Chapter 16 1985 Carnival without limits

Since June 1984, Hainan Island, which has been solitary overseas and lonely for a century, has suddenly become a land of turmoil. Businessmen with a sense of smell all over China rush there with their wallets in their pockets. A once-in-a-century money carnival is being staged there. The drama will last for half a year and end in tragedy. Hainan Island was still part of Guangdong Province. In January 1984, after Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour, the central government decided to open up 14 coastal cities. Hainan, which is adjacent to Hong Kong and Shenzhen, naturally became the key area for opening up.At that time, Lei Yu, Secretary of the Party Committee of the Hainan Administrative District and Director of the Office, was "so excited that he couldn't sleep at night."He later recalled that he had calculated a detailed account at that time, "Hainan Island must have primitive accumulation to develop. What to rely on? Relying on the central government? It is very important, but not enough. Relying on foreign aid? Impossible. There is a quick way to do it yourself." Straw boats borrow arrows'."

Lei Yu's "borrowing arrows" is to convert the special policies given by the central government into real money.As early as April 1983, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council once approved and forwarded a document, "Discussion Minutes on Accelerating the Development and Construction of Hainan Island", which stated: "Hainan Administrative Region can approve the import of industrial and agricultural production materials for production and construction according to needs; You can use local foreign exchange to import some consumer goods that are in short supply in the Hainan market (including commodities that are controlled by the state for import and export)." However, this "Summary" also clearly stipulates that "the above-listed import and export materials and commodities are limited to use and sale within the Hainan administrative region. It is not allowed to resell outside the administrative area." Lei Yu's "borrowing arrows" "ignored" the following paragraph lightly.In fact, in Shenzhen at that time, there were many companies that made money by importing goods controlled by the state.

In order to make more use of policies quickly and complete primitive accumulation, Lei Yu and his subordinates naturally thought of automobiles. Compared with imported small household appliances and office equipment, it is undoubtedly the most profitable and the most profitable inland market. A welcome heavyweight.At that time, Lei Yu's calculation was, "Import 13,000 vehicles and resell them to the mainland, and earn 200 million yuan." To his surprise, the situation quickly got out of hand as soon as the floodgate opened. In 1984, Hainan was a remote place where the government and the poor were poor. At that time, the island’s fiscal revenue was only 286.5 million yuan. In Lei Yu’s words, “It was not even enough to pay wages. Some communes don’t even have the money to put up signs, and don’t even have the money to buy propaganda papers for conscription, writing slogans, it’s true.” But now, if you get an approval document, you can earn tens of thousands of yuan by reselling a car. For the Hainanese, there is no doubt that a large oil well has been dug at their doorstep.Lei Yu once described the villages in South China around 1982: "At that time, Hainan had no awareness of commodities at all. Hainanese sold eggs and fruits in villages and alleys, and under banyan trees. You took something and put the banknotes under his basket, and he dared to put them away when the person left. He felt ashamed to ask for money from others, but he couldn’t do without money.” No one expected that in just a few years, the copper coins would roll away. To, the simplicity is lost.All of a sudden, the whole island fell into a madness, everyone scrambled for approvals, and everyone resold cars. Even Lei Yu admitted helplessly in the future, "Even kindergartens come to get approvals, because approvals can be changed into money, and they go to other provinces to sell approvals, and there are no approvals in other places." , Hainan Island can have approval documents, and if he handed over these approval documents to others, wouldn't he make money?"

This summer, almost everyone in Hainan Island is talking about cars.When you go to any tea house, restaurant, hotel, shop, government office, factory, school, newspaper office, or kindergarten or nursery, the word that makes you dizzy is "car".In the future, a report described a detail: "This morning, an aunt who was sweeping the floor and pouring tea at the office, wrenched her fingers, settled the accounts with Uncle who was receiving mail and newspapers at the door, and imported a 12-seat Japanese van. It costs four to five thousand U.S. dollars; it only costs U.S. $5,700 to import a super-luxury crown from Japan. Calculated at a ratio of 1:2.8 between U.S. dollars and renminbi, after tariffs, there is still 100% or even an astonishing profit in 2005. The more they calculate, the happier they are , because they just got an approval to import a car."

In the first half of 1984, Hainan imported only 2,000 cars. By July, the district government had approved the import of 13,000 cars, 36 times higher than the monthly average in the first half of the year.The black market foreign exchange has become public, and the price has soared wildly. The ratio of the dollar to the renminbi has become 1:4.4, and even 1:6.People flocked to the Pearl River Delta to exchange Hong Kong dollars with bags of RMB.Some people in Shenzhen, Beijing and other places also smell the smell of gold mines from Hainan's policies.At that time, the import of household appliances, automobiles, motorcycles and spare parts from other places had to be directly approved by the State Council, but Hainan Island had its own import privileges. Automobile" became the most attractive business opportunity at that time.

An unprecedented car frenzy officially started on this impoverished isolated island.Of the 94 units directly under the district, 88 were obsessed and involved in the car frenzy.Under the influence of the party and government organizations, all walks of life on the island boldly start car trading.In just half a year, 872 companies appeared on the island, and all of them went straight to the car. It was a scorchingly hot summer. Cars poured into Hainan Island like a tide, and they were all parked inside and outside Haikou City. They were densely packed and stretched as far as the eye could see. They were colorful and shining in the sun, forming a spectacular scene.The Industrial and Commercial Bureau actively handles the "fine release" procedures for buyers from all over the country. As long as they are fined four to five thousand yuan and stamped with an official seal, the car can be shipped out of the island in a dignified manner.Among them, corruption, bribery, bribery, arbitrage, all criminal activities are carried out openly in the sun.After the investigation, in just half a year, Hainan signed a total of 89,000 car import release approval documents, ordered more than 70,000 cars, and issued more than 50,000 letters of credit.The total amount for imports is as high as 300 million US dollars.

In September, a large number of imported cars in Hainan attracted the attention of the central government. The State Council sent people to investigate. The materials reported by the Hainan administrative region government were quite different from the actual situation: "First, all cars imported in Hainan are sold on the island (all cars It is true that the invoices are stamped with the words 'only for use within the island' and 'no leaving the island'. Second, the number of vehicles that have arrived so far is less than 15,000 (this is also a fact, but the report materials do not mention and the tens of thousands of cars that have already been shipped and are coming to Hainan through the waves). Third, Hainan’s management of imported materials is very strict, and no one is allowed to leave the island. Violators will be punished.” Just in the administrative district government At the same time that this material was submitted, thousands of Japanese cars were being unloaded continuously at the port of Haikou City.From September 25 to October 10, Hainan approved at least 8,900 more vehicles to import. On November 25, Lei Yu still stated in a telegram to the Special Administrative Region Office of the State Council, "So far, all the cars imported from Hainan Island are sold on the island."

Cars are not diamonds. Thousands of them are imported and exported from the island, but people all over the world treat them as nothing. In December, Lei Yu was summoned to Guangzhou, where the provincial government explicitly ordered him to stop importing cars.At this point, the frenzy stopped abruptly. At the beginning of 1985, a huge investigation team consisting of 102 people from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the Central Military Commission, the Supreme People's Court, the People's Procuratorate, the National Audit Office, the General Administration of Customs, the Special Zone Office of the State Council, and the Provincial Party Committee and Provincial Government was stationed in Hainan. On July 31, 1985, Xinhua News Agency broadcast a telegram entitled "Seriously Dealing with Serious Violations of Laws and Disciplines of Importing and Reselling Automobiles and Other Materials in Hainan Island", saying:

"From January 1, 1984 to March 5, 1985, some leading cadres of the Hainan District Party Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Hainan District Government adopted wrong practices such as speculation in foreign exchange and excessive borrowing of loans, and successively approved More than 89,000 vehicles have been imported, and more than 79,000 vehicles have arrived, as well as a large number of materials such as TV sets, video recorders, and motorcycles, which are being resold. This is a major event since my country’s opening to the outside world. The Hainan Administrative District Party Committee and some The person in charge violated the policy of the central government on the development of Hainan, proceeded from local interests, took advantage of the loopholes in the policy, and abused the autonomy granted by the central government. This seriously violated the law and discipline, impacted the national plan, disturbed the market order, and undermined the foreign exchange management regulations And the credit policy, not only corrupted the party style and social atmosphere, not only caused great damage to the country, but also added difficulties to Hainan's opening up and construction, and delayed the development and construction of Hainan Island."

According to the survey data released shortly after, in one year, Hainan illegally bought 570 million U.S. dollars of foreign exchange from 21 provinces and cities across the country and 15 central government agencies. The total output value of Hainan's industry and agriculture has increased by 1 billion yuan.In addition to automobiles, 2.86 million TV sets and 252,000 VCRs were imported. Lei Yu was dismissed and later transferred to the deputy secretary of an agricultural county in Guangdong.Lin Taosen, a member of the Standing Committee of the Administrative District Committee and head of the organization, was sentenced to life imprisonment for the crime of "speculation".After many years, people can still see some high-end smuggled cars with "Cantonese" license plates on the roads north and south of the river. They are all relics of the Hainan case.

In the history of China's reform and enterprise history, the "Hainan car reselling incident" has a strong "fable". In order to develop the economy in a region, many shortcomings in the system gradually cannot keep up with the needs of economic development. Obviously, starting to enter a long gray area. According to the data disclosed by He Bochuan in "China on the Col", China's imported cars in 1985 were equal to the total number of imported cars from 1950 to 1979.After the Hainan incident, the phenomenon of reselling smuggled imported cars by taking advantage of policy loopholes has never been really banned.From 1983 to 1987, local governments used foreign exchange to import a large number of automobiles, with an amount as high as 16 billion U.S. dollars, equivalent to the net fixed assets of two U.S. Chrysler automobile companies at that time. The import and resale of other commodities has also not stopped. From January to September 1988, about 20,000 video recorders were imported through the customs, while more than 330,000 actually entered the country.Xinhua News Agency reporters went to the two largest state-owned shopping malls in Beijing to investigate. Most of the VCRs they sold were smuggled goods from Guangdong, and some were second-hand or even third-hand.Taking color photo paper again as an example, in the first half of 1989, the five special zones imported 40 million US dollars, accounting for 1/3 of the national consumption, of which more than 80% flowed into the mainland through gray channels. In 1988, according to customs statistics, the value of imported consumer goods across the country was US$1.3 billion. The Xinhua News Agency commented in the future, "Any discerning reader who goes around the market will come back and say: It's not right, and it won't be more than doubled." In 1995, 549,000 color TV sets came in through normal foreign trade channels, while the actual market sales volume was 5 million sets. From the perspective of annual observation, the crazy Hainan car incident was not an isolated case. At that time, the introduction of a comparable equipment was in full swing across the country. Since last year, a large number of production lines have begun to pour in.China's coast is undoubtedly becoming the downstream zone of international industrial transfer, which seems to be a wise choice for both multinational companies and China.Hundreds of color wires, refrigerator wires, washing machine wires and video recorder wires are being installed day and night. Soon, the "Warring States Era" of China's home appliance industry will come.Speed ​​has become the most important indicator. In Tianjin, it set a record of introducing a German motorcycle production line in 22 days. It was regarded as an advanced deed and spread widely. As the British "Financial Times" commented in a report on February 27, 1985, "Across China, even small factories are looking for foreign joint ventures to help them modernize their enterprises. China People are much more organized and well-informed now than they were five years ago." In October, the American "Newsweek" described it vividly in the article "Chinese People Search for Useful Old Equipment": "One A group of engineers, technicians and packers came to Valmont, an industrial city in France. They worked around the clock to dismantle all the equipment of the bankrupt Boquenet refrigerator factory. 5,000 tons of equipment were loaded on ships, planes and trains, and set off for shipment to Tianjin, where they are reassembled into a production line of 2,000 refrigerators a day in a factory there. Similar cases abound. Across Europe, Chinese delegations scour for second-hand factories with lists of what they want Equipment, which is already a trend. For companies in Europe that either get destroyed or sit idle if they don’t sell it, China is an extremely attractive trading partner – because it always pays cash.” Chinese economist Huang Yasheng's later research showed that "a large number of Japanese investors have used second-hand machines, and Japanese companies can no longer use these machines to make profits in their own country." William Hinton, a senior UN consultant working in China for a long time, said in a The book, titled "The Great Reversal," discloses, "Around 1985, people in the know said a lot of bad trade was going on. If a foreign company couldn't get the government to accept a contract to buy their product, they could go down to provincial and municipal Units closed deals that didn't work out. That's how they sold China a lot of shoddy equipment and obsolete technology. Because of the high tech craze, anything called high tech sells well, even if it has no tech at all or China was originally There is better technology." The upsurge of equipment introduction that happened all over the country had a huge influence on the development of Chinese companies later.It has revived many old enterprises with obsolete equipment and lack of product competitiveness, allowing them to enter the exploding consumer goods market as quickly as possible. By.According to the "Economic Daily" report, popular refrigerator brands in the Beijing market this year include Wanbao from Guangzhou, Xiangxuemei from Suzhou, Yiyou from Jiaxing, Bingfeng from Tianjin; Narcissus from Shanghai, Wuyang from Guangzhou, and Bingfeng from Tianjin. The waves in Dalian, the goldfish in Hangzhou, the lotus in Wuhan, the Clivia in Changchun, and the double gull in Baoji.They are the first batch of branded products in China's home appliance industry. Without exception, they are the first state-owned enterprises to introduce foreign production lines. At the same time, the introduction fever without planning and order has also caused great waste and loss of control in industry regulation. One of its problems is that it is greedy for big things and seeks foreign countries, which is not in line with the national conditions.A steel rolling mill in Wuhan imported tens of millions of dollars of equipment, but it could not solve the long-term idleness due to power problems; Sichuan spent 800 million yuan to import a complete set of vinylon production equipment from Japan. Removing all the natural gas was not enough to maintain half of the operation; Daqing Chemical Fertilizer Factory introduced an American production line and reduced the original 1,520 employees to 315. After that, management problems emerged one after another, and the quality of technicians could not guarantee professional cooperation. go back". The second is that blind introduction leads to low utilization rate.According to the report of Guangming Daily, in 1987, Wuhan City conducted a census on the introduction work and found that 87 enterprises in the city had a total of 911 equipment worth 51 million yuan, which had been vacant for a long time, and some of them had not even opened the packing boxes. On December 15, 1987, the American "Business Weekly" estimated that the value of idle equipment in Chinese factories was about 20 billion yuan, a considerable part of which was imported two years ago. The third is that there are more complete sets of equipment and less technical introduction.According to the statistics of scholars at that time, complete sets of equipment accounted for 80% of the import fever, single equipment accounted for 17%, and technology introduction, which was regarded as the first target, accounted for only 3%.After the introduction of a lot of equipment, the parts and equipment maintenance required for its production are still all dependent on foreign companies. The fourth is repeated introduction and lack of planning. Around 1985, Shanghai introduced a total of 12 color TV production lines. Two years later, only 7 were in operation, and the rest were all idle and scrapped.Such phenomena abound in various industries and regions.On May 17 of that year, the "Economic Information Daily" published a survey result of China Automobile Industry Corporation on the headlines of the front page, "The situation of blind and repeated introduction of automobile industry is serious." According to the calculation of this industry management company, by 1990 In 2019, the national annual sales volume of automobiles was around 900,000 vehicles. Judging from the current import situation, the national annual output will reach 2 million vehicles. In addition, there will be blind assembly of complete vehicles, multiple introductions of the same technology, and repeated introduction projects. In order to facilitate the self-approval of projects, some regions have also adopted the method of breaking them into parts, so that some large projects will be launched in batches, resulting in a situation where the introduction is out of control. In the heat of introduction, mud and rocks often happen.Qinghai Province imported a set of concrete delivery pumps from Italy and the Federal Republic of Germany through a trading company in Hong Kong. It turned out that it was an old equipment 30 years ago. Except for the brand new, other parts of the whole set of equipment were worn out. In August, Shanghai's "Wen Wei Po" published an ironic piece of news. In the report titled "Why Nobody Interested in Foreign Tofu", the reporter wrote: In late June, the Zhabei Bean Products Factory spent 1.6 million yuan. A set of boxed tofu production line was introduced from Japan. It was originally hoped that it would enrich the variety of tofu and increase the market supply. Who knows, troubles followed one after another after the assembly line was installed for more than a month.First of all, the cost of tofu is too high. The tofu made by traditional crafts will become sour and porous after deterioration. This kind of Japanese tofu will become a bag of water as soon as it deteriorates. Moreover, the assembly line equipment is too expensive. A phone call costs at least 20 yuan.The reporter finally said helplessly that it seemed that this time he had paid an expensive tuition fee. From 1985 to 1987, a total of 115 color TV production lines, 73 refrigerator production lines, 15 copier production lines, 35 aluminum profile processing production lines, 22 integrated circuit production lines, and 6 float glass production lines were introduced all over the country, only in Guangdong Province. , then introduced 21 suit production lines, 18 canning lines, 22 food bread production lines, and 12 furniture production lines.The most typical import case is that 9 provinces and cities have introduced 9 "Ariston" refrigerator production lines of the same model to the Italian Meloni company. The price of each production line is 30 million yuan, and the annual production capacity is 30 million yuan. million units.For a time, China successively produced Hefei Meiling, Mudanjiang Beibingyang, Nanjing Bole, Shanghai Far East, Jingdezhen Huayi, Chongqing Wuzhou, Baoji Changling, Lanzhou Changfeng and Zhongyi refrigerator "Ariston Nine Brothers".In the subsequent rush to buy home appliances, these enterprises became prosperous for a while and became local profit and tax households. At the peak, the output of "Nine Brothers" accounted for 1/3 of the total refrigerator output in the country.And 10 years later, 8 withered, only Meiling survived. The introduction fever in 1985 suffered great criticism in the future.The large-scale introduction of the heat wave caused a huge consumption of foreign exchange. By the end of the year, the national trade deficit reached a record 13.78 billion US dollars, equivalent to 52% of the total export value.However, objectively speaking, the out-of-control introduction has had a huge effect on the renewal of China's light industry and the start-up of the consumer goods market.A Chinese company in this era is like an adolescent boy rushing into a grass field that is growing wildly. You can hear the sound of his bones and grass growing upwards. Excessive energy and enthusiasm seem to be unavoidable. While importing a large amount, according to the observation of "Business Weekly", China also began to try to invest abroad this year. A report in November revealed that "China has begun to invest overseas. The first stop is Hong Kong, with an investment of US$6 billion, ranking third in foreign investment in Hong Kong. China International Trust and Investment Corporation and two American companies purchased in Washington A $35-$40 million forest for wood to build Chinese houses. This is the first direct Chinese investment in the United States.” However, at the beginning, foreign investment did not seem to be going well. "Newsweek" cited two examples of failed investment in Hong Kong: "Two Beijing-backed companies—Bank of China and China Resources Corporation spent US$22.8 million to purchase 34.8% of Conic’s shares. After that, China sent officials to the board of directors. A few months later, Conic’s stock was suspended because the company’s chairman sold all his shares worth $10 million to the Chinese, and in his personal Under control, it borrowed $27.8 million from Conic. Another thing is that a Chinese-funded company initially announced that it would spend $120 million to buy 8 apartment buildings under construction, but then announced that it would give up. This behavior led to a decline in the stock market, and the company Lost credit." These news are nothing new to read after many years, but around 1985, the world still observed a long-closed socialist country trying to participate in the international capital game, although this effort seemed a bit clumsy. Almost at the same time that the Hainan automobile case was named and stopped by the central government, another major economic incident broke out in China. The Jinjiang counterfeit medicine case appeared in Fujian Province adjacent to Guangdong, which directly led to the downfall of Xiang Nan, the secretary of the provincial party committee. There are 57 township enterprises in Jinjiang manufacturing counterfeit medicines, 45 of which are concentrated in Chendai Township, and this town is a model supported by Xiang Nan, Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee. It is the first township in Fujian with an industrial and agricultural output value exceeding 100 million yuan , Known as "Fujian a branch of flowers".Since 1980, local food factories have sprung up. In order to pursue huge profits, they have gradually turned to pharmaceutical production. Local private owners have entered the specific consumption channel of "public medical care" through various levels of pharmaceutical companies.They use inferior white fungus and white sugar to make counterfeit medicines such as "Jianya Granules", "Lifei Granules", and "Yiganling Granules" to make improper profits.A reporter from Xinhua News Agency said in a later report: "Most of the counterfeit drug factories are jointly run by farmers. They have no pharmaceutical technicians, no quality monitoring institutions, and no pharmaceutical equipment in the modern sense. All they use are crude Stoves, iron pots, bamboo utensils and other primitive tools, while the factory buildings are mostly old rural dwellings, with flies flying around, garbage piled up, and dust on the packaging table. How did this kind of pharmaceutical factory obtain legal status? The procedure is very simple , As long as you open an account in a village or town, the village and town will draw 1% to 2% of the product sales, and you can get a bank account number and official seal." Low-cost counterfeit medicines rushed into the public medical system through high kickbacks, which naturally brought admirable corporate benefits, but the local government let it go for economic development.By the beginning of 1985, fake medicines in Jinjiang had become a raging trend, and even the Town Industrial and Commercial Office had also set up a health drink factory to produce and sell fake medicines.In order to produce counterfeit medicines in a safer and legal capacity, Jinjiang people also came up with the method of joint venture factories. They cooperated with some endangered state-owned factories in Xiamen and Shaanxi to forge approval documents in the name of setting up branch factories or joint ventures to produce counterfeit medicines. medicine.When the door of desire is opened, if there is no legal restriction, imaginative evil will grow wantonly like weeds. On June 16, 1985, "People's Daily" published an explosive news report "The Shocking Fujian Jinjiang Counterfeit Drug Case", disclosing the situation and reasons for the production and sale of counterfeit drugs in Jinjiang, claiming that the local counterfeit drug factory produced 100 A variety of counterfeit medicines totaled more than 100,000 boxes, with a sales volume of more than 35 million yuan. More than 1,000 people participated in the production and sale of counterfeit medicines. In addition, 105 drug approval numbers issued by health administrative departments were forged, and tax invoices were printed privately.Since then, the relevant departments have continued to investigate, and the media has continued to follow up on the exposure. The whole country was in a state of turmoil, and Jinjiang became synonymous with "fake medicine" and "liar". I dare not mention the word "Jinjiang".In this anti-counterfeiting storm, Xiang Nan was implicated and resigned. Starting from the Jinjiang counterfeit drug case, in the vast rural areas of China, the conscious, organized, and large-scale manufacture of counterfeit and inferior products will continue to spread in the next 20 years, and it has never been eradicated.It has become a shortcut for many places to get rid of poverty, and it has become a unique strategy for local governments to revitalize the local economy. In Jinjiang counterfeit drug factories, a considerable part of the founders and operators are local township cadres, and this feature will appear again and again in the future.The simple business ethics that have been handed down for thousands of years at the grassroots level in China are gradually being terribly lost since then.A common feature of incidents of counterfeiting and counterfeiting in rural China is regional crimes, that is, farmers in a certain village collectively participate in counterfeiting activities, and all people know clearly what their actions will produce. What kind of harm will it bring to society and consumers? However, out of the need for interests, everyone will leave the minimum moral constraints behind.Some basic governments have even become the umbrella and profit-making accomplices of this kind of organized crime.A reporter once wrote about a cadre who faked a village: "Do you know that this kind of behavior is illegal and immoral?" The capable township head pointed to the new houses of farmers under construction behind him, and said firmly: "I I feel that the greatest virtue in the world is to make my impoverished hometown rich." The fake medicine case in Jinjiang and the car smuggling case in Hainan filled China in 1985 with a strange atmosphere.On the one hand, economic opening and enterprise reform have gradually become the consensus of the whole people. New reforms are being encouraged and tried in various fields. Private capital in the Pearl River Delta, southern Jiangsu and Wenzhou is in the ascendant.Accelerating investment and accelerating development have once again become the theme of the country, and the macro economy has shown signs of heating up again after several years of silence.On the other hand, the material desires of the whole people are suddenly stimulated, and getting rid of poverty has become the supreme public ideal. Chance. From a macro point of view, the Chinese economy in 1985 was overheating again.This was related to the monetary policy of the central government at that time. When planning the credit scale in 1985 in October last year, the State Council announced that the figure at the end of the year would be the borrowing base for the next year.As a result, various professional banks rushed to lend money in order to compete for the credit base. As a result, the national credit fund increased sharply. The bank printed money day and night, and later announced that it had printed an extra 8 billion yuan. You must know that in 1983, the total amount of money injected nationwide was only 90.66. billion. The continuous establishment of enterprises and the increase of consumer demand make the shortage of production materials more and more serious.It should be pointed out that China has been in a state of resource shortage since the first day of reform and opening up, and this is the only state that has not changed in the past 30 years.And the policy response to this state, we can see the growth trajectory and internal logic of this reform.Compared with those private companies that do not drill seamlessly, the initiative and ability of state-owned enterprises to compete for means of production are obviously much weaker. Therefore, the think tanks of the State Council creatively came up with a "dual-track price system" method. At the beginning of 1985, the state announced the cancellation of restrictions on the prices of self-sold products outside the company's plan, and announced the formal formation of the "dual-track price system" for means of production.According to public information, in early May 1985, economist Huan Xiang proposed for the first time that "my country's new economic system may be a dual-track system" at a seminar entitled "China's Facing the Future."He believes that "for a long time to come, there will be a period of coexistence of a centralized economic system and a decentralized economic system."This idea has been appreciated by decision-makers and has become the theoretical basis of the "dual-track system".There are disputes in the economic circles about the historical evaluation of the "dual price system".Some people believe that the "dual-track system" has institutionalized state opportunism and caused widespread corruption. .While others see this as a "successful" approach, the reasoning is reversed: without the dual track, there are only two options: one is to continue with the planned single track, or one is to go directly to the market single track following the shock therapy.It is a well-established fact that the former is inefficient; but the latter creates great confusion and, in fact, a great deal of difficulty.The reason is firstly that after the market is opened, the original economic structure cannot be changed immediately, and a large number of state-owned enterprises still have monopoly, so the monopoly will use its privilege to raise prices, causing market chaos; secondly, once the market is opened, the original economy Many economic chains will be disconnected, causing a sharp decline in economic growth.In contrast, the dual-track system retains planned prices while liberalizing part of the market.Although it does create a lot of opportunities for corruption, this system allows the non-state-owned economy to have opportunities to invest in development and to sell products. The dual-track system means that there are two prices for one type of production means, one is the "planned price" controlled by the state, and the other is the market-oriented "unplanned price". The cost of the latter is far greater than that of the former.The purpose of this distorted price system is to protect the advantages of state-owned enterprises in raw material procurement.At the same time, the country can also constantly adjust the sales ratio of planned and unplanned commodities according to market demand. For example, around 1985, the ratio of planned and unplanned commodities for steel was 78:22, and coal was 92:8. Petroleum is 83:17, cement is 64:36, food is 59:41, clothing is 59:41, and consumer durables are 48:52.It can be seen from these proportions that the state's control over raw materials is far greater than that over daily consumer goods. The "dual-track system" has distinct characteristics of a planned economy, and it has played a certain role in curbing skyrocketing prices and inflation, but it has also become a fundamental problem that plagues the growth of private enterprises for a long time. Zhou Yaoting of Wuxi Hongdou Group, a well-known township enterprise in Jiangsu Province, recalled, "When Hongdou developed, the state never provided one kilogram of diesel oil, one kilogram of cotton yarn, and never any planned raw materials. Around 1985 and 1986, textile enterprises Raw materials are extremely tight, and many factories have run out of food. Our company does not have cotton yarn for foreign trade. I want to get some from the Wuxi City Department. The answer is of course no, because you are a township enterprise, and it is impossible to give a kilogram of cotton yarn. Let me say, The state-owned enterprise is the big brother, and our township and village enterprises are the younger brothers. The younger brother learns from the big brother. Can we ask the textile company to give us some cotton yarn? The cadres of the department replied to me: Are your township enterprises the younger brother? .” This dialogue made Zhou Yaoting unforgettable. Twenty years later, in a special interview with CCTV "Twenty Years of Reform and Opening up", he said to the camera, "State-owned enterprises are big brothers, township enterprises are not little brothers, township enterprises are An illegitimate child. At that time, our township enterprises were treated like an illegitimate child.” The term "illegitimate child" sounds a bit ugly, but it is an obvious fact.In order to strictly implement the dual-track system and protect state-owned enterprises within the system, the State Council issued a strict ban in March: the wholesale business of important production materials and durable consumer goods in short supply can only be operated by state-owned units, and arbitrage purchases are not allowed to be resold on the spot with a price increase. , It is not allowed to resell planned supply tickets, it is not allowed to raise prices arbitrarily, and it is not allowed to ask for extra income in any form, and it is necessary to resolutely stop and severely crack down on speculators. Such a clear and severe prohibition can scare some timid ones, but it can't curb those adventurers with strong backgrounds at all. On the contrary, it makes the profit margin of adventures bigger and bigger.The reality that happened later was that the "dual-track price system" directly nourished the prosperity of the "bad man economy".Those people or companies with government background and resources buy the scarce means of production according to the state planned price and sell them according to the market price, earning the difference. "Economic Daily" once reported such an example: the state-run Inner Mongolia Chifeng Metal Materials Company bought 500 tons of zinc ingots from an aluminum-zinc mine at a planned price of 3,714 yuan per ton, and then resold them on the spot at a price of 6,500 yuan per ton. The Guangdong company resold it three more times, raising the price to 7,000 yuan per ton. In the end, the metal material company bought it back and instigated it to the state-run Chifeng Electric Wire Factory.The zinc ingots stayed where they were, and the losers made a lot of money from them. The state-run mines, metal material companies, and wire factories all became the payers without exception. It is precisely because of the rampant and "sight-seeing" of the bad guys that various state-distributed materials flow to the market in various forms and through various channels, and the state's mandatory plans have completely lost their seriousness.In the years when the "dual-track price system" was implemented, the state-distributed materials never completed the supply contract to the state, and those state-owned enterprises that behaved well and followed the state's regulation and control plan became the biggest victims.In this sense, the poor class that benefited from this deformed price system was the last straw that crushed the planned economy. According to estimates, the direct losses brought by the dual-track system to the Chinese economy are at least 1.1 trillion yuan per year, accounting for 9% of GDP, which is basically the same as China's economic growth rate in many years.According to a research report by scholar Hu Heli, in 1988 alone, the total price difference of nationally controlled commodities exceeded 150 billion yuan. Adding the interest rate difference of bank loans and the exchange rate difference of foreign exchange prices used for imports, the total price difference of the three items reached more than 350 billion yuan. , accounting for about 30% of the national income that year, of which about 70% flowed into private pockets. Although enjoying the protection of the "dual-track price system", state-owned enterprises are still struggling within the system. This is really a process of suffering from business activities to mentality. Those "orthodoxy" formed under the planned economy are being severely challenged by the market, and no one is used to it.多年以来，宣传系统一直在宣导“工人是工厂的主人翁”以及“企业是党领导下的工人组织”，而刚刚开始推行的厂长责任制让这些不容挑战的理念面临尴尬。 11月的《工人日报》刊登了一篇报道，题为《一个锐意改革的厂长的苦恼》：一年前，岩石到“名盈实亏”的长春卷烟厂任厂长，他管理严格，经营得法，当年就实现利润1200万元，成为全省的盈利冠军，然而他严厉的工作方式却遭到习惯于温情管理和平均主义的工人们的抵抗，数十份投诉岩石“多拿奖金”和“任人唯亲”的告状信发给了各个上级部门，前后七个调查组进厂调查。报纸为岩石辩护说，他的工资只比普通工人高两级，大概每月多十多元钱，而他人用干部都是经过上级部门审核批准过的。 几乎与此同时，《人民日报》则刊登了一篇来自另一个国营工厂的长篇报道《厂长哥哥》。在这家位于内蒙古的东胜中药厂里，记者李仁臣问工人，“你在心里是怎样评价你们厂长呢？”工人动情地说，“他是我们的厂长哥哥。”这家工厂的厂长张明瑞待工人如手足，是一个大好人式的厂长，他的理想就是让这家工厂变成一个互亲互爱的大家庭。他的名言是“老辈人我敬如父母，平辈人我亲如兄妹，晚辈人我爱如子女”，“他也训过工人，但很快就扪心自责，主动请被训的人原谅自己的过错。” 很显然，在严厉的岩石与仁慈的张明瑞之间，全社会的观念都如钟摆般地剧烈摇摆，商业内在的冷血特征已经越来越清晰地呈现出它的本色，只不过所有的人都不习惯，甚至不愿意承认。 另一个剪理不清的观念是，在一个国营企业里，到底是厂长说了算，还是党委书记说了算。在改革之前，这根本不是一个问题，书记是工厂毋庸置疑的领导者。但是在新的治理结构中，厂长成了企业经营的第一责任人，他是否应该继续接受书记的领导？这个问题涉及政治敏感，有关的争论一直在遮遮掩掩中进行了十多年，从“党委领导下的厂长负责制”，到“书记'厂长双核心制”，再到厂长全面负责制，拖泥带水，纠缠不清，一直要到1998年前后，随着《公司法》的出台，现代企业制度开始被普遍地接受，这个问题才不了了之。1985年前后，一位中央领导人曾经用“大事不糊涂，小事不纠缠”来界定书记在企业中的职责，不过这种说法固然生动，但在具体的工作中却根本无法执行。 8月3日，沈阳的三家国营企业收到了《破产警戒通告》，这是建国以来的第一例。沈阳市政府将之办成了一个盛大的新闻发布会，沈阳第三农机厂、五金铸造厂和防爆器械厂被选中做了试点，市政府特意做了三个黄色封皮的《破产警戒通告》——取意于足球比赛的黄牌警告，交到三个颤抖抖的厂长手上。一年后的同一天，防爆器械厂成了第一个牺牲者，它从即日起被宣告破产倒闭。美国《时代周刊》就此撰文评论：“一个在西方并不罕见的现象，成千上万的工人被警告说他们的公司陷入了困境，他们的工作也将保不住。这种现象不是在底特律或里昂或曼彻斯特，而是在中国东北部的沈阳。”日本记者在报道中称，“沈阳发生了超过8级的改革地震，中国的'铁饭碗'真的要被打碎了！”四个月后，中国的《企业破产法》草案在北京人大会议上正式通过试行。 对于绝大多数的国营企业厂长来说，如何加强企业管理，提高生产效率，是一个亟待破解的难题。 一个叫艾柯卡的美国企业家替代松下幸之助成为新的偶像。他原来是福特汽车公司的总裁，在为福特卖命20多年后，因为个性与董事长亨利·福特不合而被扫地出门，那时他已经54岁。心有不甘的艾柯卡转而投靠正处危机之中的克莱斯勒公司任总经理，用三年时间就使其扭亏为盈，再用三年将公司的年盈利提升至24亿美元，他成为全美最炙手可热的“扭转之神”，《时代周刊》恭维他是“说一句话，全美国都洗耳恭听”的人。这一年，他的《艾柯卡自传》出版，在北美销量150万册，这本书在第一时间被翻译到了中国，迅速得到正受亏损煎熬的国有企业家们的追捧。人们从他的经验中看到了努力的希望，也从他的描述中饥渴地学习着基本的企业管理知识。长虹电器的倪润峰回忆说，“那时候，书店里根本没有什么管理书籍，我的这店管理知识都是从艾柯卡的书中读出来的。他刚到克莱斯勒时，看到的是秩序混乱，纪律松散、无人调度，各自为政，产品毫无竞争力。我当时就想，这跟长虹是多么的相似。” 在河北石家庄，一位叫张兴让的厂长发明了“满负荷工作发法”，因而被树为典型红极一时。张兴让是石家庄第一塑料厂的厂长，他发现，尽管工人们天天按时上下班，但每天真正的劳动时间却很少，有些工作是一台设备几班人马，你干一会儿我再干一会儿。而且无效劳动很多。再扣除吃喝拉撒、聊天等时间，每人每天只有2小时40分钟在工作。于是，张兴让想出了一个改革的方案，他对企业内部人、财、物等要素进行了重新组合，把原来的粗放经营变成了集约经营，这种办法首先对企业各项工作提出奋斗目标。然后由低到高分步实施，层层落实，与个人报酬挂钩，形成体系。总的考核指标是人均效率、人均效益和企业资金利税率。具体实施上，他把质量、供销经营、设备运转、物资使用、能源利用、资金周转、费用降低、每人工作量和工时利用九项要素综合考虑，因是借用设备运转满负荷的概念，故称为“满负荷工作法”。 他的尝试看起来是有效的，改革前，厂里有三台大锅炉，锅炉师傅，加上替班、拉煤、出渣、维修、置水等工作的职工，总共竟有70多人，占了全厂职工的1/6。而按照张兴让“满负荷”的标准，这三台锅炉只要18个人就够了。 张兴让在1985年开始推行他的工作法，两年后，他的做法引起中央高层高度重视，被认为“是一大发明”，并在全国上万家企业中大力推广，张兴让成为与南方的步鑫生齐名的著名企业家。 在武汉，一个更富戏剧性的人物出现了，这是一个名叫格里希的德国人，在上一年的11月，64岁的他被聘为武汉柴油机厂的厂长，这是建国后第一位外籍的国营企业厂长。格里希是一个退休的发动机工程师，为了让这个外国人顺利工作，武汉市党委还专门成立一个由常委带队的九人工作组，他被看成是“新时代的白求恩”。 格里希面对的是一个纪律涣散、管理混乱、领导层毫无责任感的国营老企业，他要求工人遵守八小时工作制，长期迟到和旷工的可能被开除，他每天带着放大镜、小锤子和吸铁笔下到车间里，现场处理管理上的难题，此外，他还把一个从来不到生产一线的总工程师调离到其它岗位。他的这些做法被新闻记者总结为“洋厂长的三斧头”。一位中央领导在看到这篇新闻后批示说：“我们自己的厂长大概大多数还没有这么做。有的不是没有条件这么做，而是抓不住，有的是不愿和不敢这样做，当然也有因为身体、技能等条件实在不行，想这样做做不了。”格里希的做法被当成是最先进和新奇的管理奇招在媒体上迅速走红。 这位普通的退休工程师在中国成为一个传奇人物，他在这家工厂担任了三年厂长，让它的面貌发生了很大的变化。在这期间，他五次受到国务院副总理的接见请教，他还被联邦德国政府授予“十字功勋”。当他离开中国的时候，他写了一封信给中国政府，其中归纳了十多条国营企业的弊病并提出建议，包括“政府不应该像慈父护侍爱子那样对待企业；治理生产过程中的惊人浪费；提倡过节俭日子加强对青年的就业前培训；中央成立设备调剂中心，把某些企业闲置的设备有偿调拨给缺少设备的企业”等等。 在现代工厂管理理论上，张厂长的“满负荷工作法”或格里希的“三板斧”，显然都不算是什么发明，不过在当时积重难返的国营企业中，这已经是最先进和最有效率意识的改革了。他们的实践最终都没有能够拯救中国的国营企业，这都是一些“围墙内的变革”，无法改变这些企业在竞争能力和产权自主性的天然缺陷。张兴让的改革让他的工厂一度起死回生，成为国营企业改革的一个“标本”，但是在日益白热化的市场竞争中，这种没有涉及产权根本的改革显然不能让企业获得真正的活力。张兴让和他的工厂在1992年之后便再度陷入困境，2000年元旦，精疲力竭的张兴让与1090名工人一起被宣布全体下岗，企业不复存在。格里希后来多次到中国，每次都受到政府官员热烈的款待，不过他对自己曾倾注全部心血的武汉柴油机厂的日后命运并不真正了解，1993年，企业出现亏损，1998年全面停产。他最后一次访问武汉是2000年6月，当时已年届80高龄。在生命的最后几年中，他的中国朋友们始终不敢告诉他武汉柴油机厂的真相，阿婆他在心理上接受不了这一现实。2003年4月17日，格里希在德国家中逝世。两年后的这一天，武汉市政府在闹市中心的汉正街工业区广场中央，树起了一座2.78米高的铜像——上面刻写着“威尔纳·格里希”。他将长久地站在那里，像一个没落而偶尔被人提及的神话。 张兴让和格里希最终都没有能够拯救各自的企业，不过，他们所尝试和传播的管理新理念，在那个时期倒成为全国众多民营业主的免费教材。很多人在日后回忆说，他们对企业管理和经营的基础认知，都是从这些轰轰烈烈的、带有强烈启蒙色彩的改革运动中得来的。 1985年，中国人压抑了很久的民族自豪感正日益膨胀。5月19日晚上，第13届世界杯足球赛亚洲东区第2大组A组比赛，在北京工人体育场举行，国家足球队以1：2输给中国香港足球队，因此被淘汰出局，失去了小组出线的机会。比赛结束后，现场观众情绪失控，许多人向队员投掷汽水瓶，任意毁坏车辆，围殴司机，打伤维持秩序的警察，拦截外国人乘坐的汽车，并恣意辱骂他们。北京警方当场抓获120多名肇事者。其中的38人，因在比赛中和比赛后行为恶劣过火，被拘留12天或15天，另有7人触犯了刑律，其中5人被依法逮捕并判刑。这是新中国历史上第一次球迷闹事，它在当年被定性为“五·一九足球事件”。7月，有媒体报道说美国激流探险队将漂流长江，为了赶在美国人前成为世界上第一个漂流长江的人，西南交通大学电教室职工尧茂书自长江源头，漂流了1270公里，24日在金沙江段不幸触礁身亡。他的死亡让举国民众唏嘘万分，自又搅拌出另一份的悲壮与自怜。到11月，还是那群意志坚定的女排姑娘让大家好好地出了一口气，在日本举办的第四届世界杯女子排球赛上，中国女排以七战七捷的成绩，蝉联世界杯冠军，并成为世界排球史上第一支连续四次夺得世界大赛冠军的女队。 就在民族情绪高涨的同时，到气派而又高薪的外国公司谋职以及出国留学正成为最时髦的选择。 秋天，刚刚获自学高考英语专科文凭的北京椿树医院护士吴士宏好奇地站在长城饭店的玻璃转门外，足足用了五分钟的时间来观察别人怎么从容地步入这扇神奇的大门。她辞职来应聘IBM公司的办公勤务。在面试的时候，主考官问她：“你会不会打字？”从来没有摸过打字机的吴士宏条件反射般地说：“会！” 离开考场后，她飞也似地跑了出去，找亲友借了170元买回一台打字机，没日没夜地敲打了一个星期，双手疲乏得连吃饭都拿不住筷子。1997年，吴士宏因销售业绩出色被任命为IBM中国销售渠道总经理。成为一个有传奇色彩的职场女强人。 越来越多的青年削尖脑门往国门外面跑。到年底，出国留学生的总人数已达到3.8万人，其中自费留学生7000人。在十来年后，这些人又大多回到了中国，开始创办自己的公司，中国未来的新技术和IT产业将由他们担负支柱。这一年，浙江农家子弟吴鹰进入美国新泽西州理工学院攻读硕士学位，十年后，他创办UT斯达康公司，靠一种叫“小灵通”的电信产品闻名一时。出身于陕西西安的张朝阳考取了李政道奖学金，他赴美国留学，十年后回国仿照杨致远的雅虎网站创办了中国第一家门户网站搜狐。 一个叫唐骏的人，讲述了当时他出国留学的戏剧性故事：21岁的工人子弟唐俊非常想出国，尽管他考上了北京邮电大学的研究生，但北邮的出国名额已经用完。于是，他给北京的每个高校打电话，询问有没有剩余的出国名额。在打到北京广播学院的时候，他们说他们的出国名额没有用完。撂下电话，唐骏马上骑着自行车赶了过去，拿着考研的成绩单，要求转入北京广播学院读研究生。广院的老师说：“你可想好了，我们这是二流院校，你就算转过来，也不一定出得了国。尽管我们有名额，但是你错过了时间，出国要由教育部决定。”唐骏没有犹豫，直接把档案转了过去。为了让教育部给他出国的名额，唐骏想了个办法：他打听到教育部主管此事的是李司长，于是他在教育部的门口站了整整四天。早上7点不到就到教育部门口去，见到李司长，唐骏说“李司长你早”。中午他出来吃饭，唐骏说“李司长您出来吃饭？”他吃完饭，唐骏又说“您吃好饭了？”再到下班的时候，唐骏再说“您下班了？”如此四天。第一天，李司长觉得这个人很奇怪；第二天，李司长关注这个青年，怕他有什么偏激行为；第三天，他又觉得这个小孩看上去很可怜；第四天，李司长忍不住好奇，终于开口问到底有什么事。唐骏如实说了。第六天，李司长告诉唐骏：你可以出国了。 就这样，1985年唐骏到了日本。他第一次乘坐新干线，当时在新干线售卖食品的列车员，在进入每一节车厢之后都会向乘客鞠躬，然后开始服务，在离开一节车厢的时候，也会再次鞠躬。当唐骏穿过一节无人的车厢的时候，他发现推着货车的列车员在向空无一人的车厢鞠躬。“这就是日本人100%的做事方式，秩序与细节，谨慎而努力，这是日本民族的精神。”很多年后，唐骏说这是他出国上的第一堂课。他后来又去了美国，1994年前后，卡拉OK开始在美国和日本流行，唐骏设计了一个卡拉OK机子傻瓜可以排名计数的软件，马上被一家美国投资商看中，用8万美元购买了专利。而在其后短短几年内，这个软件被用到了1亿多台VCD/DVD机上。“如果我当时采取微软的使用权方式收费，一台机子收取2—3美元，我就可以有2亿—3亿美元的收入。”2002年，唐骏成为微软公司的中国区总裁，两年后他跳槽到刚刚兴起的游戏公司上海盛大出任总裁，并帮助这家创办不到三年的公司在纳斯达克上市。