Chapter 12 Chapter 22 1950: The Wave of Transformation

August 10, 1950, Beijing.Sichuan Ship King Lu Zuofu and Minister of Communications Zhang Bojun signed the "Minsheng Industrial Company Public-Private Joint Venture Agreement", which is the first public-private joint venture in New China.Mao Zedong said that public-private partnerships "must learn from the example of Minsheng Company." Relevant information shows that Minsheng's "public-private partnership" was proposed by Lu Zuofu on his own initiative.As early as 1949, Lu Zuofu stayed away from Hong Kong for a while, and he took away 18 ships worth 50 million US dollars. His stay became a very delicate focus.During that time, the operation of Minsheng Company was in trouble. The company had a deficit of 17 billion yuan. It was struggling, and it was extremely difficult to even pay employees' wages.Zheng Bicheng, the chief secretary of the head office, was detained for "keeping clothes of the war criminal Yang Sen (former Governor of Sichuan Province of the Nationalist Government) due to unavoidable reasons."After much deliberation, Lu Zuofu decided to return to the mainland. On March 24, he raised the issue of "public-private partnership" to Zhou Enlai for the first time through He Nairen, the company's representative in Beijing.

On June 10, he left Hong Kong for Beijing, where he attended the second session of the first CPPCC National Committee as a special representative.During his stay in Beijing, Premier Zhou Enlai and Chen Yun met with him many times and had long talks on economic construction, transportation and shipping issues.Once, at two o'clock in the morning, Premier Zhou called him and wanted to make an appointment immediately, and then sent a car to pick him up, talking about Dongfang Zhixiao.Lu Zuofu also participated in the light banquet held by Chairman Mao Zedong twice.At the banquet, he sat with Chairman Mao and was next to him.

Lu Zuofu's initiative to propose "public-private partnership" has something to do with the situation at that time and his consistent philosophy.On the one hand, he hopes to use a joint venture to help Minsheng get out of the predicament. In the agreement, the government investment will be used as public shares to help Minsheng overcome difficulties. Representatives of the public shares only participate in the board of directors and do not directly participate in the company's specific operations.On the other hand, he has always had the idea of ​​running a business for the society. From joining the industry to managing Beibei, he has always held a utopian business philosophy, which is consistent with the basic spirit of public ownership.

After the signing of the agreement, Premier Zhou urged Lu Zuofu twice to stay in Beijing and take up the job in charge of the Ministry of Communications, but he insisted on returning to Sichuan.In the past two decades, he has always been just a true and taciturn entrepreneur. Lu Zuofu's return to China and Minsheng's "public-private partnership" were a landmark event at the time.What we are going to talk about next is precisely the basic judgment and practice of the new regime on national industry and commerce. This needs to be observed from three aspects. The first is the political definition.The second is the method of acceptance, and the third is the policy design.

According to the classic expression of Marxism, in terms of class attributes, entrepreneurs are the propertied class—more often called the bourgeoisie, which is opposed to the proletariat and is an object that needs to be revolutionized and transformed.As early as 1921, the first "Party Program" of the founding of the Communist Party of China clearly stated, "Abolish private ownership of capitalists, confiscate the means of production such as machinery, land, factories and semi-finished products, and return them to the public." However, how to carry out revolution and transformation , there are different paths.The Soviet Union during the Stalin period adopted the method of resolutely eliminating capitalists. (Comparing the economic reforms of the Soviet Union and China, it can be found that the former is much more radical than the latter. When the planned economic system was established, it was a one-step "complete revolution" that completely eliminated the bourgeoisie from the corporate organization to the body. When transitioning to a market economy (around 1990), it was also a one-step "shock therapy". China's economic reform has a distinctive gradual feature.) China's approach is different.

As early as 1934, Mao Zedong, who was the chairman of the Chinese Soviet Republic, wrote an article that "as for the private economy, as long as it is not outside the scope of the government's laws, it will not be stopped, but should be promoted and rewarded." The state economy, cooperative economy and private economy are composed of three aspects. In 1940, Mao Zedong pointed out in his article "On New Democracy" that the correct policy for the economic composition of the New Democratic Republic is that "under the leadership of the proletariat, the state-run economy of the New Democratic Republic is of a socialist nature and is the basis of the entire national economy. However, this republic does not confiscate other capitalist private property, and does not prohibit the development of capitalist production that cannot control the livelihood of the people, because China’s economy is still very backward.” In 1945, in his article "On the Coalition Government", Mao Zedong further developed this idea: "Without the development of the national economy of New Democracy, without the development of private capitalist economy and cooperative economy... If you want to develop in the colonial and semi-colonial The establishment of a socialist society out of the ruins of semi-feudalism is a complete utopia. Some people do not understand why the Communists, far from being afraid of capitalism, advocate its development under certain conditions. Our answer is as simple as this: To replace the oppression of foreign imperialism and domestic feudalism with some kind of development is not only a progress, but also an inevitable process. It is not only beneficial to the bourgeoisie, but also beneficial to the proletariat, or even more beneficial to the proletariat .”

In September 1948, when he was about to seize national power, Mao Zedong’s views remained consistent with the above-mentioned explanations. He pointed out that after the victory of the revolution, “the main contradiction within China is the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.” It is believed that the private capitalist economy will become one of the five economic components of New China, but this economic component cannot develop without restrictions.The bourgeoisie will be "eliminated" sooner or later, but in his view, this process will take about five years. At a meeting in December 1948, the CCP leadership reached a consensus that "premature elimination of capitalism It is necessary to make a left-leaning mistake." Mao Zedong said, "When will we start the offensive across the board? Maybe it will be fifteen years after the national victory."

In June 1949, on the eve of the founding of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong clearly stated in his article "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship", "Our current policy is to control capitalism, not eliminate capitalism." In April 1950, he even pointed out the new China's current "three major enemies": "Today's struggle is mainly against imperialism, feudalism, and the remnants of the Kuomintang reactionaries, not the national bourgeoisie." At the Third Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee in June of the same year, he said, " Some people think that capitalism can be eliminated early and socialism can be implemented. This kind of thinking is wrong and not suitable for the situation of our country.” This series of speeches shows that around 1950, national capitalism was regarded as a need. Classes of solidarity and exploitation.As we shall see later, he changed this view step by step as the situation evolved.

It is precisely based on sober political judgment that after the Communist Party seized power, it took a relatively moderate approach to the reception of national capital.According to the memories of Bo Yibo, who was in charge of the national financial work together with Chen Yun in the early days of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong had a very important conversation with him after the conquest of Beiping and Tianjin. It should be well protected, and the receiving work should be "as it is, as it is, as it is," let them start work, resume production, and take it slowly later.Mao Zedong is mainly wary of two points. One is not to become the Li Zicheng of 300 years ago, who destroyed himself because of carnival and corruption, and the other is not to become the Kuomintang after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War. At the same time, they lost the hearts of the people.

At that time, when the army entered the big cities, there were indeed some chaotic scenes, such as looting supplies, destroying facilities, and arbitrarily disposing of property owners, etc. Mao Zedong severely criticized in a report that destroying industry and commerce in cities or towns "is a The ideology of agricultural socialism is reactionary, backward, and retrogressive in nature, and must be resolutely opposed."Based on this, the Central Finance Committee stipulated the reception method of the "Sixteen Characters": "Each according to the system, from top to bottom, intact, first received and then divided." When a more reasonable and effective system replaces some unreasonable or outdated things in the old system, it is better not to act rashly, so as not to affect the production organization and cause anarchy." This is obviously a pragmatic work strategy, so Compared with the "reception war" four years ago, New China's acceptance into cities is much more orderly and effective.

Let's talk about the policy assumptions after entering the city to take over.The basic logic is to quickly establish a planned economic governance model with nationalization as the main body, while taking into account the interests of national capital groups. Governing the industrial economy by means of ownership distinctions has been established from the very beginning. In May 1949, in the document of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China "On the Establishment of the Central Financial and Economic Organization Outline (Draft)", the establishment of the Central Financial and Economic Commission was planned, which required that the Central Planning Bureau and the private The Central Affairs Bureau of Enterprises, the Central Administration of Cooperative Enterprises, and the Central Affairs Bureau of Foreign-funded Enterprises are responsible for giving different policy controls to enterprises with different ownership systems. This is a very unique policy arrangement. The "National Taxation Implementation Rules" promulgated in early 1950 fully reflected the policy differences of different ownership systems. For example, the internal transfer of goods by the general branch of state-owned industry and commerce does not need to pay taxes; Businesses that purchase and sell products for state-owned enterprises are taxed according to the actual income of the service fee; newly established supply and marketing cooperatives are exempted from income tax for one year, and business tax is levied at a rate of 2% with a 20% discount; newly established handicraft production cooperatives are exempt from business tax and income tax for three years, and so on.In the next 60 years, although this model has been fine-tuned several times, and the institutional setup and governance authority have changed a lot, the overall logic of giving priority to state-owned enterprises has remained unchanged. In such a macro policy environment, privatized capital is already in a marginalized and embarrassing situation. How to appease the national capitalists and make the radical working class agree with this transition is a very difficult task.In this regard, Liu Shaoqi, who was engaged in the labor movement with Li Lisan, Zhang Guotao and others in his early years and was then vice chairman of the Central People's Government, played a very important role.At the Politburo meeting held in September 1948, Liu Shaoqi analyzed that in the industrial system at that time, the proportion of the state-owned economy accounted for only 34.7%, and private industry and commerce still had a great weight. Ignore the energy of the latter.In order to develop the entire national economy, those capitalist industries and businesses that do not endanger the national economy and the people's livelihood must be allowed to develop.In order to build a new-democratic economy, we can cooperate with the national bourgeoisie for at least 10 to 15 years. If it is eliminated prematurely, "you will invite him after it is eliminated." In 1949, after Tianjin was liberated, some workers and clerks began to branch out into stores and factories just like peasants who distributed land. In just one month, 53 liquidation struggles occurred. Private owners were terrified. As a result, millions of people in the city were unemployed.Tianjin is the second largest industrial and commercial city in the country after Shanghai. The chaos in this city affected the entire northern region.Therefore, Liu Shaoqi went to Tianjin to do ideological work in person. He cited the abnormal scene at that time and said, "When you enter the city, the enemy can't see you, so you just focus on the big-bellied industrialists and businessmen, and shoot bullets at them. Just like dividing land in rural areas, factories, cars, foreign-style houses, and machines should be divided; or they should be asked for excessive wages; or capitalists should not be allowed to fire workers; Cadres and workers dare not contact the capitalists, otherwise they will lose their positions. In short, they only emphasize the aspect of struggle, and do not emphasize the aspect of alliance and utilization to facilitate the development of production. This is an act that only cares about immediate interests and ignores long-term interests.” Liu Shaoqi made it clear that "China does not adopt the bloody method of overthrowing the bourgeoisie in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, but adopts the method of national capitalists walking into socialism with us." May 2.Liu Shaoqi invited 128 national capitalists in Tianjin to discuss, and published the "Tianjin Talking about Lives", which became famous in the future and caused great controversy. In this speech, he proposed that "exploitation has merit."He said, "From the perspective of the development of productive forces, the exploitation of the capitalist class has its historical merits. No Communist Party member obliterates this fact. Cursing is scolding, but the bourgeoisie still has this merit. From the perspective of promoting the development of human society, yes Great merits and small crimes. Today’s Chinese capitalism is still in its youth, and it can still play its historical role. Especially at present, we require the business community to play an active role in developing productive forces and building a new China. This is your opportunity to make contributions to the country. We should work hard and not miss the opportunity. Today’s capitalist exploitation is not only innocent, but also meritorious. After the removal of feudal exploitation, capitalist exploitation is progressive. Today it’s not that there are too many factories and workers are exploited too much, but that there are too many workers. There may be competition between state-owned and private enterprises, but the government’s policy is to make state-owned enterprises and private enterprises cooperate and cooperate. It is necessary to develop both state-run production and private production, and restrictive policies must be adopted to avoid the future of old capitalism. Balancing public and private interests is a limitation, and so is the benefit of both labor and capital.” He also pointed to Song Feiqing, the general manager of Dongya Woolen Textile Co., Ltd., and said, "You only run two or three factories now, but in the future you will run eight or 16 factories. In the period of socialism, when the state orders, you will The factory is handed over to the state, or the state buys your factory. If the state has no money for a while, it can issue public bonds. Then, the state will hand over these 16 factories to you. You are still the general manager, but the general manager of the state factory. Because of your meritorious service, the state will hand over 8 more factories to you to run, a total of 24. Your salary will not be reduced, but it will be increased for you, and you will be given a high status accordingly. But you have to run it well! You Do you want to do it or not?" Song Feiqing responded, "Of course." Liu Shaoqi's speech in Tianjin really played a role in reassuring people's hearts.Business closures fell sharply and operating rates rose.By June, 1,160 factories and stores had been newly opened in Tianjin, while only 27 had closed down. The financial revenue of this month increased by 1.5 times compared with the previous month. By September, the total value of imports and exports in Tianjin reached the highest level before liberation. Level. In Tianjin, Liu Shaoqi initially formed the view of "joint venture transition, peaceful redemption", which became a policy direction before 1956. In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, national capital groups received relatively mild treatment.In the national governance team, democrats outside the Communist Party also have a considerable proportion. Among the 34 ministerial lists of the first State Administration Council (later the State Council), non-Party people accounted for 14 people. Among them, the departments involved in the economy More than half of the heads are from outside the party, such as Huang Yanpei, Minister of Light Industry, Zhu Xuefan, Minister of Posts and Telecommunications, Zhang Bojun, Minister of Communications, Li Shucheng, Minister of Agriculture, Liang Xi, Minister of Forestry and Reclamation, and Fu Zuoyi, Minister of Water Resources. Zhang Naiqi. Although it has not been completely "eliminated", but with the banning of the stock exchange market, the nationalization control of the commodity circulation field, the tilt of ownership in taxation, and the dwarfing of ideology, the private capital group as early as 1950 It was already very weak. Bo Yibo described a detail in his book "Review of Several Major Decisions and Events". In February 1950, after the food war in Shanghai subsided, the Central Finance Committee was worried that private businessmen would launch a new round of attacks. A national financial meeting was held to discuss countermeasures, and the strategy of "sending troops from four directions" was drawn up, that is, to step up the collection of taxes and public debts, to urge business owners to pay workers' wages and not to close factories, and to deposit all cash of public enterprises in the National Bank and not to Loans from private banks and private companies.Bo Yibo recalled that at that time, “It was estimated that we might encounter resistance from the bourgeoisie, and we would have to fight for several rounds. In fact, they were no longer able to fight. In March and April, we saw that the momentum was wrong (the market was too tight), so we retreated to the It’s too late.” As a result of being too late, a nationwide market depression occurred due to the simultaneous sharp drop in supply and demand. Shanghai Mayor Chen Yi reported to the central government that people in Shanghai were fluctuating, and gangsters took advantage of the opportunity. Incidents such as eating free food, branching factories, branch stores, grabbing cakes, beating the police, gathering crowds to petition, and disrupting the venue. In May, the North China Bureau investigated the situation of enterprises in 14 cities including Shijiazhuang, Datong and Zhangjiakou, and summarized eight issues in a special report, from which we can see the actual situation of public and private enterprises at that time. The first is that the range of commodities operated by state-run stores and cooperatives is too wide, the quantity is too large, and there is a phenomenon of monopolizing everything.In several major commodities such as grain, cotton, gauze, coal, kerosene, and table salt, the turnover of state-owned enterprises is as high as about 80%.Some commodities even reach 100% in some cities, and other daily necessities, state-owned stores and cooperatives are also widely operating, robbing the positions of private businesses; The second is to crack down on private industry and commerce in terms of price policy, which is manifested in the fact that wholesale prices and retail prices are not differentiated, and private retailers are unprofitable; regional price differences are small, and private long-distance sales lose money; consignment sales fees are low, and consignees are not satisfied; The price difference with the finished product is small, and the industrial profit is low, causing some private factories to close down; Third, the taxation is heavy, there are many tax items, and the procedures are complicated. In addition, the number of people who subscribe for public bonds is also heavy, which makes it difficult for private industry and commerce; According to the archives, a survey of 10 large private factories in Tianjin in 1951 showed that income tax accounted for 39.4% of the total surplus. In Changzhou, Jiangsu, the income tax of the dyeing and weaving industry accounted for 60% of its total income. In 1951, 18 typical households in Shanghai The survey found that its actual surplus was 200.6 billion yuan, and the income tax paid was 112.729 billion yuan, accounting for 56% of the actual surplus.) Fourth, in terms of financial policy, public loans generally account for 80-90%, while the proportion of private loans is too small, and the time limit for repayment is too short, and the capital turnover cannot come; Fifth, there are many restrictions on private business in the procurement and distribution of raw materials.Private spinning mills in Tianjin purchase raw cotton, and Huashabu only allows them to buy inferior cotton and limits the quantity of purchases.The steel bars needed by private iron factories in Taiyuan are not allowed to be freely purchased in the market, and must be purchased from state-owned units at high prices; Other problems include not allowing private factories that are in trouble to lower their wages, when the goods are already unsalable, the state-run trade is only talking but not swallowing, giving up the responsibility of regulating the market, harsh conditions on processing, ordering and purchasing finished products, private The profits obtained by the merchants are low, and sometimes the public parties do not keep their promises. Bo Yibo said in his memoirs, "This is the case in North China, and the same problems exist in other regions. These shortcomings and mistakes in our work have caused doubts and anxiety among the national bourgeoisie. Some capitalists who returned to Shanghai from Hong Kong, At this time, some went back to Hong Kong, and the industrial and commercial people in Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi and Wuhan said, "Your trading companies and cooperatives are crowding us out, and we have no future!" Just on May 20th, Liu Shaoqi reiterated his policy of tolerance. He said, "Today and for a long time to come, cooperatives and state commerce cannot completely replace private commerce. Private commerce has a wide scope It will exist for a long time, and a large number of commodities will be sent to consumers and producers through the hands of merchants. Therefore, those who have directly and indirectly passed through the means of subsistence and means of production of merchants cannot be exempted or completely exempted from merchants. At present, it is a kind of wrong "Left" thinking to try to replace private commerce with state commerce and cooperative commerce. This is impossible and should not be done in the new democratic stage. .” Time to the autumn of 1950, with the unfolding of the Korean War, the people of the whole country unanimously went abroad, and domestic conflicts eased.This adventurous war consumed more than 5.6 million tons of various materials and cost 60 trillion yuan, which had a powerful effect in stimulating production in the economic field. (The price level at the end of 1951: the retail price of 1 catty of soybean oil was 3,500 yuan, and 1 catty of rice was 1,270 yuan.) In December, the Government Affairs Council promulgated the "Private Enterprise Management Regulations", which played a legal role in stabilizing private businessmen and increasing their enthusiasm for investment and production.According to statistics, in the second half of 1950, there were 32,000 private businesses in 10 major cities including Shanghai, Wuhan, Beijing, and Tianjin, which was 5.5 times the number of openings in the second quarter of that year. %, the GDP increased by 39%, and the total retail sales increased by 36.6%.Private industry also developed rapidly. Compared with 1952, in 1953, the number of employees in private industry increased by 8%, the total output value increased by 25%, and the capital increased by 10%. The increase in profits was even more astonishing, with a year-on-year increase of 146%. People across the country supported the Korean War with incomparable enthusiasm. According to the "Progress Daily" report in February 1952, by the end of 1951, the country had donated 5.02 trillion yuan, equivalent to 3,349 fighter jets.The total amount of donations from overseas Chinese exceeds US$100 million. In the vast rural areas, land reform is in full swing. On June 30, 1950, the Central People's Government officially promulgated the "Land Reform Law of the People's Republic of China", and decided to complete the land reform in batches across the country in two and a half to three years starting in the winter of 1950.The basic content of the land reform is to confiscate the land of the landlords and distribute them to the landless peasants, and change the land ownership system of feudal exploitation into the land ownership system of peasants.Local governments sent land reform missions to go deep into the countryside, mobilize peasants, establish peasant associations, and organize peasants to fight against the landlord class.By the end of 1952, more than 300 million landless and landless farmers across the country had been allocated about 700 million mu of land and other means of production. Facts in the future show that this vigorous land reform was a transitional event. Four years later, with the rise of the People’s Commune Movement, land was transferred from peasants to nationalization, and China’s land ownership system experienced a “landlord-peasant- The trajectory of the country's evolution.Economist Yang Xiaokai believes that land reform has fundamentally shaken Chinese people's confidence in property rights, and has also dug out the foundation of citizens' property rights, which has a fundamental impact on people's investment and operation of private property and enterprises. Beginning in December 1951, a "Three Antis and Five Antis" movement swept across the country, which was the first large-scale political movement after the founding of the People's Republic of China.There are two reasons for it, one is the central government's vigilance against corruption within the party, and the other is to increase taxes. The "Three Antis and Five Antis" are struggles in two fields. The Three Antis Movement is an anti-corruption, anti-waste, and anti-bureaucracy movement that started within the Communist Party and state organs.The Five Antis is a campaign against bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cutting corners, and theft of national economic intelligence that started among capitalist industrialists and businessmen.They follow up and connect each other. The first to be launched was the Three Antis Movement, which focused on cracking down on corrupt elements within the party. It was also called "fighting tigers." Those who embezzled more than 100 million yuan were called "big tigers," and those who embezzled less than 100 million yuan to 10 million yuan were called "big tigers." "Little Tiger", in more than a year, more than 100,000 "tigers", big and small, were found to have embezzled a total of 6 trillion yuan. Among them, 9,942 people were sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment, and 67 people were sentenced to life imprisonment, death sentence and death sentence. , 9 and 42 people.Among them, the most sensational was that in February 1952, Liu Qingshan (35 years old), the deputy secretary of the Shijiazhuang Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China, and Zhang Zishan (37 years old), the secretary of the Tianjin Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China were executed by public trial.Both Liu and Zhang were old party members who joined the party in the early 1930s. They made outstanding contributions during the war and quickly changed after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. According to investigations, the two embezzled 17.1 billion yuan of public funds, colluded with profiteers to resell steel products, and caused a loss of 2.1 billion yuan in national property. , The rations of migrant workers in Jiantang were deducted to make a profit of 2.2 billion yuan. In addition, 370 million yuan was squandered through corruption, a total of 21.77 billion yuan.They were publicly tried at a meeting of 20,000 people held in Baoding City, and then executed by shooting.Someone once pleaded with Chairman Mao Zedong for "Liu Zhang", and Mao replied, "Do you want them, or China?" Shortly after launching the "Three Antis" movement within the party, the central government decided to start the "Five Antis" movement among capitalist industrialists and businessmen in large and medium-sized cities. The purpose of the "five evils" was clearly stated by Mao Zedong in a conversation. He said: "Although the bourgeoisie suffered a setback in the past, it didn't hurt, and it became arrogant again in the adjustment of industry and commerce. Especially in the process of resisting US aggression and aiding Korea, processing and ordering They have made a lot of money in China and gained a certain status in politics, so they are domineering and aggressively attacking us. Now is the time to seize the "little braid" of the bourgeoisie and straighten its arrogance. If we don't Make it dingy and smelly, and everyone in society will fall to the bourgeoisie." If the three "economic battles" that took place in Shanghai at the end of 1949 were a strategic counterattack by the new regime against private capital, then the "Five Antis" movement more than two years later was a comprehensive and proactive attack.In March, Mao Zedong pointed out some specific goals that the movement must achieve: "Thoroughly investigate the situation of private industry and commerce; eliminate the lackeys of the bourgeoisie in the trade unions and win over middle elements; control trade unions and federations of industry and commerce; dissolve capitalist secret associations; establish A system in which workers and clerks supervise production and management; recover most of the country’s economic losses; and establish party organizations in large and medium-sized enterprises.” This fully demonstrates that the Five Antis is not a purely economic movement, but rather a campaign against another class. The struggle against the Communist Party of China is a "root-digging" of private capital groups in the national economy. The newspapers at that time had overwhelming reports on the "five poisons" of capitalists.According to the statistics of more than 450,000 private industrial and commercial households that were inspected in nine major cities including Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai, 76% of the total households committed the "five poisons" to varying degrees, of which 85% were in Shanghai and 90% were in Beijing.According to a sample survey, among the 1,807 taxpayers in Tianjin, tax evaders accounted for 82%, and among the 351 taxpayers in Shanghai, tax evaders accounted for 99%. %.Some of the disclosed facts made the general public very angry. For example, more than 170,000 picks and shovels made by more than 40 private iron factories in Tianjin were used for the volunteers. Fortification construction.When Li Yinting, a profiteer from Wuhan Fuhua Chemical Cotton Factory, made first-aid kits for volunteers, he replaced the good cotton brought from the country with rotten cotton, maiming and killing injured volunteer soldiers. During the movement, liquidation conferences, criticism conferences and other forms have been adopted in various places, and the phenomenon of "high hat" and corporal punishment on capitalists has generally appeared.Bo Yibo recorded, “Workers and clerks in some factories and stores cried loudly while complaining, and the lesbians of the inspection team also shed tears. The crowd was furious, which was somewhat similar to the situation of East China peasants complaining about the revenge movement after Japan’s surrender. After complaining, a A factory-to-store united front can be formed, and it can be quickly transferred to the Five Antis." In the archives of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, there is a Shanghai summary report showing that 720,000 Shanghai employees participated in the movement at that time, accounting for 96% of the total number of employees in private enterprises. It also recorded in detail the specific practices of the Five Antis Movement.One is to mobilize the masses by starting with the complaining movement. This method of arousing class antagonism has been tried and tested repeatedly in rural land reforms; Hands are also not clean, which is the key to breaking through the key points and winning”; the third is “to make full use of the contradictions of the capitalists and divide them from multiple parties. There are many conflicts between the parties, between gangs, between those in power and those not in power, and even between husband and wife, father and son, and brothers. As long as highly mobile and flexible strategies are used to implement differentiation, it is often easy to break through.”The fourth is to use the children of capitalists. Many of them are party members and league members. They can be fully utilized for persuasion and reporting. On April 12, 1,146 students from Fudan University were mobilized to go home to persuasion work.In order to encourage reporting, the Shanghai Municipal Government also issued a special regulation, "As long as shop assistants, employees, and workers actively report huge and illegal acts of illegal capital, the government guarantees that the interests of the shop assistants, employees, and workers will still belong to itself, and will not do anything. Investigate and punish." The effectiveness of these methods is obvious. Among the fragments of memory left by many capitalists, the shock and fear caused by the powerful mass movement are an important reason for their final surrender.From the "Statistical Table of Sentencing of Illegal Industrial and Commercial Households in the National Five-Evil Movement" published by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the total number of industrial and commercial households participating in the Five-Evil Movement was 990,000, and 1,526 people were sentenced, accounting for only 0.15% of the total number of households. 32 people were sentenced to death and 20 people were sentenced to life imprisonment.In other words, the number of people who were actually punished was very small, but this did not prevent the great success of the movement. The reputation of the victor and the loser depends on how the victor writes. This Roman proverb has been verified in this round of campaign.Under the roar of the stormy crowd, the capitalists have become a despised and thoroughly demonized group, and even they have developed aversion to themselves. This kind of psychological reaction is unprecedented.Gui Yong, Ph.D. in economics, quoted a capitalist in his book "The Social Basis of Private Property Rights," saying, "Workers began to look down on their bosses during the Five Anti-Five Movements, and we ourselves thought it was not good to be a boss. What's the point of being a boss? With such a big risk, you will go to jail. Some people were arrested and some people were shot. This has a great impact on us. Although the bosses around me didn’t go to jail directly, I heard about many people, This makes me very scared. Today the money is gone, tomorrow the wife runs away, and the day after tomorrow commits suicide, so why does the boss have the heart to run this business well?” It is precisely under such fear that most people collapse psychologically. While carrying out the exposing and criticizing campaign, the taxation department carried out a large-scale inventory of the "five poison accounts" and required private owners to make up for the fines.Many illegal capitalists in Shanghai and Tianjin have been identified as stealing state property, which has approached or exceeded the total value of corporate assets.A capitalist recalled to Gui Yong, "We never knew what the workers reported, so we had to confess desperately. However, there was a big gap between what we confessed and what the workers revealed, so we couldn't pass the test. In the end, we passed the test. , People’s mental state has collapsed. Everything you said is wrong. If you continue to argue, you will go to jail because you resisted. The key lies in the attitude towards sports and confession. As long as you admit it and sign it, Then you can pass the customs. In this way, when you pass the customs, as much as they say, I signed it, but I don’t know what the five poisons are all about.” Among the "Five Poison Accounts", the most common one is that capitalists buy raw materials without authorization and resell materials.Shanghai Xingzhong Shipyard is the largest private shipbuilding company in Shanghai. The boss was Mu Yi who refused to cooperate with the Japanese. He was liquidated during the Five Antis Movement. A report document recorded such a thing: "The tugboat Copper materials were used in the market. The original regulations were all supplied by the State-owned Shipping Office, but at that time, because the government did not have much material in hand, the supply was not available for a while. The owner of the factory took the opportunity to purchase in the market. At that time, it purchased 50, 60 tons of pads were used for the project, while still continuing to request supplies from the shipping department. Due to the lack of inventory and difficulty in purchasing, the shipping department had a long delay and could not supply all of them, and the price was expected to skyrocket. Until January 1951, the owner of the factory Taking advantage of this opportunity, at the market price of 600 US dollars per ton, it was settled and sold at the shipping department, and 64 tons of steel plates were used for padding, and an illegal profit of 288 million yuan was obtained, which seriously endangered the national interest." From this disclosure material, it can be seen that in the policy environment at that time Under the current situation, private owners have lost the right to independently purchase raw materials, and market transactions that use price changes to obtain profits are even more shamefully illegal. During the massive movement, a large number of private factories closed down or closed down, private industrial and commercial households closed down or half closed down, economic activities were severely blocked, capital construction projects were postponed, military orders decreased, and the circulation of commodity money encountered obstacles.In North China, tax revenues in February 1952 were halved from those in January.There are 4,000 privately-owned industrial and commercial households newly closed in Tianjin, affecting the livelihood of 400,000 people.In the southwestern region, according to the report of Deng Xiaoping, the first secretary of the Southwest Bureau at the time, the problems were quite serious: tax revenue was cut in half in the first quarter, and 20,000 people were unemployed in one district of Chongqing, accounting for 1/3 of the total population of the district.In many rural areas, there are still serious problems such as the prohibition of private businesses to do business, the inability of cooperatives to cover the exchange of materials between urban and rural areas, the inability to sell agricultural products, and farmers smashing the cooperatives' brands. In June 1952, Chen Yun, who was in charge of national economic work, gave a speech on handling public-private relations. He said: "Now we calculate the 'five poisons' of the capitalists. Is it a little too much? Is it a bit like the one that used to be in the countryside? A harsh algorithm: an old hen lays a lot of eggs, and the eggs hatch chickens, how many roosters and hens are in the chickens, how many eggs the hen lays, and how many chickens are hatched... I think there are的。”他举例说：蚌埠有150家工商户，资本只有1.5万亿元，要退补的税收就达3万亿元。浙江省有几个工厂，“五毒账”超过了加工订货的全部收入。 陈云的担忧成为事实，“五毒帐”查补了很多，可是正常的税收却减少得更多。在运动进行得最火热的1952年第一季度，税收比上年同期少收了5万亿。陈云因此算帐说，“退补大概能收到4万亿元，税收要收到70万亿元。只要把小的放松一下，把大的收起来，等市场活了以后，那4万亿元也就可能收起来了。如果先补后收，很可能因小失大。” 1952年10月，中央宣布“三反”和“五反”运动胜利结束。据计算，五反运动中查补的“五毒帐”达30多万亿元，为援朝战费的一半有余。 私营经济的整体下降非常显著，据汪海波在《中国经济年鉴》中的统计，在工业产值方面，全国私营工业占总产值的比重从1951年的38.4％下降为1952年的30.6％，从商业方面来看，上海私营商店的零售总额和批发总额在1951年到1952年间，分别下降了24.3％和34.6％。另据对北京、武汉等18个大城市的统计，1952年的私营工商户开业总户数减少64.7％，而歇业总户数则增加19.2％。从利润上看，对上海市123家较大规模私营企业的调查表明，1951年盈余户为119家，亏损户4家，总体净盈1.006万亿元，到1952年，亏损户增为76家，总体净亏228亿元。相对应的，国有经济得到了强化和扩大，据《剑桥中华人民共和国史》记载，到1952年底，70％到80％的重工业和40％的轻工业为国家所有，国营贸易机构和合作社的营业额占总营业额的50％以上。 五反运动在企业史上具有转折性的意义，对民营资本来说，这是一个“失去的年代”的开始。一方面，它彻底摧毁了私有经济在中国的产业基础和产权基础，为四年后的全面国有化扫除了障碍。事实上，在此次运动之后，民间资本集团已全面分崩瓦解，其消亡已是一个时间和方式问题。另一方面，它以群众运动的方式，从公众道德层面将资本家塑造成一个不劳而获、“五毒俱全”的反进步阶层，甚至让资本家也对自身的存在价值产生自卑和羞耻感。这种意识形态上的塑造影响深远，以至于在后来的数十年中，为自己谋求财产以及从事商业活动成为一种不道德的、无耻的行为。对这种畸形的社会共识的修正，要到1978年才悄悄开始，而其真正瓦解则是1992年前后。此外，需要记存一笔的是，在这场不容置疑的运动中，没有任何资料显示，有一个公共知识分子发出过一声辩护。 从1952年冬天起，在刘少奇、陈云等人主持下，政策有适度的放松，工商业又开始渐渐复苏。 1952年2月，就在“三反五反”运动进入到最高潮的时候，在四川和上海发生了两件事情，一是卢作孚自尽，一是顾准被撤职，他们看上去毫不相干，却是这场大运动中的共同的悲剧。 2月8日，卢作孚在重庆民国路20号家中服用过量安眠药物自尽。在过去的一年多里，民生公司在长江的航运已全部恢复正常，由上海到华北和东北的沿海航线陆续恢复，留在香港的18艘轮船也全部回到了国内。十多天前的1月28日，他还飞往北京，商讨任务。当时，尽管经营已上正轨，但是财务上还是极其困难，政府对私营企业停止了一切贷款，民生的工资发放都成了问题。据卢作孚之子卢国纶的回忆，在周恩来的亲自安排下，中央曾决定给民生公司特殊对待，破例出贷一千亿元，并指示西南军政委员会将这一决定转告民生公司。让人不解的是，卢作孚至死没有获悉这个消息。屋漏偏逢连夜雨，2月5日，民生公司的川江主力船“民铎”轮在丰都附近水域发生事故触礁沉没，卢作孚亲赴现场善后，有传言说这个事故是潜伏特务在搞破坏，公司里人心惶惶。 就在这样的混乱时刻，公司内的五反运动也正如火如荼。民生公司的很多高级干部都被揪出来斗争了。每次开批斗会，组织者都在最前排、最中间的地方给卢作孚放一把藤椅，与其他职员隔开一两米，看起来是给他享受特殊待遇，实际上的感觉就像审犯人。卢作孚就这么坐着，看自己的老部下在台上被批斗，斗完了，有人判刑，有人枪毙。2月8目上午，民生公司召开“五反”动员大会，会议主题是揭发资方腐蚀国家干部问题。从丰都匆匆赶回的卢作孚又被特别安排在第一排的正中间，会场上有大幅标语：“欢迎卢总经理老实交待！”。 会上，公股代表张祥麟带头做检查，内容是与卢作孚一道赴北京出差时，曾和他一起去吃饭、洗澡、看戏等。张祥麟检查后，卢作孚的贴身秘书关怀突然跳上台去，揭发说张祥麟在北京时，接受卢作孚请吃饭、请看戏是受了“糖衣炮弹”的袭击，是受了“资本家”的拉拢腐蚀，他并严厉追问张祥麟还有什么问题没有交代，其间会场多次高呼口号，气氛十分紧张。关怀是卢作孚一手拉扯大的苦孩子，曾让他住在自己家里，亲自教他文化。可是现在，卢作孚不再是一个慈父式的人物，他的面目是可憎的，他在道义和阶级属性上，是应该深感耻辱和忏悔的。甚至在某些激进者看来，这样的罪恶是无法洗刷和赎清的。 动员大会上，卢一言未发，当晚服药自尽，终年59岁。他留给妻子的遗书只有简单的四条：“一，借用民生公司家具，送还民生公司。二，民生公司股票交给国家。三，今后生活依靠儿女。四，西南军政委员会证章送还军政委员会。”来去两空空。 他被葬在川江南岸民生村附近的一个小山坡上，墓碑上刻的名字是“卢魁先”，这是他祖谱上的曾用名。民生公司董事会决议：“卢作孚总经理身后萧条，由行政致送丧葬费人民币一千万元。至抚恤办法，另案办理。”一千万元在当年可买大米7874斤或豆油2857斤。2月13日，重庆《新华日报》头版醒目位置发表消息《卢作孚自杀》。新华社《内部参考》刊登报道，题为《私营轮船业民生公司总经理卢作孚畏罪自杀》。据称，毛泽东得知卢自杀事，说，“真可惜啊。”2005年，卢国纶在《南方周末》发表《卢作孚之死》一文曰，“他只是接近完人……如果说他有弱点，那就是自尊心太强了。如果他自尊心不强，不会发生1952年那件事。” 世上再无卢作孚。（在“五反”运动期间去世的还有全国最大的资本家荣德生，他于7月在无锡病逝，终年77岁，他去世前做的最后一件工作是，为自己修订了一本《乐农自订行年纪事》。他的随葬品是一套线装的地舆学书和一只随身多年的镀金壳钢机芯打簧怀表。荣家事业交到了四子、34岁的荣毅仁手上。） 在上海，财政局兼税务局局长顾准被撤职，事前毫无预兆。当时，过于激烈的运动气氛已经影响到了工商业的正常运作，华北地区2月份的税收比1月份减少了一半，天津有4000家私营工商户歇业，影响到40万人生计，西南地区的月税收也减少了一半，百货商店的营业额只有原来的三分之一，很多私营工厂停业观望，而震动最大的正是“五毒”最集中的上海，在过去的两个月里，市委共收到检举材料24万件，200多名企业主被抓，发生48起自杀事件，死亡34人。2月中旬，中央紧急部署，决定在上海暂停发动五反运动，县以下的五反则推迟到春耕以后。 2月25日，主管全国三反五反工作的中央节约检查委员会主任薄一波南下上海指导工作，28日，顾准在电台里做广播讲话。29日，上海市委召开党员干部大会，宣布对八个干部的处分决定，其中一人竟就是顾准。对他的处理决定是，“一贯地存在着严重的个人英雄主义，自以为是，目无组织，违反党的方针政策，屡经教育，毫无改进，决定予以撤职处分，并令其深刻反省。” 顾准对自己被突然撤职“感觉十分突然”，日后来看，他被免职的原因有两条，一是他的“依法征税”政策不被采纳，二是“不服用”。 在当财税局长期间，会计师出身的顾准一直试图建立依法征税的体制，他主张依照税法所规定的税率查账征收，强调“依率计征，控制计算”，不同意用运动的方式来征税，他在自己主管的上海《税务通讯》中连续发表论文，对此进行论证和阐述。他的这些想法和做法，被认为是保守的。43年后，经济学家戴园晨在一篇关于顾准的纪念文章中说，“这种依法还是不依法的争论，当时以顾准去职告终，而今，税收负担的随意性仍是经济工作的陋习。”另外一个原因就是“不服用”，顾准的办事能力和学养有目共睹，可是他的知识分子气质却让人讨厌，据他的弟弟陈敏之回忆，有一位大区负责人曾说，“像顾准这样的干部，我们这个大区内一个也找不到”，同时他则又说，“如果顾准再不听说，饭也不给他吃。”1959年，陈敏之在一次会议上遇到陈云，时任上海市委书记陈丕显介绍说，“这是顾准的兄弟”，接着他说，“顾准就是不服用。” 顾准被撤职后，连降数级，先是到筹建中的华东建筑工程部当了办公室主任，接着调至新成立的建筑工业部当财务司司长，随即再下放到洛阳工程局当副局长，1955年，又被送进中央党校的普通班学习一年。正是在这样的颠簸斥流中，一个精神独立的伟大思想家诞生了。在共和国历史上，顾准成为严肃反思计划经济的第一人。 如果说顾准在上海的被排挤是发生在地方的一次理念分歧，那么，到1952年秋，在中央层面终于发生也出现了第一次风波。 9月，就在“三反五反”运动接近尾声的时候，中财委在薄一波的主持下，研究修正税制的问题，他召集各大区财政部长开会，还听取了工商界人士的意见，经过三个月的酝酿，12月31日，《人民日报》颁发了《关于税制若干修正及实行日期的通告》并配发社论，决定于1953年1月1日起实行新的税制。新税制的两个目的一是保税，一是简化税制。在实施办法上取消了对国营企业的部分优惠，譬如，规定工业企业从生产、批发到零售要缴纳三道营业税，改变过去“相互拨贷不视为营业行为，不课征税”的做法，取消了对合作社征收营业税打八折的优待，取消成立第一年免纳所得税的规定。在批发环节的征税上，也改变了过去“只征私商，不征国营”的做法。 在这次新税制改革中，最引起社会关注的是《人民日报》社论中出现的一句话：“公私一律平等纳税”。正是这八个字掀起了惊天的波澜。薄一波回忆说，社论原稿中写的是“国营企业和私营企业都要按照修改的税制纳税。”他在修改时，简化为“公私一律平等纳税。” 就在《通告》颁发的十天后，1月9日，山东省有干部联名上书中央，反映执行新税制引起了物价波动、抢购商品、私商观望、思想混乱等情况，两天后，北京市委也写信反映类似情况，接着各大区、省市财委也纷纷开始写信打电报。1月15日，毛泽东致信周恩来、邓小平、陈云等人，指出，“新税制事，中央既未讨论，对各中央局、分局、省市委亦未下达通知，匆率发表，毫无准备。此事似已在全国引起波动……此事我看报始知，我看了亦不大懂。”2月10日，毛的批评口吻更为严厉，他说：“公私一律平等纳税的口号违背了七届二中全会的决议；修正税制事先没有报告中央，可是找资本家商量了，把资本家看得比党中央还重，这个新税制得到资本家叫好，是右倾机会主义的错误。”薄一波回忆说，“当时听起来，不免感到震惊。” 新税制改革被强行中止，薄一波受到处分。不过，半年后财政部却坚持认为“新税制确实起到了保税、增税的作用”，根据它提供的数据，1953年前四个月的工商各税完成全年计划的29.64％，比过去三年的情况都要好，财政部副部长吴波在检讨中说，“我们认为确是多收了税。犯了错误，不管受什么处分，我说，还是多收了税。” 事实上，此次新税制的触礁是经济治理者在计划经济与市场公平之间的一次挣扎，它所隐含着的悖论将长久地困扰着人们。 1953年7月27日，朝鲜战争结束。社会主义中国居然能够与全球最强大的国家打成平手，这是1840年以来的第一次，它大大地提高了共产党在全民中的威信，并让人坚信新制度的优越性。朝鲜的南北双方以“三八线”为界，各据一国。在过去两年多的惊涛骇浪中，东亚地区的政治和经济格局里发生了微妙的变化。 首先，中美交战极大地刺激了日本经济的复苏。日本自投降之后，全民陷入绝望，一度被认为无法重新站起来。1945年的《芝加哥论坛报》曾经刊登一则轶事，该年8月30日，驻日盟军最高司令、美国名将麦克阿瑟将军叼着玉米棒芯烟斗抵达东京，幕僚建议他去拜见裕仁天皇，将军说，“过几天，天皇会亲自来见的。”果然十天后，天皇亲自到美国大使馆拜会麦克阿瑟。后世留下一张两人合影照片——“麦克阿瑟选择了土黄色军服，开着领口，没有表示军衔的装饰或徽章。他直盯着镜头，脸上毫无表情；一只手随意地插在口袋里，另一只手搭在臀部。裕仁在他身旁，只有将军的肩膀那么高，他穿着燕尾服，笔直而僵硬地站着。”在天皇转身离去之时，麦克阿瑟看着他的背影，对《芝加哥论坛报》记者说，“日本已沦为第四流的国家。再也不可能东山再起、成为世界强国了”。（1968年，日本经济总量跃居世界第二。1970年3月，日本首次承揽举办世界博览会，它史无前例地拿出二十亿美元举办这场空前的商业盛会，全球77个国家蜂拥而至，这成为日本复兴的象征性事件。同样是在刊登过“麦克阿瑟预言”的《芝加哥论坛报》上，未来学派创始人之一赫尔曼·康教授首次预言，“日本已经进入世界经济强国的行列，二十一世纪将是日本的世纪。”） 谁也没有想到，麦克阿瑟的这句预言在日后竟然成为一个让人笑出眼泪来的笑话。在战后的前四年里，日本经济曾经陷入物资短缺和通货膨胀的恶性周期之中，全国船舶的80％被炸沉，工业机械损失34％，战后前两年的生产率只有战时的三分之一，1946年到1949年期间甚至爆发了三位数的通货膨胀。朝战爆发后，美军以日本为战略锚地，对其进行了巨额的援助，大野健一在《从江户到平成：解密日本经济发展之路》一书中写道，“这场战争对日本经济来说是极大的强心剂，美军将日本作为补给基地，筹备大批的军需和非军需物资，在日本产业界看来，这次机遇可以与第一次世界大战时曾经经历过的国外需求激增相媲美。经济萧条一扫而光，日本经济再次呈现出发展的趋势。到战争结束时，通货膨胀几乎为零。”时任首相吉田茂在《激荡百年史》中也透露，美国最初并不支持日本经济复兴。幸运的是，朝鲜战争刺激了日本军需出口，经济复苏突然间获得契机。1951年美国与日本媾和，允许日本重整军备，构筑美日共同防御体系，无形中又推动了日本经济持续发展。换句话说，日本战后经济起飞缘起于美国地缘政治的博弈。 到1953年，日本国民的生活已超过了战前水平，电视机、电冰箱、洗衣机开始进入普通人的家庭，被称为家庭的“三种神器”，这标志着日本成为第一个进入了消费革命时代的亚洲国家。与此相伴的是，大量以生产日用电器为主业的日本公司的集体崛起，松下、三洋、丰田、索尼等公司以及他们的领导者松下幸之助、井植熏、丰田喜一郎和盛田昭夫，将成为亚洲商业界最响亮的名字。 另外一个从战争中得益的地区是台湾。蒋介石逃遁台湾后，吸取教训，推动了以“农民获地，地主得利”为方针的土地改革，它使得台湾的粮食产量从1953到1968年，保持了令人吃惊的、长达16年之久的持续增长。朝战爆发后，美国为了遏制中国大陆，重新对蒋介石政权进行援助和扶持，与日本相似，台湾的机械制造业、纺织和面粉业获得了发展的机遇。 从1953年开春之后，北方战事已趋明朗，国内的“三反五反”运动也告结束，中国领导人的注意力开始专注于经济建设。At this moment. “老大哥”的手伸了过来。