised publicly.Things in the world are always like this, facts are facts.At that time the Third International[9] did many wrong things.The first two sections of the Third International were good, and the middle section was not good: it was good when Lenin was alive, and it was also good when Dimitrov[10] was in charge later.China's first Wang Ming line was carried out for four years, and it caused the greatest loss to the Chinese revolution.Wang Ming is recuperating in Moscow now, and we have to elect him as a member of the Central Committee.He is a teacher of our party, a professor, a priceless treasure that cannot be bought with money.He educated the whole party not to follow his line.

This is the first time we suffered from Stalin's loss. The second time was during the Anti-Japanese War.Wang Ming could meet Stalin directly, he could speak Russian, and he was very good at praising Stalin.Stalin sent him back home.In the past he was "Left" leaning, but this time he is leaning to the Right.In cooperating with the Kuomintang, he "dressed up and delivered to the door", and everything obeyed the Kuomintang.He put forward six major programs[11], overturning the ten major programs of our Party Central Committee[12], opposing the establishment of anti-Japanese base areas, and not wanting to have an army of his own, thinking that with Chiang Kai-shek, the world would be peaceful.We corrected this error.Chiang Kai-shek also "helped" us correct our mistakes.Wang Ming was "dressed up and sent to the door", while Chiang Kai-shek was "slapped in the face and driven out of the door".Chiang Kai-shek is the greatest teacher in China, who has educated the people of the whole country and all our party members.He taught with a machine gun, while Wang Ming taught with his mouth.

The third time was after the end of World War II and the surrender of Japan.Stalin held a meeting with Roosevelt and Churchill[13] and decided to give all of China to the United States and to Chiang Kai-shek.At that time, Stalin did not support our Communist Party materially and morally, especially morally, but supported Chiang Kai-shek.The decision was taken at the Yalta Conference[14].Stalin told Tito about this, and there is this conversation in Tito's autobiography. We were freer after the dissolution of the Communist International.Prior to this, we had already begun to criticize opportunism, launched a rectification movement[15], and criticized Wang Ming's line.The rectification movement actually criticized Stalin and the Third International for their mistakes in guiding the Chinese revolution, but we did not say a word about Stalin and the Third International.Maybe in the near future.There are two reasons for not mentioning it in the past: First, since the Chinese have listened to their words, the Chinese themselves should be responsible.Who told us to listen to their words? Who told us to make "left" and right-leaning mistakes? There are two kinds of Chinese people: one is the dogmatist, who just listens to Stalin; Don't listen to that, and criticize the dogmatists.Second, we do not wish to cause unhappiness in our relations with the Soviet Union.The Third International did not review these mistakes, and the Soviet Union did not mention these mistakes. If we criticize them, we will fall out with them.

The fourth time, it means that I am half Tito or quasi-Tito.Not only in the Soviet Union, but also in other socialist countries and non-socialist countries, quite a few people once doubted whether China was a real revolution. You may not understand why China still hangs a portrait of Stalin.Comrades in Moscow informed us that they no longer hang pictures of Stalin, and only show pictures of Lenin and other living leaders during the parade. Of course, they asked China to do so without saying anything.We are in a difficult situation.The Chinese people are not aware of Stalin's four mistakes, and neither is our entire Party.This is different from your situation. The people and the whole world know about your affairs.Our party knows the mistakes of Wang Ming's line twice, but the people don't know that these are mistakes from Stalin.As for Stalin's refusal to allow the Chinese revolution and his suspicion of me were part of Tito's fault, only our Party Central Committee knows.

We support the USSR as a center, which is good for the socialist movement.You may disagree on this point.Khrushchev [16] criticized Stalin, you welcome it from top to bottom, but we are different, our people are not satisfied.Therefore, China cannot do without a statue of Stalin.In the past, we carried portraits of Ma, En, Lenin, and Sri Lanka in parades, as well as portraits of several Chinese—Mao, Liu, Zhou, Zhu[17], and the leaders of the fraternal parties.Now we have adopted the "overthrow everything" approach: no one's portrait will be taken.This year's "May 1st" Ambassador Popovich was in Beijing. Didn't you see that there were no portraits in the parade? But there were five dead people——the portraits of Ma, En, Lie, S, and Sun[18], and one living person ——The portrait of Mao Zedong is still hanging.Just hang up.You Yugoslavs may say that the Soviet Union no longer hangs a portrait of Stalin, but you Chinese still do.

Up to now, some people still suspect that we cannot succeed in building socialism and say that we are a fake Communist Party. What can we do? If socialism cannot be built, it would be strange if it were to be built! Look, China may turn into an imperialism. In addition to the imperialism of the United States, Britain, and France, a fourth imperialism has emerged——China! Now China has no industry. , without capital, but after a hundred years, it will be powerful! With the resurrection of Genghis Khan[19], Europe will suffer again, and it may go to Yugoslavia! We must guard against the "yellow peril"!

Never! The Chinese Communist Party is a Marxist-Leninist political party, and the Chinese people are peace-loving.We believe that aggression is a crime, and we do not invade an inch of land or a blade of grass.We are peace-loving and Marxist. Internationally, we oppose great powerism.Although our industry is small, we are still a big country, so some people put their tails up.We tell these people, "Don't cock your tail, but hold your tail tightly and be a human being."When I was young, my mother often taught me to "tighten my tail and be a man".This sentence is very correct, and now I often say it to my comrades.

Domestically, we oppose Han chauvinism.This tendency jeopardizes the unity of nations.Both great-nation chauvinism and great-Han chauvinism are sectarianism.People with great nationalism only care about the interests of their own country and ignore others.Han chauvinism only cares about the Han people, and thinks that the Han people are the highest level, which endangers the minorities. In the past, some people believed that the Chinese were unwilling to be friendly with others, wanted to split with the Soviet Union, and wanted to become a disaster.Now, in socialist countries, there are fewer such people, and they have begun to decrease since the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea.But imperialism is different. The stronger China is, the more they are afraid of it.But they also know that China's industry is underdeveloped, and there is nothing to be afraid of because it only depends on the strength of its people.They are afraid of the Soviet Union first, and China second, our politics, and our influence in Asia.So they often say that China is terrible and will invade, and so on.

We are very cautious, not aggressive, and abide by the five principles[20].We have been bullied ourselves, and we know how hard it is to be bullied.Maybe you feel the same way? Regarding the future of China, it is socialism.It will take fifty to one hundred years for China to become a prosperous and powerful country.Now there is no obstacle to China's development.China is a big country, its population accounts for a quarter of the world's population, but its contribution to mankind does not match its population proportion.This situation will change in the future, but this is no longer a matter of my generation, nor of my son's generation.What it will be like in the future depends on development.China may also make mistakes, and it may also become corrupt. It will develop from a good stage to a bad stage, and then develop from a bad stage to a good stage.Of course, even if it is not good, it will not be as dark as Chiang Kai-shek's era. It is dialectical, that is, affirmation, negation, negation of negation, and such a tortuous development. Corruption, bureaucracy, great-nation chauvinism, arrogance and arrogance can all be committed by China.Now Chinese people have a humble attitude and are willing to learn from others. There are also reasons for this. We have no capital: 1. We did not have Marxism-Leninism before, but we learned from others; 2. We did not have the October Revolution, but it was during the October Revolution Thirty-two years later, we won the victory of the revolution in 1949; 3. In the Second World War, we were a detachment, not the main force; 4. We did not industrialize, mainly agriculture and dilapidated handicrafts.Therefore, even if some people want to raise their tails, they have no capital, at most they can raise their tails by a meter or two.But we have to prevent the future. It will be dangerous in ten or twenty years, and it will be even more dangerous in forty or fifty years. Comrades, I advise you to pay attention to this too.You have a relatively high degree of industrialization and rapid development, and Stalin punished you, but you are the ones who are reasonable, and the truth is on your side.This could all be your burden. The four mistakes Stalin made against us mentioned above may also become our burden.After decades of industrialization in China, the possibility of cocking its tail is even greater.After you go back, please tell your next generation that if China's tail rises above 10,000 meters in the future, it will be criticized.To monitor China, we need the whole world to monitor China.I was gone at that time, and went to see Marx for a congress. We were sorry to you in the past and owed you money.Murder to pay for life, debt to pay back money.We have written articles criticizing you, why are we still silent now? Before criticizing Stalin, some issues could not be explained so clearly.When I talked with Popovich in the past, I just said: If the Soviet Union does not criticize Stalin, we will not be able to criticize; if the Soviet Union does not restore relations with Yugoslavia, we will not be able to establish diplomatic relations with you.I can talk now about Stalin’s four mistakes, I have told them to my friends in the Soviet Union, I have told them to Eugene[21], and I will tell Khrushchev when I meet him in the future.You are comrades, so I told you about it, but it cannot be published in the newspapers yet, and the imperialists cannot know about it.In the future, there may be one or two mistakes to be made publicly.We are different from you, who mentioned Stalin's mistakes in Tito's autobiography because you broke off with the USSR. Stalin advocated dialectical materialism, but sometimes lacked materialism and was somewhat metaphysical; what he wrote was historical materialism, but what he wrote was often historical idealism.Some of his practices go to extremes, such as personal deification, embarrassment, etc., are not materialistic. Before I met Stalin, I was not very emotionally close to him.I don't like reading his works very much, I only read "On the Foundation of Leninism", a long article criticizing Trotsky[22], "Victory Goes to the Head", etc.I don't even like to read his articles about the Chinese revolution.He is different from Lenin. Lenin gave his heart to others and treated them equally, while Stalin stood on top of others and gave orders.This atmosphere is found in all his writings.I was even more unhappy when I saw him, and we had a lot of quarrels with him in Moscow.Stalin had a temper, and sometimes he became impulsive and said some inappropriate things. I once wrote some articles praising Stalin, a total of three[23]: one was written when he celebrated his 60th birthday in Yan’an, the second was a congratulatory speech in Moscow, and the third was in Pravda after his death " asked me to write.I never want to congratulate people, and I don't want people to congratulate me.But if you go to Moscow to celebrate his birthday, if you don’t sing him praises, can you scold him? After his death, the Soviet Union needs our support, and we also want to support the Soviet Union, so we wrote the article that praised him.This is not for Stalin personally, but for the Soviet Party.In the Yan'an article, I threw away my personal feelings and regarded him as the leader of a socialist country.That article is still more alive, the other two are not out of the heart, but out of necessity.People's lives are so contradictory. I don't want to write emotionally, but I can't do otherwise intellectually. After Moscow criticized Stalin, we can talk about these things.I have told you about his four mistakes today, but in order to maintain relations with the Soviet Union, it is inconvenient to speak publicly in newspapers.In Khrushchov's report [24], only one issue was mentioned about the mistakes Stalin made against us, so it is not convenient for us to talk about it publicly.There are still contradictions. The USSR, in general, was good in general.They have four good things: Marxism-Leninism, the October Revolution, the main force, and industrialization.They also have a dark side, something wrong.Grades are primary, mistakes are secondary.The enemy is using criticism of Stalin to attack the world, we should support the Soviet Union.Their mistakes will be corrected.Mistakes against Yugoslavia have been corrected by Khrushchev.They already understood Wang Ming's mistakes, but they were unwilling to criticize Wang Ming in the past.They also removed the "half Tito" hat, for a total of one and a half Titos.Hats off to Tito, we're happy. Some of our people are not satisfied with Stalin's criticism.But this kind of criticism is good. It breaks the apotheosis and lifts the cover. This is a kind of liberation, a "war of liberation", where everyone dares to speak out and people can think about problems.This is also affirmation, negation, negation of negation. Liberty, equality, fraternity are the watchwords of the bourgeoisie, and now we are fighting for them instead.Is it a father-son party, or a fraternal party? It used to be a father-son party, but now it has some semblance of a brother party, but there are still some remnants of the father-son party.This is also understandable, the remnants cannot be cleared up in a day.After removing the cover, people can think freely and independently.It's kind of anti-feudal now.The transition from the father-son party to the brother party opposed the patriarchal system.At that time, ideological control was very strict, better than feudal rule.You can't listen to a word of criticism, but some enlightened monarchs in the past could listen to criticism.You Yugoslavia also had such a monarch, and others can point their noses at him and scold him.The capitalist society has gone one step further than the feudal era, and the two parties in the United States-the Republican Party and the Democratic Party can scold each other.We, a socialist country, must think of a way.Of course, it will not work without centralization and unification, and consistency must be maintained.The unity of the will of the people is beneficial to us, enabling us to achieve industrialization in a short period of time and to deal with imperialism.But this also has disadvantages, that is, it makes people afraid to speak, so it is necessary to give people a chance to speak.Our comrades in the Politburo are all thinking about these issues. Few people in my country criticize me openly, and my shortcomings and mistakes are forgiven.Because we always serve the people and do some good things for the people.Although we also have commandism and bureaucracy, the people feel that we have done more good things than bad things, so they praise us more and criticize us less.This creates an idol. When someone criticizes me, everyone opposes him, saying that he does not respect the leader.I and other comrades in the Central Committee receive an average of 300 letters every day, and there are always a few letters criticizing us, but none of them are signed or signed under pseudonyms.They are not afraid that I will punish him, but they are afraid that the people around him will punish him. The "On the Ten Major Relationships" you mentioned is the result of a one-and-a-half-month discussion with thirty-four ministers.What opinions can I personally offer? I just summed up other people's opinions, not my creation.To manufacture anything, there must be raw materials and factories.But I am no longer a good factory. It is old and needs to be improved and re-equipped, just like the factories in England need to be refitted.I'm old, I can't play the leading role, I can only play a role.You see, at the Party Congress this time, I was playing tricks, while Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping[25] and other comrades performed the show. According to the "Mao Zedong Diplomatic Selected Works" published in 1994 by Central Literature Publishing House and World Knowledge Publishing House. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] This is a conversation between Mao Zedong and the Yugoslav Communist League delegation attending the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China. [2] The Intelligence Bureau refers to the Intelligence Bureau of the Communist Party and the Workers' Party. It was established at the Workers' Party Congress.In June 1948 and November 1949, the Intelligence Bureau meeting successively passed the resolutions "Resolution on the Situation of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia" and "The Communist Party of Yugoslavia in the Hands of Murderers and Spies".In April 1956, the Intelligence Bureau announced the cessation of activities. [3] Hitler, see note [3] on page 75 of this volume. [4] Refers to the article "On Internationalism and Nationalism" published by "People's Daily" on November 7, 1948. [5] Tito, see note [20] on page 48 of this volume. [6] Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, see note [2] on page 45 of this volume. [7] Wang Ming's line refers to the "Left" adventurism mistakes represented by Wang Ming.See note [18] on page 47 of this volume. [8] The Eighth National Congress, the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China.See note [2] on page 98 of this volume. [9] The Third International, namely the Communist International, see note [7] on page 57 of this volume. [10] Dimitrov (1882-1949), a Bulgarian, is a famous activist in the International Communist Movement.From 1935 to 1943, he served as General Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. [11] Refers to the six tasks that must be achieved in the War of Resistance Against Japan proposed by Wang Ming in "The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China Is Blind to the Current Situation" published in Wuhan on December 25, 1937 (also known as the Six Outlines) ), that is: 1. Mobilize the armed forces, manpower, intelligence, financial and material resources of the whole of China to continue the long-term war of resistance against the defending land; 2. Consolidate and expand the unified National Revolutionary Army of the whole of China; Fourth, implement the national defense economic policy; fifth, establish and consolidate the rear, mobilize and organize the general public to assist the army and the government to actively resist the war; sixth, expand international publicity and increase international aid.These six programs canceled the "Ten Programs of the Communist Party of China for Anti-Japanese and National Salvation" on political and economic reforms and the abolition of the Kuomintang's one-party dictatorship, and proposed that the people's anti-Japanese armed forces led by the Communist Party should accept the "unified command" of the Kuomintang government.This gave up the independent status of the Communist Party of China in the War of Resistance and its leadership over the united front, which was a serious setback to the "Ten Programs". [12] Refers to the "Ten Programs of the Chinese Communist Party for Anti-Japanese and National Salvation" adopted by the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (Luochuan Meeting) in August 1937, namely: 1. Overthrow Japanese imperialism; 2. General mobilization of the national military; 3. General mobilization of the people of the whole country; 4. Reform of political institutions; 5. Anti-Japanese foreign policy; 6. Wartime financial and economic policies; 7. Improvement of people's lives; 10. National unity in the Anti-Japanese War. [13] Roosevelt (1882-1945), an American Democrat, served as President of the United States from 1933 to 1945.Churchill (1874-1965), a British Conservative Party member, served as Prime Minister of the British Wartime Coalition Cabinet from 1940 to 1945. [14] The Yalta Conference, also known as the Crimea Conference, was held in Yalta on the Crimean Peninsula of the Soviet Union from February 4th to 11th, 1945.The meeting coordinated the military plan to finally defeat Germany, discussed the post-war arrangements in Europe and the war against Japan, and signed the "Communication of the Crimea Conference of the Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom, and France" on the divisional occupation of the Soviet Union, the United States, Britain, and France. Agreement was reached on the question of the regulation of Germany and the question of Poland.At the meeting, the "Agreement of the Soviet Union, the United States, Britain and the United Kingdom on Japan" (referred to as the "Yalta Agreement") was secretly signed, stipulating that the Soviet Union would participate in the war against Japan within two or three months after the end of the European War; the United States and Britain promised to maintain the Mongolian People's Republic The status quo; restore Russia's lost territories after the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and its various rights and interests in Northeast China; return the Kuril Islands to the Soviet Union.At the meeting, the Soviet Union expressed its readiness to sign an agreement of friendship and alliance with the Chinese Kuomintang government. [15] Rectification movement, see note [13] on page 59 of this volume. [16] Khrushchev (1894-1971), then the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. [17] Mao, refers to Mao Zedong.Liu, referring to Liu Shaoqi.Zhou refers to Zhou Enlai.Zhu, refers to Zhu De. [18] Sun, referring to Sun Yat-sen. [19] Genghis Khan (1162-1227), Yuan Taizu, named Temujin.In 1206, all Mongolian ministries were unified and the Mongolian Khanate was established, called Genghis Khan.He has repeatedly led expeditionary forces to invade Central Asia, West Asia, Eastern Europe and other regions, causing great damage to these regions. [20] The Five Principles refer to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, including mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.From December 1953 to April 1954, the Chinese government delegation and the Indian government delegation held negotiations in Beijing on the relationship between the two countries in Tibet, China.These five principles were put forward in Premier Zhou Enlai's conversation with the Indian government delegation at the beginning of the negotiations, and were later formally written into the preamble of the "Agreement on Trade and Communication between China's Tibet Region and India" reached by the two sides.The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence were adopted in the joint statement of Premier Zhou Enlai and Indian Prime Minister Nehru in June 1954 and in many international documents since then.The Five Principles have been widely recognized and used in the world as the norms governing the relations between countries. [21] Eugene, then the Soviet ambassador to China. [22] Refers to Stalin’s Trotskyism or Leninism? "One article (Volume 6 of "The Complete Works of Stalin", People's Publishing House, 1956 edition, pp. 281-309). [23] Refers to "Stalin is a Friend of the Chinese People" published in the "New China News" on December 20, 1939, "Celebrating Stalin's 7th anniversary in Moscow" on December 21, 1949. Greetings at the Tenth Birthday Congress" and "The Greatest Friendship" published in the "People's Daily" in memory of Stalin on March 9, 1953. [24] Refers to the secret report "On Overcoming the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences" delivered by Khrushchev at the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on February 25, 1956. [25] Deng Xiaoping was a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Secretary-General of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China at that time.At the First Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held on September 28, 1956, he was elected as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and general secretary of the Central Committee.