Chapter 8 On Ten Relationships[1]

(April 25, 1956) In recent months, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee has listened to the work reports of 34 central departments of industry, agriculture, transportation, commerce, and finance, and has seen some problems related to socialist construction and socialist transformation.Taken together, there are a total of ten questions, that is, ten relationships. These ten questions are raised around one basic policy, which is to mobilize all positive factors at home and abroad to serve the cause of socialism.In the past, in order to end the rule of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism, and for the victory of the people's democratic revolution, we implemented the policy of mobilizing all positive factors.Now we are also following this policy in order to carry out the socialist revolution and build a socialist country.However, there are still some issues in our work that need to be discussed.It is particularly worth noting that the Soviet Union has recently exposed some of their shortcomings and mistakes in the process of building socialism. Do you still want to take the detours they have taken? Now, of course, it is even more important to take precautions.

What are the positive factors at home and abroad? At home, workers and peasants are the basic forces.The middle power is the power to fight for.Although reactionary forces are a negative factor, we still have to do a good job and try to turn negative factors into positive ones.In the international arena, all forces that can be united must be united, those who are not neutral can strive to become neutral, and those who are reactionary can also be divided and used.In short, we must mobilize all direct and indirect forces and strive to build our country into a powerful socialist country. I will address ten questions below.

The relationship between heavy industry, light industry and agriculture Heavy industry is the focus of our country's construction.Priority must be given to developing the production of the means of production; this has already been decided.But the production of means of subsistence, especially food, must not be neglected for this reason.If there is not enough food and other necessities of life, first of all, we cannot feed the workers. How can we talk about the development of heavy industry? Therefore, the relationship between heavy industry, light industry, and agriculture must be properly handled.

In dealing with the relationship between heavy industry, light industry and agriculture, we have not made mistakes of principle.We have done better than the Soviet Union and some Eastern European countries.Problems such as the long-term failure of the grain output of the Soviet Union to reach the highest level before the revolution, and serious problems caused by the unbalanced development of light and heavy industries in some Eastern European countries do not exist here.They one-sidedly focused on heavy industry and neglected agriculture and light industry, so there were not enough goods on the market and the currency was unstable.We pay more attention to agriculture and light industry.We have always focused on agriculture and developed it, which has ensured to a considerable extent the grain and raw materials needed for the development of industry.Our daily necessities are relatively abundant, and prices and currencies are stable.

The problem we have now is to properly adjust the investment ratio between heavy industry, agriculture and light industry, and develop agriculture and light industry more.In this way, is heavy industry no longer the main focus? It is still the main focus and the focus of investment.However, the proportion of investment in agriculture and light industry should be a little heavier. What is the result of aggravation? As a result of aggravation, one can better meet the needs of the people's lives, and two can increase the accumulation of funds faster, so that more and better heavy industries can be developed.Heavy industry can also accumulate, but under our current economic conditions, light industry and agriculture can accumulate more and faster.

A question arises here. Do you really think about the development of heavy industry or do you imagine it? Do you think more strongly or not? If you are imagining or thinking less, then attack agriculture and light industry and invest less in them. .If you really think about it, or think about it badly, then you should focus on agriculture and light industry, so that there will be more food and raw materials for light industry, more accumulation, and more funds invested in heavy industry in the future. We can now develop heavy industry in two ways, one is to develop less agriculture and light industry, and the other is to develop more agriculture and light industry.From a long-term point of view, the former method will make the development of heavy industry less and slower, at least the foundation will not be so solid, and it will not be worthwhile to settle the accounts after a few decades.The latter method will lead to more and faster development of heavy industry, and since the needs of the people's livelihood are guaranteed, the foundation for its development will be more solid.

2. Relationship between Coastal Industry and Inland Industry Our country's industry used to be concentrated along the coast.The so-called coastal areas refer to Liaoning, Hebei, Beijing, Tianjin, eastern Henan, Shandong, Anhui, Jiangsu, Shanghai, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, and Guangxi.About 70 percent of all our country's light and heavy industries are located along the coast, and only 30 percent are located in the interior.This is an unreasonable situation formed in history.The coastal industrial base must be fully utilized, but in order to balance the layout of industrial development, the inland industry must vigorously develop.On the issue of the relationship between the two, we have not made any major mistakes. It is just that in recent years, we have underestimated the coastal industry and paid less attention to its development.This needs to be changed.

North Korea was still at war in the past, and the international situation was still very tense, which had to affect our views on coastal industries.Now, it is estimated that a new war of aggression against China and a new world war will not be fought in a short period of time, and there may be a peaceful period of ten years or longer.In this way, it would be wrong if we did not make full use of the equipment capabilities and technical strength of the coastal industries.Not to mention ten years, even if it is five years, we should take good care of the industries along the coast for four years, and wait until the fifth year to fight before moving.Judging from the existing materials, the construction and accumulation of light industry factories are generally very fast. After they are all put into operation, within four years, in addition to recovering the investment in the factory, they can also earn back three factories, two factories, and one factory. At least half of the plant.Why not do such a good thing? It is wrong to think that the atomic bomb is already on our heads and is about to fall in a few seconds.

This is not to say that new factories are being built along the coast.There is no doubt that most of the new industries should be placed in the interior to gradually balance the industrial layout and facilitate preparations for war.But some new factories and mines can also be established along the coast, and some of them can also be large.As for the expansion and reconstruction of the original light and heavy industries along the coast, some have already been done in the past, and great development will be made in the future. Making good use of and developing the old base of industry along the coast will give us greater strength to develop and support the industry in the interior.If a negative attitude is adopted, it will hinder the rapid development of inland industries.So this is also a question of whether the development of inland industries is real or imaginary.If it is true, not imaginary, we must make greater use of and develop coastal industries, especially light industry.

The relationship between economic construction and national defense construction National defense is indispensable.Now, we have a certain national defense force.After the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea[2] and several years of training, our army has been strengthened, stronger than the Soviet Red Army before World War II, and its equipment has also been improved.Our defense industry is being built.Since Pangu created the world, we didn't know how to build airplanes or cars, but now we can. We don't have an atomic bomb yet.However, in the past we did not have airplanes or artillery either. We defeated Japanese imperialism and Chiang Kai-shek with millets and rifles.We are already stronger than in the past, and we will be stronger in the future. Not only will we have more planes and cannons, but we will also have atomic bombs.In today's world, if we want not to be bullied by others, we cannot live without this thing.What should we do? The sure way is to reduce military and administrative expenses to an appropriate ratio and increase economic construction expenses.Only when economic construction develops faster can national defense construction make greater progress.

In 1950, at the Third Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Party, we already raised the issue of streamlining state institutions and reducing military and administrative expenses, and considered this to be one of the three conditions for a fundamental improvement in our country's financial and economic situation.During the first five-year plan[3], military and administrative expenses accounted for 30 percent of the total expenditure of the state budget.This proportion is too large.During the period of the Second Five-Year Plan[4], it should be reduced to about 20 percent so that more funds can be allocated to open more factories and build more machines.After a while, we will not only have many airplanes and cannons, but we may also have our own atomic bomb. There is also a question here. Do you really want the atomic bomb, do you want it very much, or do you only want it a little bit, but not very much? If you really want it, you want it very much, you should reduce the proportion of military and political expenses and do more. economic development.If you don't really want it, or want it very much, you still follow the old rules.This is a matter of strategic policy, and I hope the Military Commission will discuss it. Now let's lay off all the soldiers, okay? That's not good.Because there are still enemies, we are still being bullied and surrounded by them! We must strengthen our national defense, therefore, we must first strengthen economic construction. 4. Relationship between countries, production units and individual producers The relationship between the state and factories and cooperatives, and the relationship between factories, cooperatives and individual producers must be properly handled.For this reason, we must not only consider one aspect, but must take into account the three aspects of the country, the collective, and the individual, which is what we used to say in the past, "combining military and civilian considerations" and "combining public and private considerations".Given the experience of the Soviet Union and our own, it is imperative that this issue be better addressed in the future. Take the workers as an example, as their labor productivity increases, their working conditions and collective welfare need to be gradually improved.We have always advocated hard work and opposed putting personal material interests above everything else. At the same time, we have always advocated caring for the lives of the masses and opposed bureaucracy that does not care about the well-being of the masses.With the development of the entire national economy, wages also need to be adjusted appropriately.With regard to wages, it has recently been decided to increase some, mainly at the bottom, on the workers' side, so as to narrow the gap between the two sides.Our wages are generally not high, but because more people are employed, because prices are low and stable, plus various other conditions, workers' lives have improved a lot compared to the past.Under the proletarian regime, the political awareness and labor enthusiasm of the workers have always been high.At the end of last year, the central government called for anti-rightist conservatism, and the workers enthusiastically supported it. They fought hard for three months and exceeded the plan for the first quarter of this year.We need to vigorously carry forward their hard-working spirit, and also need to pay more attention to solving their pressing problems in work and life. Here we must also talk about the independence of the factories under unified leadership.It may not be appropriate to centralize everything in the central government or provinces and cities without giving factories any power, room for maneuver, or profit.We don't have much experience, and we still need to study how big the rights and interests of the central government, provinces and cities, and factories should be.In principle, unity and independence are the unity of opposites, and there must be unity and independence.For example, when we have a meeting now, it is unity. After the meeting, some people go for a walk, some people read, and some people eat, which is independence.If we don't give everyone independence after the meeting ends, and keep holding the meeting endlessly, won't everyone die? This is true for individuals, and it is also true for factories and other production units.Each production unit must have an independence connected with unity, so that it can develop more vigorously. Let's talk about farmers.Our relations with the peasants have always been good, but we once made a mistake on the grain question.In 1954, the floods in some areas of our country reduced production, but we purchased 7 billion catties of grain in excess.In this way, one reduction and one increase caused a commotion last spring in many places where almost everyone was talking about grain, and every household was talking about unified marketing.The peasants have opinions, and there are many opinions both inside and outside the Party.Although many people deliberately exaggerated and took the opportunity to attack, it cannot be said that we have no shortcomings.Insufficient investigation, lack of clarity, and an excess of 7 billion catties were purchased. This is a shortcoming.We discovered our shortcomings. In 1955, we purchased 7 billion catties less, and instituted a "three orders", that is, fixed production, purchase, and sales. More than 20 billion catties of grain.In this way, the peasants who had opinions in the past also said that "the Communist Party is really good".The whole party must remember this lesson. The methods of the Soviet Union dug the peasants very hard.They adopted methods such as the so-called compulsory handover system[5] to take away too much of what the peasants had produced, at an extremely low price.By accumulating capital in this way, the enthusiasm of farmers for production has been greatly damaged.You want the hen to lay more eggs without giving it rice to eat, and you want the horse to run well, but you also want the horse not to eat grass.How can there be such a reason in the world! Our policy towards the peasants is not that of the Soviet Union, but takes into account the interests of the country and the peasants.Our farm taxes have historically been relatively light.For the exchange of industrial and agricultural products, we adopt the policy of narrowing the scissors gap, equal exchange or almost equal exchange.We purchase agricultural products at normal prices, farmers do not suffer, and the purchase prices have gradually increased.In terms of supplying industrial products to farmers, we adopt a policy of small profits but quick turnover, stable prices or appropriate price reductions. In terms of supplying grain to farmers in food-deficient areas, we generally provide a slight subsidy.But even so, if you are careless, you will still make mistakes of one kind or another.In view of the serious mistakes made by the Soviet Union on this issue, we must pay more attention to handling the relationship between the state and the peasants. The relationship between cooperatives and farmers must also be properly handled.Of the income of the co-operatives, how much the state gets, how much the co-operatives get, how much the peasants get, and how to get it must all be properly regulated.The part that the cooperative takes is directly for the farmers.Needless to say, production costs, management fees are also necessary, provident funds are for expanding reproduction, and public welfare funds are for the welfare of farmers.However, the proportion of each of these items should be determined with the peasants in a reasonable proportion.Production costs and management costs must be saved.The provident fund and the public welfare fund also need to be controlled, and we cannot hope to complete all good deeds in one year. Except when encountering catastrophic natural disasters, on the basis of increasing agricultural production, we must strive to increase the annual income of 90% of the members from the previous year, and keep the income of 10% of the members unchanged. , if there is a decrease, we must find a way to solve it as soon as possible. In short, the state and the factory, the state and the workers, the factory and the workers, the state and the co-operatives, the state and the peasants, and the co-operatives and the peasants must take care of both, not just one.No matter which one you focus on, it is not conducive to socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat.This is a major issue that concerns 600 million people, and it must be educated repeatedly among the entire Party and the people of the whole country. Five Central and local relations The relationship between the central and local governments is also a contradiction.To resolve this contradiction, what should be noted at present is that on the premise of consolidating the unified leadership of the central government, the power of the localities should be expanded a little, and the localities should be given more independence to do more things.This is more beneficial for us to build a strong socialist country.Our country is so big, with such a large population, and the situation is so complicated, it is much better to have two initiatives, the central and the local, than just one.We can't centralize everything in the center like the Soviet Union did, and the localities are tightly stuck, with no mobility at all. The central government wants to develop industry, and the localities also need to develop industry.Even industries directly under the central government still rely on local assistance.As for agriculture and commerce, it is more dependent on the locality.In short, in order to develop socialist construction, the enthusiasm of the localities must be brought into play.If the central government wants to consolidate, it must pay attention to local interests. Dozens of hands are now inserted into the localities, making it difficult to handle local affairs.To establish a ministry requires revolution, and to make revolution requires issuing orders.If the ministries are unable to issue orders to the provincial party committee and the provincial people's committee, they will form a line with the provincial and municipal bureaus and bureaus and issue orders to the bureaus every day.Although the Party Central Committee and the State Council did not know about these orders, they all said that they came from the Central Committee, which put a lot of pressure on the local government.There are so many reports, causing a flood of trouble.This situation must be corrected. We should promote the style of consulting with local governments.When the Party Central Committee handles affairs, it always consults with the localities, and never issues orders after consultations with different localities.In this regard, I hope that all the ministries of the central government will pay attention to all matters related to the localities, they must first discuss with the localities, and after the consultations, they will issue orders. Central departments can be divided into two categories.In one category, their leaders can manage all the way to the enterprise, and their local management agencies and enterprises are supervised by the local government; in the other category, their task is to propose guidelines and formulate work plans, and things must be handled by the local government. to deal with. Handling the relationship between the central government and local governments is a very important issue for a big country like ours.Some capitalist countries have also paid great attention to this problem.Their systems are fundamentally different from ours, but the experience of their development is still worthy of our study.Taking our own experience as an example, the large district system [6] we implemented in the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China was necessary at the time, but it also had shortcomings. The later Gao-Rao Anti-Party Alliance [7] took advantage of this shortcoming to some extent.In the future, it was decided to abolish the large regions, and the provinces will be directly under the central government. This is correct.But this leads to the abolition of the necessary independence of place, and the result is not so good.Our Constitution states that legislative power is centralized at the centre.However, under the condition of not violating the policies of the central government, according to the situation and the needs of the work, local governments can formulate charters, regulations, and measures, which are not restricted by the Constitution.We want to be unified, but also special.In order to build a strong socialist country, there must be a strong and unified leadership of the central government, and there must be a unified plan and discipline throughout the country. It is not permissible to undermine this necessary unity.At the same time, it is necessary to give full play to the enthusiasm of the localities, and each locality must have special features suitable for the local conditions.This particularity is not that of Gao Gang, but is necessary for the interests of the whole and for the strengthening of national unity. There is also the issue of the relationship between localities. What we are talking about here is mainly the relationship between local governments and subordinates.If the provinces and cities have opinions on the central departments, do the prefectures, counties, districts, and townships have no objections to the provinces and cities? Can be framed too rigidly.Of course, we must also tell the comrades below which matters must be unified and not mess around.In short, what can and should be unified must be unified, and what cannot and should not be unified cannot be forced to be unified.All provinces, cities, prefectures, counties, districts, and townships should have legitimate independence and legitimate rights, and all should strive for them.This kind of power struggle based on the overall interests of the whole country is not a power struggle based on self-interest. It cannot be called localism or independence. The relationship between provinces and cities is also a kind of relationship between localities, and it must be handled well.Our principle has always been to advocate taking the overall situation into consideration, mutual assistance and mutual accommodation. We do not have much experience and are immature in solving the problem of the relationship between the central government and the localities, and between localities. I hope you will study and discuss it carefully, and every time you pass, you will sum up your experience, carry forward your achievements, and overcome your shortcomings. The relationship between the Han nationality and the minority nationalities With regard to the relationship between the Han nationality and the ethnic minorities, our policies are relatively stable and are more favored by the ethnic minorities.We focus on opposing Han chauvinism.Local nationalism is also opposed, but that is generally not the point. The ethnic minorities in our country are small in number and occupy a large area.In terms of population, the Han nationality accounts for 94%, which is an overwhelming advantage.It would be very bad if the Han people practice Han chauvinism and discriminate against ethnic minorities.And who has more land? Minorities have more land, accounting for 50 to 60 percent.We say that China has a large land and abundant resources and a large population. In fact, it is the Han people who have a "large population" and the ethnic minorities who have a "large land and resources". All ethnic minorities have made contributions to the history of China.The large population of the Han nationality is also formed by the mixing of many ethnic groups over a long period of time.The reactionary rulers in history, mainly the reactionary rulers of the Han nationality, once created all kinds of barriers among our various ethnic groups and bullied the minorities.The influence of this situation will not be easily eliminated quickly even among the working people.Therefore, we must educate both the cadres and the masses on a broad and sustained basis on proletarian ethnic policy, and we must always pay attention to checking the relationship between the Han nationality and the minority nationalities.An inspection had been done two years earlier, and it was time to do it again.If the relationship is not normal, it must be dealt with seriously, not just talking about it. In ethnic minority areas, the economic management system and financial system should be carefully studied. We must sincerely and actively help ethnic minorities develop their economic and cultural development.In the Soviet Union, the relationship between Russian nationalities and minority nationalities is very abnormal, and we should learn this lesson.The air in the sky, the forests on the earth and the treasures under the ground are all important factors needed for the construction of socialism, and all material factors can only be developed and utilized through the human factor.We must improve the relationship between the Han nationality and the minority nationalities, consolidate the unity of all nationalities, and work together to build a great socialist motherland. Seven-Party and Non-Party Relations Is it better to have one party or several parties? Looking at it now, I am afraid that several parties are better.Not only has it been like this in the past, but it will also be like this in the future, that is, long-term coexistence and mutual supervision. In our country, many democratic parties formed during the anti-Japanese and anti-Chiang struggles, with the national bourgeoisie and its intellectuals as the mainstay, still exist today.In this we are different from the Soviet Union.We consciously keep the democratic parties, let them have the opportunity to express their opinions, and adopt a policy of unity and struggle against them.We must unite with all democrats who have expressed their opinions to us in good faith.We should continue to mobilize the enthusiasm of patriotic Kuomintang military and political personnel like Wei Lihuang and Weng Wenhao[8].Even those who scold us, such as Long Yun, Liang Shuming, Peng Yihu[9], etc., we have to raise them up and let them scold us.This is more beneficial to the party, the people, and socialism. Since there are still classes and class struggles in China, there will be various forms of opposition.Although all democratic parties and democrats without party affiliation claim to accept the leadership of the Communist Party of China, many of them are actually opposition parties to varying degrees.On issues such as "carrying out the revolution to the end", resisting U.S. aggression and aiding Korea, and land reform[10], they both opposed and did not oppose it.With regard to the suppression of counter-revolutionaries[11], they still have opinions to this day.They said that the "Common Program" [12] was very good, and they didn't want to have a socialist type of constitution, but when the constitution was drafted, they all raised their hands in favor.Things often turn out to be their opposite, and the same goes for Democrats on many issues.They are the opposition, but they are not the opposition. They often go from opposing to not opposing. Both the Communist Party and the Democratic parties happened historically.Everything that happened in history will be wiped out in history.Therefore, the Communist Party will be eliminated one day, and the democratic parties will also be eliminated one day.Extermination is so uncomfortable? I think it is very comfortable.The Communist Party, the dictatorship of the proletariat, one day it will be gone, I think it is really good.Our task is to promote their elimination earlier.We have said this many times in the past. However, the proletarian party and the dictatorship of the proletariat must exist now and must continue to be strengthened.Otherwise, counter-revolutionaries cannot be suppressed, imperialism cannot be resisted, socialism cannot be built, nor can it be consolidated after being built.Lenin's theory of the proletarian party and the dictatorship of the proletariat is by no means "outdated" as some say.The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be without great compulsion.However, bureaucracy and large institutions must be opposed.On the condition that one does not kill people and the other does not waste work, I suggest that the party and government organizations be greatly streamlined and cut down by two-thirds. Having said that, party and government organizations should be streamlined, not to say that there should be no democratic parties.I hope that you will grasp the work of the united front, improve their relationship with us, and mobilize their enthusiasm to serve socialism as much as possible. 8. Relationship between revolution and counter-revolution What is a counter-revolutionary factor? It is a negative factor, a destructive factor, and an opposing force to a positive factor.Can counter-revolutionaries be transformed? Of course, some steadfast counter-revolutionaries will not be transformed.However, under the conditions of our country, most of them will change to varying degrees in the future.Thanks to the correct policy we have adopted, quite a few counter-revolutionaries have been transformed into non-counter-revolutionaries, and some of them have done some useful things. There are a few things that should be affirmed: First, it should be affirmed that the suppression of counter-revolutionaries in 1951 and 1952 was necessary.There is such an opinion that the suppression of counter-revolutionaries does not need to be carried out.This opinion is wrong. The way to deal with counter-revolutionaries is: kill, imprison, manage, and release.Kill, everyone knows what is going on.Shutdown means being locked up for reform through labor.Management is to put it in the society and be supervised and reformed by the masses.Let go, that is, those who can be caught but not caught are generally not caught, or if they behave well after being caught, let them go.According to different situations, it is necessary to deal with counter-revolutionaries differently. Now just say kill.The suppression of counter-revolutionaries killed a group of people. Who were they? They were counter-revolutionaries who were hated by the common people and whose blood was heavily indebted.In the great revolution of 600 million people, the people cannot rise without killing those "east tyrants" and "west tyrants".Without that crackdown, it would be impossible for the common people to approve of our leniency policy today.Now some people have heard that Stalin killed some wrong people, so they say that the counter-revolutionaries we killed were also wrong. This is wrong.It is certain that killing the right in the past has practical significance in the present. The second point is that there are still counter-revolutionaries, but they have been greatly reduced.After the issue of Hu Feng [13] came out, it was necessary to investigate counter-revolutionaries.For some that have not been cleared out, the investigation will continue.We must be sure that there are still a small number of counter-revolutionaries who are still carrying out various counter-revolutionary sabotage activities, such as killing cattle, burning grain, destroying factories, stealing information, and putting up reactionary slogans, etc.Therefore, it is wrong to say that the counter-revolutionaries have been wiped out and that we can rest easy.As long as there is class struggle in China and the world, we must never let our guard down.However, it is also wrong to say that there are still many counter-revolutionaries. The third point is to suppress counter-revolutionaries in society in the future, we should catch less and kill less.Because the counter-revolutionaries in society are the direct enemies of the common people, the common people hate them to the core, so a few people still want to kill them.Most of them will be handed over to agricultural cooperatives to control production and reform through labor.However, we cannot yet declare a no-kill and cannot abolish the death penalty. The fourth point is that in investigating counter-revolutionaries in government agencies, schools, and troops, we must adhere to the one that started in Yan'an, that is, not to kill any of them, and not to arrest most of them.Counter-revolutionaries based on real evidence will be investigated by the authorities, but the Public Security Bureau will not arrest them, the procuratorate will not prosecute them, and the court will not try them.Out of one hundred counter-revolutionaries, ninety-odd were handled in this way.This is the so-called not catching most of them.As for killing, one does not kill. What kind of people are not killed? People like Hu Feng, Pan Hannian, and Rao Shushi[14] are not killed, and even the captured war criminals Emperor Xuantong and Kang Ze[15] are not killed.Not killing them is not that there is no crime to kill, but that killing them is disadvantageous.If such a person kills one, the second and third will compare, and many heads will fall to the ground.This is the first article.The second, you can kill the wrong person.When a head falls to the ground, history has proved that it cannot be picked up, and it is not like leeks, which can grow back after being cut once. If you cut it wrong, there is no way to correct the mistake.Article 3, erasure of evidence.Suppression of counter-revolutionaries requires evidence.This counter-revolutionary is often the living evidence of that counter-revolutionary, and you can consult him if you have a lawsuit.If you eliminate him, there may be no more evidence.This only benefits the counter-revolution, not the revolution.Article 4: Killing them will not increase production, improve science, help eradicate four evils, strengthen national defense, and recover Taiwan.Kill them, and you will get a reputation for killing prisoners, and killing prisoners has always had a bad reputation.Another point is that counter-revolutionaries in the government are different from counter-revolutionaries in society.The counter-revolutionaries in society climb over the heads of the people, while the counter-revolutionaries in the government are farther away from the people. They have common grievances, but not many direct ones.What harm would there be in not killing any of these people? Those who can be re-educated through labor will be re-educated through labor, and those who cannot be re-educated through labor will be raised.Counter-revolutionaries are trash and pests, but once caught, they can be made to do something for the people. However, should we establish a law to say that no counter-revolutionaries in the government should be killed? This is our internal policy, and we don’t need to announce it, but we just try to do it as much as possible.If someone drops a bomb and kills all the people in the room, or half, or one-third, do you want to kill them or not? Then they must be killed. The implementation of a policy of no killing in the anti-revolutionary organs does not prevent us from taking a serious attitude towards counter-revolutionaries.However, it can guarantee that irreparable mistakes will not be made, and there will be opportunities to correct mistakes if they are made. It can stabilize many people and avoid mutual mistrust among comrades in the party.If you don't kill your head, you have to eat.All counter-revolutionaries should be given a way out of life so that they have a chance to rehabilitate themselves.Doing so will be beneficial to the cause of the people and to international influence. There is still hard work to be done in suppressing counter-revolutionaries, and we must not relax.In the future, in addition to continuing to suppress counter-revolutionaries in society, we must continue to track down all counter-revolutionaries who are mixed in government agencies, schools, and troops.We must distinguish between ourselves and the enemy.Everyone knows how serious the danger to the cause of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat would be if the enemy were allowed to infiltrate our ranks, or even our leading bodies. Nine right and wrong relationship Both inside and outside the party must distinguish between right and wrong.How to deal with people who have made mistakes is an important question.The correct attitude should be to adopt the policy of "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones, cure diseases and save patients" for comrades who have made mistakes, help them correct their mistakes, and allow them to continue the revolution.In the past, when the dogmatists headed by Wang Ming[16] were in power, our party made mistakes on this issue and learned the bad side of Stalin's style of work.They don't want middle forces in society, they don't allow others to correct their mistakes, and they don't allow revolution. "The True Story of Ah Q" is a good novel. I advise comrades who have read it to read it again, and comrades who have not read it to read it carefully.In this novel, Lu Xun mainly wrote about a backward and unconscious peasant.He specially wrote a chapter on "No Revolution", saying that the fake foreign devils did not allow Ah Q to make a revolution.In fact, Ah Q's so-called revolution at that time was nothing more than wanting to get something like others.However, such revolutionary fake foreign devils are still not allowed.From this point of view, I think some people are a bit like fake foreign devils.They forbade those who made mistakes to revolutionize, did not distinguish between mistakes and counter-revolutionaries, and even killed some people who made mistakes.We need to remember this lesson.No matter whether people are not allowed to revolutionize in society, or comrades who have made mistakes are not allowed to correct their mistakes in the party, it is not good. As for comrades who have made mistakes, some people say that it depends on whether they correct themselves or not.I said that it is not enough just to read, but also to help them change.That is to say, first, we must see, and second, we must help.People need help, those who have not made mistakes need help, and those who have made mistakes need help even more.There is probably no one who does not make mistakes, more or less will make mistakes, and when they make mistakes, they must be helped.Just looking at it is negative, and we need to set up various conditions to help him change.Right and wrong must be clarified, because the principled debate within the party is the reflection of the class struggle in society within the party, and ambiguity is not allowed.According to the situation, it is normal to take appropriate and practical criticisms and even necessary struggles against comrades who have made mistakes, in order to help them correct their mistakes.To not help comrades who have made mistakes, but to gloat over their misfortune, is sectarianism. For a revolution, it is always better to have more people.Most of those who make mistakes can be corrected, except for a very small number of people who persist in their mistakes and refuse to correct them after repeated admonitions.Just as people who have had typhoid can be immune, people who have made mistakes can also make fewer mistakes as long as they are good at learning from their mistakes.On the contrary, people who have never made mistakes are prone to make mistakes, because they tend to raise their tails high.We must pay attention to the fact that we punish those who make mistakes too much, and often punish ourselves.Gao Gang originally wanted to lift a stone to hit someone, but he knocked himself down instead.Treating those who make mistakes with kindness can win people's hearts and unite people.Whether to adopt a helpful attitude or a hostile attitude towards comrades who have made mistakes is a criterion for distinguishing whether a person has good intentions or bad intentions. The policy of "learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones, curing diseases and saving patients" is the policy of uniting the whole Party, and we must adhere to this policy. Ten China's relations with foreign countries I think we are right to put forward the slogan of learning from foreign countries.现在有些国家的领导人就不愿意提，甚至不敢提这个口号。这是要有一点勇气的，就是要把戏台上的那个架子放下来。 应当承认，每个民族都有它的长处，不然它为什么能存在?为什么能发展?同时，每个民族也都有它的短处。有人以为社会主义就了不起，一点缺点也没有了。哪有这个事?应当承认，总是有优点和缺点这两点。我们党的支部书记，部队的连排长，都晓得在小本本上写着，今天总结经验有两点，一是优点，一是缺点。他们都晓得有两点，为什么我们只提一点?一万年都有两点。将来有将来的两点，现在有现在的两点，各人有各人的两点。总之，是两点而不是一点。说只有一点，叫知其一不知其二。 我们的方针是，一切民族、一切国家的长处都要学，政治、经济、科学、技术、文学、艺术的一切真正好的东西都要学。但是，必须有分析有批判地学，不能盲目地学，不能一切照抄，机械搬用。他们的短处、缺点，当然不要学。 对于苏联和其他社会主义国家的经验，也应当采取这样的态度。过去我们一些人不清楚，人家的短处也去学。当着学到以为了不起的时候，人家那里已经不要了，结果栽了个斤斗，像孙悟空一样，翻过来了。比如，过去有人因为苏联是设电影部、文化局，我们是设文化部、电影局，就说我们犯了原则错误。他们没有料到，苏联不久也改设文化部，和我们一样。有些人对任何事物都不加分析，完全以“风”为准。今天刮北风，他是北风派，明天刮西风，他是西风派，后来又刮北风，他又是北风派。自己毫无主见，往往由一个极端走到另一个极端。 苏联过去把斯大林捧得一万丈高的人，现在一下子把他贬到地下九千丈。我们国内也有人跟着转。中央认为斯大林是三分错误，七分成绩，总起来还是一个伟大的马克思主义者，按照这个分寸，写了《关于无产阶级专政的历史经验》[17]。三七开的评价比较合适。斯大林对中国作了一些错事。第二次国内革命战争后期的王明“左”倾冒险主义[18]，抗日战争初期的王明右倾机会主义[19]，都是从斯大林那里来的。解放战争时期，先是不准革命，说是如果打内战，中华民族有毁灭的危险。仗打起来，对我们半信半疑。仗打胜了，又怀疑我们是铁托[20]式的胜利，一九四九、一九五○两年对我们的压力很大。可是，我们还认为他是三分错误，七分成绩。这是公正的。 社会科学，马克思列宁主义，斯大林讲得对的那些方面，我们一定要继续努力学习。我们要学的是属于普遍真理的东西，并且学习一定要与中国实际相结合。如果每句话，包括马克思的话，都要照搬，那就不得了。我们的理论，是马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同中国革命的具体实践相结合。党内一些人有一个时期搞过教条主义，那时我们批评了这个东西。但是现在也还是有。学术界也好，经济界也好，都还有教条主义。 自然科学方面，我们比较落后，特别要努力向外国学习。但是也要有批判地学，不可盲目地学。在技术方面，我看大部分先要照办，因为那些我们现在还没有，还不懂，学了比较有利。但是，已经清楚的那一部分，就不要事事照办了。 外国资产阶级的一切腐败制度和思想作风，我们要坚决抵制和批判。但是，这并不妨碍我们去学习资本主义国家的先进的科学技术和企业管理方法中合乎科学的方面。工业发达国家的企业，用人少，效率高，会做生意，这些都应当有原则地好好学过来，以利于改进我们的工作。现在，学英文的也不研究英文了，学术论文也不译成英文、法文、德文、日文同人家交换了。这也是一种迷信。对外国的科学、技术和文化，不加分析地一概排斥，和前面所说的对外国东西不加分析地一概照搬，都不是马克思主义的态度，都对我们的事业不利。 我认为，中国有两条缺点，同时又是两条优点。 第一，我国过去是殖民地、半殖民地，不是帝国主义，历来受人欺负。工农业不发达，科学技术水平低，除了地大物博，人口众多，历史悠久，以及在文学上有部等等以外，很多地方不如人家，骄傲不起来。但是，有些人做奴隶做久了，感觉事事不如人，在外国人面前伸不直腰，像里的贾桂[21]一样，人家让他坐，他说站惯了，不想坐。在这方面要鼓点劲，要把民族自信心提高起来，把抗美援朝中提倡的“藐视美帝国主义”的精神发展起来。 第二，我们的革命是后进的。虽然辛亥革命[22]打倒皇帝比俄国早，但是那时没有共产党，那次革命也失败了。人民革命的胜利是在一九四九年，比苏联的十月革命晚了三十几年。在这点上，也轮不到我们来骄傲。苏联和我们不同，一、沙皇俄国是帝国主义，二、后来又有了一个十月革命。所以许多苏联人很骄傲，尾巴翘得很高。 我们这两条缺点，也是优点。我曾经说过，我们一为“穷”，二为“白”。“穷”，就是没有多少工业，农业也不发达。“白”，就是一张白纸，文化水平、科学水平都不高。从发展的观点看，这并不坏。穷就要革命，富的革命就困难。科学技术水平高的国家，就骄傲得很。我们是一张白纸，正好写字。 因此，这两条对我们都有好处。将来我们国家富强了，我们一定还要坚持革命立场，还要谦虚谨慎，还要向人家学习，不要把尾巴翘起来。不但在第一个五年计划期间要向人家学习，就是在几十个五年计划之后，还应当向人家学习。一万年都要学习嘛!这有什么不好呢? 一共讲了十点。这十种关系，都是矛盾。世界是由矛盾组成的。没有矛盾就没有世界。我们的任务，是要正确处理这些矛盾。这些矛盾在实践中是否能完全处理好，也要准备两种可能性，而且在处理这些矛盾的过程中，一定还会遇到新的矛盾，新的问题。但是，像我们常说的那样，道路总是曲折的，前途总是光明的。我们一定要努力把党内党外、国内国外的一切积极的因素，直接的、间接的积极因素，全部调动起来，把我国建设成为一个强大的社会主义国家。 根据一九七六年十二月二十六日《人民日报》刊印。 -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1]这是毛泽东在中共中央政治局扩大会议上的讲话。这次会议于一九五六年四月二十五日至二十八日在北京召开，各省、市、自治区党委书记也参加了会议。这篇讲话，以苏联的经验为鉴戒，总结了中国的经验，提出了调动一切积极因素为社会主义事业服务的基本方针，对适合中国情况的社会主义建设道路进行了初步的探索。中央政治局扩大会议讨论了这个讲话，四月二十八日毛泽东就讨论情况作总结讲话。他在总结讲话中提出：“艺术问题上的百花齐放，学术问题上的百家争鸣，我看应该成为我们的方针。” [2]一九五○年六月二十五日朝鲜内战爆发后，美国随即出兵入侵朝鲜，同时派军队侵略我国领土台湾。九月十五日又打着联合国军的旗号，派兵在朝鲜西海岸仁川登陆，随后越过朝鲜南北两方临时分界线“三八线”大举北犯，并且轰炸、扫射中国东北边境城市和村庄，严重威胁中国的安全。为了援助朝鲜人民的抗美救国战争，保卫刚刚诞生的新中国，中国人民响应毛泽东主席发出的抗美援朝、保家卫国的号召，组织以彭德怀为司令员兼政治委员的中国人民志愿军，开赴朝鲜前线，同朝鲜人民军并肩作战，抗击美国侵略军。十一月四日，中国共产党和各民主党派发表联合宣言，坚决支持志愿军的正义行动。全国人民以增产节约、报名参加志愿军、捐献武器等各种方式全力支援朝鲜前线的作战。在中朝人民军队的沉重打击下，美国侵略军连遭失败，被迫于一九五三年七月二十七日在朝鲜停战协定上签字。至此，朝鲜停战实现，中国人民的抗美援朝战争胜利结束。 [3]第一个五年计划，见本卷第3页注[3]。 [4]第二个五年计划，是一九五八年至一九六二年中华人民共和国发展国民经济的第二个五年计划的简称。一九五六年九月二十七日，中国共产党第八次全国代表大会通过了关于这个计划的建议。 [5]义务交售制，是苏联一九三三年至一九五七年实行的国家收购农产品的一项主要办法。集体农庄和个体农户每年必须按照国家规定的义务交售的数量和价格向国家提供农产品。 [6]建国初期，全国划分为东北、华北、华东、中南、西北、西南六大行政区。各大区设有中共中央的代表机关中央局，除华北外，其他五个大行政区都设有大区一级行政机构，东北称人民政府，华东、中南、西北、西南称军政委员会。一九五二年十一月，中央人民政府决定各大区行政机构一律改为行政委员会，作为中央人民政府的派出机关，不再是一级地方政府。华北也成立了行政委员会。一九五四年四月，中共中央政治局扩大会议决定撤销大区一级党政机构。 [7]高，指高岗（一九○五——一九五四），陕西横山人，曾任中共中央政治局委员、中央人民政府副主席、中共中央东北局书记、东北行政委员会主席、国家计划委员会主席。饶，指饶漱石（一九○三——一九七五），江西临川人，曾任中共中央委员、中央人民政府委员、中共中央华东局第一书记、华东行政委员会主席、中共中央组织部部长。一九五三年，他们阴谋分裂党，篡夺党和国家最高权力。一九五四年二月，中共七届四中全会对他们进行了揭发和批判。一九五五年三月，中国共产党全国代表会议总结了这一重大斗争，通过决议开除他们的党籍。 [8]卫立煌（一八九七——一九六○），安徽合肥人，原国民党军高级将领，当时任政协全国委员会常务委员、中国国民党革命委员会中央常务委员。翁文灏（一八八九——一九七一），浙江鄞县人，地质学家，曾任国民党政府行政院院长、资源委员会主任委员，当时任政协全国委员会委员、中国国民党革命委员会中央常务委员。 [9]龙云（一八八四——一九六二），云南昭通人，曾任国民党云南省政府主席，当时任全国人大常委会委员、国防委员会副主席、政协全国委员会常务委员、中国国民党革命委员会中央副主席。梁漱溟（一八九三——一九八八），广西桂林人，曾参与发起组织中国民主政团同盟（一九四四年改名中国民主同盟），当时任政协全国委员会委员。彭一湖（一八八七——一九五八），湖南岳阳人，中国民主建国会发起人之一，当时任政协全国委员会委员、民建中央常务委员。 [10]土地改革，见本卷第3页注[2]。 [11]镇压反革命，指一九五○年至一九五三年在全国开展的镇压反革命运动。中华人民共和国成立初期，全国各地残存着大量的土匪、恶霸、特务、反动党团骨干和反动会道门头子等反革命分子。他们进行各种破坏活动，危害人民的革命和建设事业。根据中共中央《关于镇压反革命活动的指示》和中央人民政府公布的《中华人民共和国惩治反革命条例》，全国开展了镇压反革命运动。这次运动沉重打击了反革命残余势力，巩固了人民民主专政。 [12]《共同纲领》，即《中国人民政治协商会议共同纲领》，一九四九年九月二十九日由中国人民政治协商会议第一届全体会议通过。Before the promulgation of the "Constitution of the People's Republic of China" in 1954, it played the role of an interim constitution. [13]胡风（一九○二——一九八五），湖北蕲春人，文艺理论家和诗人。曾任中国左翼作家联盟宣传部部长、行政书记，中国作家协会理事，中国文联全国委员会委员等职。一九五五年在所谓“胡风反革命集团”一案中被错定为反革命分子，一九六五年被判刑。一九八○年九月，经过法律程序并由中共中央发出通知，为“胡风反革命集团”和胡风本人平反。一九八一年后，任政协全国委员会常务委员、中国作家协会顾问等职。 [14]潘汉年（一九○六——一九七七），江苏宜兴人。一九二五年加入中国共产党。一九三六和一九三七年，曾任中国共产党同国民党谈判的代表。抗日战争和解放战争时期，在上海等地领导对敌隐蔽斗争和开展统一战线工作。一九四九年夏至一九五五年春，先后任中共中央华东局和上海市委的社会部部长、统战部部长，上海市委第三书记、副市长等职。一九五五年因所谓“内奸”问题被关押审查，一九六三年被错定为“内奸分子”，并被判刑。一九八二年八月，经过法律程序并由中共中央发出通知，对潘汉年被错定为内奸平反昭雪。饶漱石，一九二五年加入中国共产党。抗日战争和解放战争时期，曾任新四军政治部主任和华东军区政治委员。上海解放后，任中共中央华东局第一书记和上海市委第一书记。在这期间，他直接领导潘汉年等在反特方面的工作。由于潘汉年被错定为“内奸分子”，饶漱石主持反特工作中的一些活动被错定为内奸活动，因而被认为犯有反革命罪，并被判刑。 [15]宣统皇帝，即爱新觉罗·溥仪（一九○六——一九六七），北京人，清朝末代皇帝。After the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, he was forced to abdicate.一九三二年在日本帝国主义策划下出任伪满洲国“执政”，一九三四年改称“满洲帝国皇帝”。After the surrender of Japan in 1945, he was captured by the Soviet Army and was handed over to the government of the People's Republic of China in August 1950.In December 1959, he was released by amnesty.After 1964, he served as a member of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.康泽（一九○四——一九六七），四川安岳人，原国民党特务头子。一九四七年任国民党军第十五绥靖区司令官。一九四八年七月在襄樊战役中被中国人民解放军俘虏。一九六三年四月被特赦释放，后任政协全国委员会文史资料研究委员会专员。 [16]王明，即陈绍禹（一九○四——一九七四），安徽六安金家寨（今属金寨县）人。在一九三一年一月中共六届四中全会上被补选为中央委员，并被选为中央政治局委员，是第三次“左”倾路线的主要代表。一九三一年十一月到莫斯科，担任中共驻共产国际代表。一九三七年十一月回国，随后任中共中央长江局书记。在抗日战争初期，他提出许多右倾投降主义的主张。他长期拒绝党的批评和帮助。一九五六年以后一直滞留苏联。 [17]《关于无产阶级专政的历史经验》，是一九五六年四月五日发表的《人民日报》编辑部文章。这篇文章是根据中共中央政治局扩大会议讨论的意见写成的。 [18]一九三一年一月，在中共六届四中全会上，王明等人在共产国际及其代表米夫的支持下，取得了在党中央的领导地位。They confuse the boundaries between the democratic revolution and the socialist revolution politically, juxtaposing anti-bourgeois and anti-imperialist and anti-feudalism; they deny the obvious changes in domestic class relations after the September 18th Incident, and regard the middle forces as "the most dangerous enemy"; Promote the "City Center Theory", advocating that the Red Army seize the central city to achieve the first victory of one province and several provinces to form a national victory.In the military, adventurism was first promoted, and later it became conservatism and escapeism.In terms of organization, sectarianism is practiced, and those who disagree with their erroneous ideas are "cruelly fought and mercilessly attacked."Wang Ming's "Left" adventurism ruled in the party for four years, causing heavy losses to the party and the revolutionary cause.In January 1935, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held the Zunyi Conference, which established the correct leadership of the new Central Committee represented by Mao Zedong, thus ending the rule of Wang Ming's "Left" adventurism in the Central Committee of the Party. [19]一九三七年十二月，刚从苏联回国的王明在中共中央政治局会议上作《如何继续全国抗战和争取抗战胜利呢？》的报告，提出了许多右倾投降主义的主张。随后在任中共中央长江局书记期间，又发表了一些包括右倾错误的宣言、决议和文章。他相信国民党超过相信共产党，不敢放手发动群众斗争，不敢放手发展人民军队，不敢在日本占领地区扩大解放区，主张“一切经过统一战线”，将抗日战争的领导权送给国民党。由于毛泽东为代表的正确路线已经在全党占统治地位，王明的这些错误只在局部地区一度产生过影响。在一九三八年九月至十一月中共中央扩大的六届六中全会上，批判了王明的右倾投降主义错误，确立了全党独立自主地领导抗日武装斗争的方针和政策。 [20]铁托（一八九二——一九八○），前南斯拉夫主要领导人和国际共产主义运动著名活动家，不结盟运动创始人之一。第二次世界大战中，曾领导南斯拉夫各族人民进行反法西斯民族解放战争。一九四五年创建南斯拉夫联邦人民共和国（一九六三年后改称南斯拉夫社会主义联邦共和国）。一九四八年六月二十八日，由保、罗、匈、波、苏、法、捷、意八国共产党和工人党代表参加的情报局会议，通过《关于南斯拉夫共产党状况的决议》，对南共进行公开的指责，并把南共开除出情报局。决议说：“以前用伪装形式存在的民族主义分子，在过去五六个月中，在南斯拉夫共产党的领导机关中取得了统治地位，因此，南斯拉夫共产党的领导机关就背离了南斯拉夫共产党的国际主义传统，走上了民族主义的道路。” [21]是一出京剧，描写明武宗时专权的宦官刘瑾随皇太后去法门寺拈香，在那里审理一宗案件的过程。贾桂是这出戏中刘瑾的亲信奴才。戏中有这样一个情节：郿坞县县令赵廉向贾桂行贿，贾桂就在刘瑾面前为赵廉说情开脱。当赵廉去见刘瑾时，刘瑾叫赵廉坐，赵廉请贾桂也坐，贾桂回答说：“您倒甭让，我站惯了。” [22]辛亥革命，是以孙中山为首的资产阶级政党同盟会所领导的推翻清朝专制王朝的革命。On October 10, 1911 (Xinhai Year), the revolutionaries launched a new army to hold an uprising in Wuchang, Hubei. After that, all provinces responded enthusiastically, and the reactionary rule of the Qing Dynasty supported by foreign imperialism quickly disintegrated.In January 1912, the provisional government of the Republic of China was established in Nanjing, and Sun Yat-sen became the provisional president.China's feudal monarchy of more than 2,000 years has since come to an end, and the concept of a democratic republic has been deeply rooted in the hearts of the people.But the bourgeois revolutionaries are weak and compromising, unable to mobilize the power of the broad masses of the people to carry out a relatively thorough revolution against imperialism and feudalism.The achievements of the Revolution of 1911 were immediately usurped by the Northern warlord Yuan Shikai, and China still hadn't gotten rid of the state of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society.