Chapter 10 chapter Five

food I If the revolution to come is a social revolution, not only its purpose but also its methods will be different from all previous insurrections.New methods are needed to achieve new goals. Although the three major popular movements in France in the past century differ in many points, they have a common phenomenon. Every time the people try hard to overthrow the old system, for this proposition, they expend their heart and soul.However, after undertaking a fierce battle, it disappeared into obscurity.Those more or less honest men assembled again to form a government and tried to establish new institutions: the Republic in 1793, Labor in 1848, the Free Commune in 1871.This government is imbued with the ideas of the Jacobins, so it takes discussing political issues as its top priority, such as the transformation of political institutions, the reform of administration, the separation of state and church (that is, the separation of church and state), and civil liberties. matter of great importance.It is true that there were workers' clubs at that time to monitor the actions of the new government personnel, and often used the views of the workers to supervise them.But even in these clubs, whether their leaders belong to the middle class or the working class, the ideas of the middle class always have the greatest influence.They discussed politics for so long that they forgot about bread.

In that period great ideas, ideas that shook the world, took place.Many moving words were spoken that still stir our hearts after more than a century.Yet civilians are still crouching in the alleys and starving. At the onset of a revolution, industry inevitably comes to a standstill—the circulation of produce is impeded, and capital is hidden.The masters (employers) have nothing to fear at this time, and if they do not speculate to rob the poor around them, they can still live on the interest they earn.As for wage laborers, they are almost at risk.Poverty knocks at their door from time to time.

Famine prevailed throughout the country—such famine was rare even under the old regime. "The Girondists are starving us!" was the cry of the working class in 1793, and the Girondists were guillotined, and power fell entirely into the hands of the "Mountain" and the Commune .The Commune was really zealous about the bread problem, and it made a heroic effort to feed all Paris.At Lyons, the Faucière and the Cloudre Bois established the city's granaries, but the sums spent to fill them were often insufficient.The city council had tried hard to gather corn; the bakers who had hoarded flour were put to death, but the common people were still short of bread.

①Les Girondins was a moderate faction in the revolutionary party during the French Revolution and a steady republican. Most of the southern congressmen belonged to this faction. It was named after the Gironde province in southern France.After losing power, the main party members were all sentenced to death. - translator ②The Mountain Party was the leftist revolutionary party at that time, and the leaders were Marat, Danton, Robespierre, etc. They were called the Mountain Party because they had the highest seats in the parliament. - translator ③J． Fouche (1759-1820), Member of the Mountain Party. J． M． CollotD'herbois (1750-1796), member of the Public Security Committee. - translator

Then they turned to the royal conspirators and blamed them.Twelve or fifteen were killed a day—the servants and the princesses alike were killed, especially the servants in great numbers, because the princesses had fled to Kobrinz.Even if one hundred dukes and viscounts are killed every day, the situation is still hopeless. ① Coblentz or Koblentz, the Rhine province of Prussia.This small German town became the center of the royal party's conspiracy at that time.A large number of fled nobles lived here. - translator The poverty is only increasing day by day.Wage laborers cannot live without wages, and yet they do not get wages.Even if there are tens of thousands of dead bodies, what good will it do them?

So the people gradually got tired of it.The reactionaries said to the laborers: "The revolution you boast about is nothing more than that. Aren't you poorer than before?" Gradually the rich and powerful came out of their hiding places.Before the hungry crowd, boast of their luxury.Dressed like dandies, they said to the laborers: "Come on! Enough of this stupid trick! What have you got from the revolution?" Despondent, the revolutionaries could bear it no longer, and then they had to admit that their claims had failed again, and retreated to their huts to await their doom.

The reaction has won again.It accomplished a counter-revolutionary coup.The revolution is dead, it has nothing but to trample on its corpse. The White Terror② began.The blood flowed like a river, the guillotine never rested, and the prison was full of prisoners; at the same time, the ranks of officials and titles were restored to the old system, and they ostentatiously ostentatiously and boasted to the world as before. ②The terrorist method used by the revolutionary parties in Russia and Western Europe, that is, the assassination method, is called the Red Terror, while the killing policy of government officials is called the White Terror. ——Japanese translator

Such a spectacle is the specimen of all our revolutions.In 1848 the working people of Paris endured "three months of starvation" for the sake of the republic.At the end of their exhaustion, in June, they made a last desperate effort—an effort that was drowned in blood.In 1871, the Paris Commune was wiped out for lack of fighters.The Commune talked in vain about the method of separating the State from the Church, and neglected the question of the bread of the people, which it set about solving only later, when it was too late.So later in Paris, good-looking ladies and rich gentlemen were able to kick the allied citizens away and tell them to sell their lives for meager wages, while their "gentlemen" were now feasting in fashionable hotels and restaurants. Live in peace.

Later, the commune realized its mistake and opened the public canteen, but unfortunately it was too late.The days are numbered.The army of Versailles has taken the fortress. "Bread, what the revolution needs is bread!" Others will make grandiose proclamations, wear gold-edged uniforms, and babble about political liberty—let them do it! But let us work ourselves so that from the first day of the revolution to the last day, in every land fighting for freedom, not a man will be short of bread; By chance charity, a morsel of coarse bread is given; not a child grows weak from want of food.

The middle-class mind often talks about those "great principles"--which are really big lies. As for the thought of the people, it is to make bread available to all.We (the so-called "utopian dreamers"), while the middle class and bourgeois-infected workers are praising their rhetoric in the "chatrooms" and the "practical men" are eloquently discussing forms of government. But I have to think about the daily bread. We can boldly declare: everyone has the right to bread, and there is already a lot of bread in our society, which is enough for ten thousand people to eat; our revolution must use "bread for ten thousand people" as the slogan to be able to get it victorious.

II Everyone says we are dreamers.It is true that, precisely because we are dreamers, we believe that the revolution should, and indeed can, guarantee the food, clothing and shelter of all people—an idea that the middle-class burgher, regardless of his party affiliation, does not like very much.For they well know that if the people's hunger is satisfied, they will not easily make the people obey. We have always insisted on our proposition: the revolutionary people should have bread; the question of bread should be discussed before all other questions.If the revolution has as its aim the good of the people, it will proceed in the right direction and produce good results; for there is no other solution to the problem of bread than the principle of equality. Future revolutions - just like the revolution of 1848 - must break out in a great industrial panic.For nearly fifty years things have been boiling, and only getting more sinister.Everything was going in this direction—new nations entered into international trade to compete for world markets, wars and taxes increased.National debt, tomorrow's anxiety, and large-scale colonial projects all over the world are all going that way. There are now millions of unemployed workers in Europe.Once the revolution breaks out, it spreads like gunpowder ignited, and the number of unemployed workers will increase even more.If there had been a revolutionary battle in Europe or America, the number of unemployed workers would have doubled at once.How on earth are we to furnish them with bread? We do not know whether those who call themselves "practicalists" have actually done any concrete research on this problem.All we know is that they want to maintain the wage system, so all we can expect from them is to organize "national factories" and "government enterprises" as a means of feeding the unemployed. The National Manufactory was opened in 1789 and 1793; the same method was used in 1848; Napoleon III managed to satisfy the Parisian proletariat for eighteen years with official enterprises (this has left Paris still in debt of 80 million pounds and 80 million pounds per person) the average municipal tax of three sterling pounds); this excellent method of "taming the beast" was customary in Rome as well as in Egypt four thousand years ago; To give the people money, and thus seize the opportunity to beat them with the whip - for these reasons, it is natural that the "practical" people will use this method to maintain the wage system forever.Since we can still use the methods of the famous ancient Egyptian pharaohs, why bother our brains to think of anything else? ①The municipal debt of Paris in 1904 amounted to 2,266,579,100 francs; the taxes paid on this debt amounted to 121,000,000 francs. ——Author (English version) If the revolution is misled on this road, it will definitely end in failure. When the Paris National Factory opened on February 27, 1848, there were only 8,000 unemployed people in Paris, but it increased to 49,000 two weeks later.It will increase to 100,000 in a short time, not counting people from various places. But French industry and commerce at that time employed only half as many people as they do today.We also know that the most painful thing for industry and trade in a revolutionary period is the general disturbance.It is understandable if we only think about the number of laborers who are directly or indirectly dependent on export industries, and those laborers who are engaged in the production of luxuries for the consumption of a small number of middle classes. In a revolution in Europe at least half the factories and manufactures stand still.Millions of laborers and their families were driven out into the streets.Our "practical men" will save this misery by means of state relief; that is to say, the creation of new industries to give jobs to the unemployed. It is obvious that Proudhon pointed out more than fifty years ago that the smallest attack on property can completely dismantle the social organization based on private enterprise and wage labour.Society itself holds all production in its hands, and has to transform it to suit the needs of the people as a whole, but this cannot be accomplished in a day or two, or even in a month; it will of course take many days to transform the organization of production ; but during this period millions of people will lose their means of life.So what to do? ①P． J． Proudhon (1809-1865), a French philosopher and economist, was once called "the father of anarchism".His most famous book is "What is Property?" (Qu'estcequelapropriete? 1840). - translator There is only one practical solution to this problem—that is, to move forward boldly towards the great cause that awaits us; instead of trying to make up for the situation that is about to be destroyed by ourselves, we should strive to transform production and bring it back to life. Build on new foundations. Therefore, in order to take practical action, in our opinion, the people should directly rise up and take the food of the revolutionary places into their own management; Thanks to the help, everyone can tide over the difficulties safely.During this period, on the one hand, we should make an agreement with factory workers to provide them with raw materials, ensure their food, clothing and housing, and ask them to work to meet the needs of the people.Let us not forget that when France wove satins to adorn German bankers' wives, Russian empresses, and Sandwich Islands queens, and when Paris produced fine ornaments and toys for the world's rich, two-thirds of the French peasants did not even have bright foreign lamps and the necessary equipment in modern agriculture.Much barren land like today should be used as much as possible to develop it as much as possible; barren soil should be fertile; even fertile soil cannot exert a quarter or even a tenth of its inherent productivity under the current system. , in the future it should also be cultivated with intensive farming methods, as it is for vegetable gardens and flower gardens.There is no practical solution other than this; whatever our likes and dislikes about it, the tendency of the times is to bring it about. III The most striking feature of the modern capital system is the wage system. I can briefly explain this system: Suppose a certain individual, or some group, possessing the necessary capital, sets up a certain industry; he manages to supply the factory or manufacture with raw materials, to prescribe the methods of production, to pay certain wages and laborers, and to plunder its surplus value ( or interest); this interest, he says, is to remunerate him for the labor of carrying on his business, to secure his perils, and to provide compensation for variations in the market value of goods.With this pretext, he takes possession of this interest. In order to maintain this system, people who currently monopolize capital will make some concessions; for example, they want to distribute a part of the benefits to the workers, or they would rather create a slippage in calculating wages, so that when prices rise, wages will also fall. Then increase.In short, they had to suffer a little sacrifice in order to still dominate industry and obtain its original benefits. As far as we know, although collectivism advocates a major change in the existing social order, it does not abolish the wage system.As far as the workers are concerned, the state (that is to say, some form of representative government, national or local) is used instead of the individual employer.Under the collective system, national or local parliamentarians, commissioners, etc., dominate industry.They hold in their hands the right to use the surplus of production (say for the benefit of all).Moreover, collectivism draws a very subtle but great distinction between ordinary manual workers and those who are skilled in a skill.In the eyes of collectivists, unskilled labor is nothing more than simple labor, while the work of workers, mechanics, engineers, scientists, etc., is what Marx called complicated labor, and can be highly rewarded. salary.However, no matter whether it is a manual laborer, an employee, a textile worker, or a scientist, they are all wage slaves of the state—as for the “all officials” that is often said these days, it is just for window dressing. Then, the great contribution of the future revolution to mankind is to prevent any form of wage system from continuing to exist, and to implement communism. Communism is a sharp weapon to eliminate wage slavery. This is the only solution. Even if we admit that progressive collectivist reforms are possible in times of prosperity and peace (in fact, it is doubtful whether they will be realized under such circumstances), yet in times of revolution, when the needs of millions of hungry This was impossible when accompanied by the first appeal to force.A political revolution need not shake the foundations of industry, but a revolution of the people for property must paralyze production and trade.The millions of public funds in the treasury are not enough to pay the wages of the millions of unemployed. We can't be too attached to this point.The transformation of industry on a new basis (we point out that this problem is extremely important) cannot be accomplished in a few days.On the other hand, the people cannot endure years of hunger for the ideologues who maintain the wage system.To get through this critical period, they will ask what they usually ask in such a situation: the commons—that is, the distribution of food. Patience is useless, the people can't bear it any longer, and if the food is not returned to the commons, then they will rob the bakery. If by this time the people were not strong enough to meet what was before them, they would have been shot.In order to implement collectivism, "order" must be maintained no matter what the cost. —Order, discipline, obedience!The capitalists will soon understand that when the people are shot by those who call themselves revolutionaries, the revolution itself will gradually become a thorn in the side of the masses, and the capitalists will come to the aid of the defenders of order - even if they are collectivists It doesn't matter.According to this method of action, the capitalists will later figure out a way to crush the collectivists.If "order is restored" in this way, the result is easy to predict.Those supporters of "order" are not satisfied with shooting "murderers", but also find out "the leader of the riots".They re-established the Inquisition, hired executioners, and guillotined the most ardent revolutionaries. The tragedy of 1793 will be repeated. Let us not forget that this is how the reaction won victory in the previous century.At first the Eberists and the "mads" were killed—Mignet, remembering the struggle at the time, called these people "anarchists." ④Subsequently, the Danton faction⑤ also went to the guillotine; when the Robespierre faction killed these revolutionaries, they themselves were also forced to go to the guillotine.Therefore, the people gradually became tired of bloodshed, and seeing that the revolution had failed, they became discouraged, bowed their heads and let the reactionaries do evil. ①The so-called Hebertistes refers to Eber (J.-R. Hebert, 1757-1794) and his comrades. (Hébert was deputy censor of the Paris Commune and chief editor of the most violent and popular newspaper of the time, the Pere Duchesne.) They were the Left Revolutionary Party of the French Revolution.They led the Paris Commune, supported the interests of the people, and attacked the old forces, the old system, and right-leaning parties.They were executed on March 24, 1794. - translator ② "Les Enrages" (Les Enrages) is the extreme faction in the Jacobin Party. - translator ③E． -A． -M． Mignet is a French historian, author of "Histoire de la Re-volution Francaise, 1824" and other books. - translator ④ At that time, Girondt party member Brissot (J.-P. Brissot, 1754-1793) referred to the fierce revolutionaries as "anarchists", they did not belong to a party, and they were scattered throughout France. - translator ⑤ Dantonistes are Danton (G.-J. Danton, 1759-1794) and his friends (such as C. Desmoulins, Phelippeaux, etc.).Danton was one of the three leaders of the Montagne, a great revolutionary, and gradually leaned to the right. On April 5, 1794, he and his friend Demunan were sent to the guillotine by Robespierre. - translator That is why we say that if "order is restored," the Social Democrats will strangle the Anarchists; the Fabians will kill the Social Democrats, and when the Fabians are killed by the reactionaries, the revolution will be wiped out . ⑥ Fabians refer to socialists affiliated to the Fabian Society (Fabian Society, established in 1884), a British socialist research group; George Bernard Shaw, the Webb couple, etc. are all leaders of this faction. - translator Yet all the facts assure us that the impulse of the people is sufficient to accomplish great things; and that when the revolution breaks out, the idea of ​​anarcho-communism will triumph.It's not an idea we made up, it's an idea sent to us by the people themselves, and the number of anarcho-communists increases as people gradually understand that other solutions are impossible . If the driving force of the people is strong, everything will turn in a completely different direction.The populace of a rioting city no longer robs a bakery one day and starves the next.They were to take the warehouses and the cattle market—indeed, all the grain stores and food.Those well-meaning male and female citizens will automatically unite and organize volunteer teams to count the items in each warehouse and shop and make a rough catalog. If such a revolution had broken out in France (that is to say, in Paris), within twenty-four hours the Commune would have known everything that Paris does not know (it is useless even if it has a Statistical Commission) and what it did in 1871. What was not known during the years of the siege—namely, the amount of food in Paris.After forty-eight hours millions of lists should have been printed, calculating with great precision the quantities of food available, and recording with extraordinary clarity where it was stored, how it was distributed, and so on. Volunteer teams (food volunteer teams) were organized in every ri, street, and district. The team members communicated with each other and worked together in an orderly manner.As long as the Jacobin stabs don't get in their way halfway, and as long as the theorists who call themselves "scientific" don't get in and mess around, it's always good.As long as those theorists have no authority and influence, it doesn't hurt to let them express their muddled theories freely.That admirable solidarity inherent in the masses, which is especially developed among the social classes of the French nation, has but little opportunity for exercise; Large-scale guilds of free laborers would be formed, ready to provide the necessary food to all. Let the people move freely, and the method of supplying food within ten days will certainly be adjusted to a very admirable level.Only those who have never seen the hard work of the people, only those who have buried their lives in piles of papers, can doubt this statement.Speaking of the organizational genius of the "great misunderstood" (i.e., the people), this was already at the time of the street fighting in Paris, or at the time of the great dock strike in London (while still feeding half a million hungry people). It was shown; anyone who was in Paris or London at that time will tell you that their solidarity was many times greater than the stupidity and incompetence of the officials. ① This general strike took place in 1889, and the laborers were victorious. - translator It doesn't matter if we suffer some degree of inconvenience and confusion for a fortnight or a month.Because for the majority of the people, compared with their former situation, there is at least a little improvement.And during the revolutionary period, while enthusiastically discussing current affairs, they ate something. Even though it was a piece of bread or a piece of cheese, it tasted extraordinarily delicious. At any time, under the urgent needs of the time, the institutions that have sprung naturally are far better than those invented by stubborn theoreticians sitting in the government office or among the piles of ancient books. IV The people of a great city rise up and seize all the food they have, at first what is most needed at present, and gradually take other goods into public ownership, so that the needs of all citizens can be satisfied.Of course, the sooner this is done, the better.The faster it is implemented, the less misery and conflict there will be. But what should society be based on so that all people will get their share of food?This is the first problem we encountered. We replied that there was only one way to solve this problem.There is only one way to build communism fairly; only one way can satisfy our instinct of justice, and it is practical at the same time.This is the system adopted by European peasant communes. Take a peasant commune, for example, wherever it is, even in France, although the Jacobins there have done all they can to destroy communal customs.If the commune has forests and groves, any man may use them as he pleases, so long as the trees are good, and nothing will hinder him, provided his neighbors do not interfere with him.As for the arbors that are often in short supply, they have to allocate them carefully. The same is true of common pastures; when there is plenty and more than enough, there is no limit to how much the animals of each household may consume on the pastures, or how many animals may graze on the pastures, as long as the things are not If it is lacking, the feeding grounds are not divided, and the grass is not distributed. All Swiss communes and the majority of France and Germany, as long as they have common pastures, must implement this system. In the countries of Eastern Europe, where there are large forests and a lot of land, the farmers can cut down the trees as they want, and they are free to cultivate the land that each person needs, and each person has his share of trees and land. There is unlimited access, but when there is a shortage of timber or land, as is happening in Russia today, the timber and land are distributed according to the needs of the households. ① ①See Chapter Seven of Mutual Aid. - translator In short, the system is this: If the goods of the society are very abundant, everyone can use them freely, without quotas and without restrictions, but those goods that are scarce and often lacking must be equally distributed.Of the 350 million inhabitants of Europe, 200 million still practice this natural communism. Another fact that we should pay attention to is that in every big city, at least one item is distributed according to this system, and this item is extremely abundant. This is tap water, which can be freely supplied and taken by users. , without limitation. As long as there is no danger of shortage of supply, the water company will never limit the consumption of each customer.Let everyone use it freely.However, when there is a drought and the water supply is in danger of being insufficient, the water company will publish a short advertisement in the newspaper to let the public know about it, and the public will reduce their water consumption and avoid wasteful consumption. But what should we do if there is a real shortage of water?There is no other way than rationing.This method is very natural, and so far as common sense is concerned, it is very just. This method was adopted when Paris was twice besieged in 1871. ① The first period of siege was from September 1870 to January 1871. This was after the French army was defeated in the Franco-Prussian War and the French Emperor Napoleon III was captured.At that time, under the leadership of the Republican Gambetta (L. Gambetta, 1838-1882), Paris organized a national defense government and continued to resist the Prussian army.Paris surrendered after being besieged for four months.The second siege was in May of the same year.This is the struggle of the Paris Commune.After weeks of siege, Paris was finally captured on May 22 by the troops of the National Assembly.The Paris Commune fell in a pool of blood. - translator To show how this system of quantitative distribution is to be carried out, to prove that it is very fair, and much more fair than the present state of affairs, requires no many tables or details.Tables and detailed descriptions can neither convince the middle class nor seduce certain working people infected with the prejudices of the middle class. The thugs will devour each other in no time.Now only those who have not seen the people decide and act according to their own will may doubt for a moment whether the masses, once they have mastered the situation, can distribute goods rationed to all in accordance with the most solemn justice and equality. people. If you go to a meeting of the people and say that all delicacies (such as wild birds) should be stored away for wandering nobles, and that black bread should be given to sick people in hospitals, you will certainly be affected. The scolding of the people.Yet speak at this assembly of the people, or at the cross-streets and market-places, and so on: the most exquisite food should be reserved for the sick and the feeble—especially the sick; and if there were but five partridges and one chest The wine of Spain, then, should be reserved entirely for the sick and those who have not recovered from the disease; if the sick have children afterward, if the milk of cows and goats is not enough for all the citizens, they should be reserved for them; In times of great poverty even the last morsel of meat should be reserved for children and old people, and the only food for the prime of life is black bread. In short, you say, that if a certain commodity is in short supply and has to be distributed equally, the greatest quantity will be received by those who feel the greatest need.If you say it at this time, you will definitely get the approval of the public. A man who has had enough to eat all his life can never understand this truth, but the people can understand it, and often understand it.Even if a child from a luxury family is thrown on the street and has daily contact with the public, he will gradually understand this truth. The theoreticians - who regard the institution of the soldier and the barracks mess as a thing of civilization - naturally advocated the establishment of a state kitchen to distribute "Spartan soup".They said that if such a large kitchen were erected, every man could go there at any time and get his ration of soup, bread, and wild vegetables.The resulting economic benefits in both fuel and food are therefore obvious. ① In ancient Greece, Spartan men did not dine with their wives at home, but had public dinners outside.They don't have many good dishes, and they eat about the same every day.Their favorite is a thick soup, also known as black soup.They sit at the same table, rich and poor, and eat the same diet. - translator We do not doubt these benefits.We know that human beings have achieved a fuel and labor economy, and they have achieved good results by following this important economic policy (such as abolishing the mortar, hand mill, bread oven, etc. for each family's own use).We can understand that it is more economical to cook the broth of a hundred families in one place at the same time than to cook a fire separately for a hundred families.In addition, we also know that there are many ways to cook potatoes, but it is equally good to cook the potatoes needed by a hundred families at the same time in a large pot. In fact, the cooking methods of vegetables vary according to the skills of different cooks and housekeepers, and this is also known to us, but it is no problem to cook a hundred pounds of potatoes together, and then each cooks according to his own favorite method. inconvenient.And with the same meat as the material, one hundred different soups can be made to suit one hundred different tastes. We all know these facts, but we still maintain that no one has the right to force the housewife who is willing to cook the fire and cook herself to go to the public kitchen to get ready-made potatoes.In particular, we hope that everyone has the freedom to eat with his family, or with his friends, or even go to restaurants to eat. Great communal kitchens will flourish to replace the restaurants that are now poisoning the world.Now housewives in Paris can get soup ingredients from butchers and cook them as they like.Housewives in London also know that they can save time and fuel for a small fee by cooking meat and apple pie in the bakery.And when the communal kitchen (the communal bakery of the future) is set up, food will be cooked without the danger of being cheated or poisoned, when each will take from the communal kitchen the food prepared on the oven and cook it according to his own taste. When the taste is cooked, it will become the habit of the public. However, if it is necessary to make this a strict rule, stipulating that everyone must bring home ready food, this idea will definitely be disgusted by modern people, and they will regard this idea as the idea of ​​​​the temple barracks. — that is, unsound thoughts born in a bent mind caused by religious education (repression and superstition) — the same thing. What kind of person has the right to obtain food from the commune?This is the question we must ask ourselves.The cities will answer this question for themselves, and we believe that the answer will be guided by just sentiments.As long as labor has not been reorganized, and the period of confusion has not ceased, and people have not been able to distinguish between the idle parasite and the truly unemployed laborer, the necessary food should be distributed to all without distinction.Those who oppose the people and the new order will themselves run in haste.But as far as we are concerned, those people who are generous and non-revenge are the winners and losers of those who stay together in the new society, and share their bread with these people alike.It does no harm to the revolution to be inspired by such ideas; and when jobs are restored and business is revived, yesterday's enemies will join hands in the same factories today.In a society where labor is free, idlers are harmless. The critic will immediately say: "But food will be scarce in a month." "That's better," is our answer.In fact, it is the first time that we can prove that the people in history can have sufficient food to enjoy.As for how to obtain new food supplies, we will discuss this method below. Ⅴ In what ways can a city be fed during a period of social revolution?我们要答复这个问题，但是我们很明白，所采取的方法是要靠着各省区及邻近各国的革命的性质来决定的。假若全国或者全欧洲的人民一齐起来完成了社会革命，开始便实行完全的共产主义，那么，我们的处置便是很简单的了；然而倘使只是欧洲的三两个地方试行社会革命的时候，我们便不得不采取另一种方法。那时候的情形会把方法指示给我们。 这样，我们在采取何种措置以前，便应该先看清楚欧洲的形势。我们并不想来预言什么，但我们可以预料革命会采取什么样的道路；至少革命的主要特点是什么，也应该预先知道的。 假若全欧洲同时爆发了革命，到处都实行充公，所有的人都被共产主义的原理激动了，这自然是我们很希望的事。象这种普遍的大暴动一定会使我们现世纪的工作变为异常简单的。 然而一切的兆候都足以使我们相信这样的大暴动是不会实现的。革命将要波及于全欧洲，这件事是无可疑惑的。假使欧洲大陆的四大首都——巴黎（法京）、维也纳（奥京）、布鲁塞（比京）、柏林（德京）——中间有一个爆发了革命，推翻了政府，其他的三个就会在几星期以内起来响应，这是差不多靠得住的。而且各半岛，甚至伦敦和圣彼得堡①在最短期间也会接踵而起。然而革命在各处所表现出来的是否同一性质，这确实还是一个疑问。 ①又称彼得格勒，十月革命后改称列宁格勒。 - translator 诚然，将来无论何处都要实行大规模的充公，而且如果欧洲的某一个大国实行了这种政策，其他各国一定会受到影响，这是确实的；然而革命的开始便会表现出地方性的差异，革命的进行在各国也是不同的。在1789—1793年之间，法国农民费了四年之力，才得摆脱对于封建领主权利的赔偿的负担，中产阶级费了四年之力，才得颠覆了王权。我们须把这个记在心里，再来观察革命渐渐地自然发展。假使我们看见革命的进行有时不免迟缓，我们也不必垂头丧气。无论如何，在最初欧洲各国的革命是否都有显明的社会主义的性质，这还是疑问。我们要记着德国至今还是在做实现联邦帝国的梦。德国的进步的各党派还在梦想实现一个象1848年法国的雅各宾的共和国和路易·布朗的“劳动组织”；同时，在另一方面，法国平民却很热烈地要求一个自由的公社，无论共产主义的公社也好，其他的公社也好，但总要是自由的。 将来的革命发生的时候，即便是德国也要比1793年法国的行动更要进步些，这在道理上也可以相信得过。十八世纪的法国革命是比十七世纪的英国革命②更进一步的；法国人民在一击之下，便把王室、地主、贵族等的权力消灭了，而英国尚保留着此等权力以至于今日。然而倘使德国将来比较1793年的法国更进一步，而且会做出更大的事业，那么我们仍然不得不承认促成此次革命发生的思想会是1848年的思想；而鼓励俄国革命的思想也许会是1789年和1848年的思想的结合。 ②指推翻国王查理一世的革命，查理一世在1649年被判处死刑。 - translator 我们虽然不把这种预料看得过分的重要，但我们也可以得着下面的结论：欧洲各国的革命各有一个不同的性质；就是关于财富的社会化一点，也不是到处一样的。 难道真如人们常说的，做运动的先锋的国民有和留在后方踌躇不前的国民调整步调的必要么？我们必须等着一切文明国内共产主义革命的时机成熟么？当然不能这样做！纵然我们愿意这样做，也是不能够的。历史不能等待立在后面的人。 并且，我们还不相信在任何国家内，革命是一举或一瞬间就可以成功的，如某一些社会主义者所梦想的一般。①假若法国的六个大都市——巴黎、里昂、马赛、里尔、圣德田、波尔多（Bordeaux）——中间的一个宣布成立了公社，其他的五个皆会起而仿效的，还有许多小城市也会照这样做，这是靠得住的。于是各种矿山区和工业中心地也必急速和“所有主”、“雇主”脱离，由劳动者自身组织成自由团体。 ①最有害的谬说莫过于论及柏林3月18日革命之肤浅的社会主义小册子中所宣传的“一日的革命”，以为这“一日的革命”已使普鲁士成立了代议制的政治，其实这是极错误的。我们已经看见这谬说在1905至1907年间在俄国所造成的弊害了。事实是这样；普鲁士直到1871年才和现在（1913年）的俄罗斯一样有些叫做“宪法”那样的纸片，然而并没有代议制的政府。在1870年以前国务大臣可以随意提出任何预算案，国民不得过问。 ——Author (English version) 然而许多乡村地方还没有进步到那一点。公社已经革命化，而乡村却依旧抱着观望的态度，还在个人主义的组织之下过活。可是农民因为没有公差和税官来搅扰他们，他们对革命党也不怀着敌意，宁肯利用这新时势来拖延偿付本地掠夺者的债款。然而他们以实际的热诚（这是一般农民暴动的特质，我们还记得1792年的法国农民的热烈的劳作）竭力耕种土地；既不纳租税，又不付押款，他们对于土地便自然更加爱惜了。 说到其他的国家，革命会到处爆发，不过革命的面目却是不相同的；这一个国家实行国家社会主义，那一个国家又实行联合制，其细目虽不一致，但大体上各处多少都采取社会主义的。 Ⅵ 现在我们再说到那革命的都市，看看那里的市民怎样才能够为他们自己备办食粮。假若国民全体还没有采行共产主义，他们又怎样能够得着必须的食品呢？这是应该解决的问题。我们且拿法国的一个大都市——就拿首都巴黎来说也可以——来说。巴黎每年要消费几千吨的谷类，四十万头牛，三十万头犊牛，四十万头猪，二百万余头羊，此外还有许多野禽。这个大都会还要用去二千万磅以上的牛油，二万万个鸡蛋，其他物品的消费也是依着这个比例的。 巴黎消费的麦粉和谷物都是从美国、俄国、匈牙利、意大利、埃及、印度等处输入；畜类是从德国、意大利、西班牙——甚至罗马尼亚和俄国等处输入的；至于杂货，都是从世界各国来的。 我们现在且来考究看巴黎或其他的大都市怎样能够靠着法国内地出产的食粮来维持，又怎样能够使农人高兴地把这些食物从各地方送来。 在那些信赖“强权”的人看来，这个问题是很简单的。他们起先会建立强固的中央集权的政府，设置一切强制压迫的机械——警察、军队、断头机等。这政府会把法国所有的生产物登记下来。然后它把法国划成各个供给区，命令把指定量的某种食粮于某月某日送到某个地方，在某个车站交付，在那里又在一定的日期，由一个特别的官吏领收，放在特别的仓库里去。 现在我们可以有把握地说，这样的解决不仅不会受人欢迎，而且到底完全不能实行。这才是真正的“乌托邦”！ 一个人手里拿着一管笔坐在书斋里可以做这样的梦，然而要是他和实际生活接触一下，那么，便会证明出来这种理想是不可能的了。——1793年的事便是一个证据；因为这一类的理论太轻视人类的独立精神。这种举动会引起普遍的暴动的，会使再有三四个旺代省①出现，并且会引起农村对都市的叛乱；倘使某一个城市要把这样的制度强迫施行于全国，那么，全法兰西皆会武装起来反抗这城市的。 ①法国西部旺代省（Vendee）的农民在1793—94年曾激烈地反对革命。 - translator 雅各宾派的乌托邦我们已经看得太多了！我们再看另外有没有适当的组织方式呢？ 在法国大革命的时候，农村地方使大都市受着饥饿，这样杀死了革命。并且在1792至1793年中间法国谷物的生产不但未减少，反而增加，这是很明显的事实。然而农民把地主的土地收归己有，而且得到收获后，却不肯卖给那些使用纸币的人。他们把产物藏起来等待价格增高，或者等别人用金币来收买。国民公会①虽然用过最严厉的手段，也没有什么功效；虽以死刑来恐吓农民，也不能解散其党徒，使他们出售其谷物。国民公会的议员曾毫无顾忌地把那些不肯拿谷物到市场去卖的人捉来斩首，又把在食粮方面投机的人毫无容赦地处以死刑。但是无论如何，谷物仍旧不来，使都市的人苦于饥饿。 那么，用什么东西来报酬农夫的辛苦呢？土地债券么？②那是市价天天跌落的纸片。那是票面印出500利弗③而并无真实价值的纸币。一千利弗的纸币不能买一双长靴；农夫终年劳苦得到一张纸币，连一件衬衣也买不到。 ①1792年9月屠杀后，立法议会即无形消灭，9月20日一个革命的议会正式成立，即是国民公会（ConventionNationale）。 - translator ②Assignat是法国大革命时期中以土地为担保而发的纸币。 ——译者③利弗（livre），法国古货币名。 - translator 只要这种没有价值的纸币——不管它叫做“土地债券”也好，或叫做“劳动券”也好——仍还拿给农业生产者作为报酬的时候，情形总是一样的。农村便把生产物藏起来使都市苦于穷乏，虽象前次那样杀死一些反抗的农夫，也是没有用的。 我们不再用毫无价值的纸币来和农夫的勤劳交易了，我们要拿农夫目前需要的制造品来和他们交换。他们没有耕田的适当器具，没有避寒的衣服，没有可以代替灯芯或蜡烛的微光的洋灯和煤油，也没有锹、锄和草镰。在现社会情形之下农夫连什么东西都没有，并不是因为他们不需要这些东西，而是因为他们在苦斗和穷乏的生活中，一切有用的东西都不能够到他们的身边；因为他们没有钱来买这些东西。 都市革命后，应该立即着手制造农夫所需要的一切物品，不再去制造那些富豪的太太小姐们的装饰品了。巴黎的缝纫机也应该制造乡下人的衣服：做工的衣服和星期日穿的衣服，而不造英、俄等国的贵族和非洲富豪的太太们穿的高价的晚礼服了。各工厂各制造所也应该立刻从事制造耕作器械、锄头、草镰等等器具，不必再等英国送这些东西来交换法国的葡萄酒了！ 都市也不应该再遣派什么挂着红的或虹色的肩章的监察员到乡下去，命令农人把生产物拿到这里或那里了；只是派几个亲切的代表到乡里用和睦友善的样子对乡下人说：“我们要你们的产物，可是你们也可以随便在我们的仓库和店铺里取用你们需要的东西”。于是粮食便从各地方送来了。农夫只要把自己要用的食物留起，其余的全送到城市里来，这是自有历史以来的第一次，他们觉得都市的劳动者是他们的同志——他们的弟兄，而决不是掠夺者了。 也许有人要告诉我们说，同时需要着工业的完全的变革。当然，在某一些部门这是不错的；然而在有一些部分便可以很快地改造过来，使衣服、钟表、家具以及其他现在都市以额外价值售与农夫的简单器械都由农人自由取用。织工、裁缝、鞋匠、洋铁匠、木匠以及其他许多工匠、技术家等不再制造奢侈品了，把他们的力量用在有用品和必需品的制造上面，这是很容易的事。最急需的是一般人的心理应该完全相信这种变革，并且把它视作正义和进步的行动；而一般人也不会再被某一些理论家的得意的梦想所欺骗了——他们认为革命只限于占取工业的利润，而让生产和商业仍旧照现在的样子存在，其实这样的革命的梦想是永远不会实现的。 我们对于整个问题的意见便是如此。不要再用什么纸片去欺骗农夫——纵然那上面印得莫大的金额，也是无用的；我们要用他们土地耕作者必需的物品去交换他们的生产品。于是土地的产物便可以源源地输到都市里来。假使不曾做到这样，我们的都市便受着饥饿、反动与失望亦将接踵而至。 VII 我们已经说过，大都市需用的谷物、麦粉、肉类等不仅是从国内各地方购来的，而且还有些是从国外买来的。各国输进巴黎物品虽有很多的香料、鸟类以及各种美味，但谷物和肉类也是大宗。 然而革命发生的时候，这些城市应该尽力量所能做到的不去依赖外国。俄国的小麦，意大利或印度的米，西班牙或匈牙利的葡萄酒等，虽有很多的出现于西欧市场上，然而并不是因为输出这些物品的各国已经十分有余了，也不是因为这些东西象牧场上生的蒲公英一样是自然生长的。例如在俄国，农民每日做十六小时的工，然而为了把小麦输出外国，缴纳地主和国家的租税的缘故，每年竟要挨饿三个月乃至半年之久。当俄国农村收割好了的时候，警察便立刻出现了，要是农夫迟纳租税或未把地主的租钱付清，他就随便把他们的牛马拿去公卖；要避免这个办法，农夫只有含着眼泪承认把谷物卖给经营输出业的商人。通常农夫都愿意只留下九个月的粮食，把其余的都卖去，免得别人把他们的牲畜拿去贱价出售。这样，因为要维持生活到第二次收获的时候，他们便不得不把树皮和草叶拌合在麦粉中吃，在丰年他们只吃三个月的树皮和草叶就够了，遇着凶年便要吃到六个月之久；同时在伦敦的人，却用他们（俄国农夫）的小麦做成饼干来吃着玩。 然而革命一旦发生，俄国农夫便会留着很充足的面包预备给他和他的小孩食用；意大利和匈牙利的农夫也要照这样做；我们希望印度人照这样的好例做去，也可以得着利益；要美国的农夫来完全补足欧洲谷物的不足，究竟也困难。所以要靠他们供给小麦和玉蜀黍以满足一切的缺乏，是不行的。 因为我们现在的中产阶级的文明是基础在对劣等种族和工业落后国家的榨取上面的，那么，革命的第一个恩惠，便是威胁这“文明”，使所谓劣等种族把自己解放出来。 然而这个大恩惠会使输入西欧各大都市的食物供给，现出显著的减少现象。 要预言各地方的事务进行的状况是很困难的。一方面土地的奴隶将乘着革命的时机伸直他的弯曲的背。他们不再象现在那样，每天做十四、五小时的工作了，他们只做工七、八小时，其结果自然要减少主要消费物（谷物与肉类）的生产量。 但是在他方面，当农夫知道他们的勤劳不会再被拿去帮助懒惰的富人的时候，生产额立刻就会增加起来。新区域的土地要开垦出来了，改良的新器械也要使用了。 米席勒①论及法国大革命时曾经告诉我们说：“当1792年法国农夫从地主手中取回他们垂涎已久的土地时，他们耕种土地的热心和勤恳是从来不曾有过的。”② ①米席勒（J．Michelet，1798—1874）是法国的历史家，著有《法国革命史》（His－toiredelaRevolutionFrancaise，第二版增订本，共六卷），《法国史》（HistoiredeFrance）等书。 - translator ②著者在他的另一著作《法兰西大革命史》（全集第八卷）中说：“1794年的第一次丰收拯救了三分之一的法国，至少农村是如此，因为这时城市仍有粮食缺乏的恐惧。”——译者 自然，在短期间内集约农法便可以得到众人的采用。改良的机械，化学肥料以及其他的这类物件都成了社会的共有财富，由公社来供给。然而事实指示出来，在法国及其他各国，最初也会有农产物减少的现象。 无论如何，还是预先估计着从外国输入的和从内地送来的东西总是减少，这样倒更聪明，——那么有什么方法来补救这样的减少呢？ 没有别的，只有我们自己开始来工作！救济的方法近在我们的身边，我们不必徒费脑力去求诸远方了。 大都市和乡村一样，都应该着手来耕种土地。我们必须恢复生物学上所说的“各机能的总合”——就是说，在分工之后，又实行“全工”：这是遍于全自然界的进程。 此外，且撇开学理不谈，环境的力量会生出这样的结果。巴黎如果知道在八个月后，面包便要缺乏，它就会立刻开始种起小麦来。 土地是不会缺乏的，因为在大都市的周围，特别在巴黎周围，大地主的花园和娱乐场是很多的。这几千英亩的地面，只须加以熟练农夫的劳动，立刻会比那被日光晒干了的南俄罗斯的草原更要肥腴，出产更多的田野便会在巴黎的四周出现了。劳动是不会缺乏的。假若巴黎的二百万的居民一旦停止供给俄国王公，罗马尼亚贵族以及柏林金融家的太太们的豪华娱乐品，那么，他们的注意会转到什么地方去呢？ 有了现世纪的一切机械的发明；有了习于管理复杂机械的劳动者的智慧和技能；有了发明家、化学家、植物学教授以及象金内威黎的市场园艺家那样的实际植物学家；有了这些人用来增加和改良他们的器械的一切工具；更加上巴黎人的团结精神，他们的勇气和精力——巴黎的无政府主义的公社有了上述的一切，在它的支配之下，它的农业当然和埃尔坛纳的粗笨农业大不相同。 蒸汽、电气、太阳热、风力、都可以随人取用了，蒸汽锄、蒸汽犁可以很快地做准备的粗工作；地面因为犁来犁去，已成了肥沃的土壤；只需要人们的聪慧的注意（女子比男子注意得更周到），地面即为葱葱郁郁的植物所掩盖了；——而且一年不仅一次，竟会有三四次之多。 从有经验的专门家学习了园艺耕作的方法；又用小小的土地来做各种不同栽培法的试验；互相比赛看谁能得到最好的结果；因为不做过度的工作，由于身体的运动便恢复了在都市里所缺乏的健康的体力。——这样，男子、妇女和小孩都喜欢到田间去劳动；这不再是奴隶的苦役了，这是一种快乐、一种节日、一种快乐与健康的更新。 “世界上无不毛之地，土地的价值因人而定。”——这便是近代农业的结论。去向土地要求面包，假使你要求得当，它一定会给你的。 就象在塞纳和塞纳—瓦兹两省那样小的地方，即使要它们养活象巴黎那样大的都市，实际上也会产出充足的食粮的。除此以外，并无别法。 农业和工业的联合，一个人同时做农夫又做工人——无政府共产主义倘使起初便以充公作出发点，结果会把我们引到这方面去的。 让革命一直向前猛进，饥馑并不是革命的可怕的仇敌，可怕的危险是在中途停顿，在怯懦，在顽迷。这危险丹东已经看破了，他便向法国叫道：“大胆！大胆！更要大胆！”①先有大胆的思想，然后才有大胆的行为。 ①丹东在1792年9月2日对巴黎民众演讲“祖国的危急”（据A．Aulard说，这似乎是为着阻止“9月屠杀”而发的），结尾的话是：“……就要响起来的警钟并不是惊慌的信号，这是袭击祖国的敌人的信号。为了要征服他们，我们应该大胆，更要大胆，永远大胆，这样法国才会得救。”（见H．Fleischmann编的丹东的演讲录，1920年版。）——译者