Chapter 11 Chapter X. The Influence of Labor and Capital on Wages and Profit
On the whole, the different employments of labor and capital must tend to be equal within the same place.For, if one employment of labor and stock were manifestly unfavorable or advantageous to others, many would abandon its unfavorable employment, and retain and increase its advantageous one.The benefits which men can derive from useful uses, then, will soon be equal to the benefits which can be derived from other uses.This is the case, at least in societies where everything is left to its own course.Because, in this society where everything is free, everyone is free to choose a career that they think is appropriate, and they are also free to change jobs at any time.At this time, everyone will inevitably abandon unfavorable uses and seek beneficial uses out of consideration of their own interests.
The different employments of labor and stock have produced great differences in money-wages and money-profits in all parts of Europe.There are two reasons for this difference.
First, the circumstances of the various uses themselves.In fact, these circumstances seem to the average person to compensate for the meager monetary gains of some occupations, and to offset the high monetary gains of others.
Second, the policies of European countries.These policies prevent things from developing completely freely.
These two reasons are discussed in the following two sections.
From what I have observed, there are five cases in which, on the one hand, the small monetary gains of some occupations are compensated, and, on the other hand, they are offset by the rich monetary gains of others.1. Whether the occupation itself is pleasant; 2. How easy it is to learn the occupation and how much the tuition fee is; 3. Whether the occupation is stable; 4. The degree of professional responsibility;
In most places a seamstress is paid less a year than a weaver, simply because the work of a seamstress is easier than that of a weaver.The wages of weavers are lower than those of blacksmiths, because the work of weavers is much cleaner than that of blacksmiths.Although a blacksmith is a mechanic, his salary is not as high as that of an ordinary miner.A blacksmith often does not earn more for twelve hours' work than the common miner for eight hours.The reason is that blacksmiths work on the ground and in the sun, and their work is less dirty and dangerous than that of coal miners.
Most of the rewards of noble professions are honors.As discussed later in this section, if pecuniary gain is considered, the wages of prestigious occupations are generally relatively low.The reverse is the case with menial occupations.Take butchers for example. Although this profession is barbaric and disgusting, butchers in many places earn more from their labor than most ordinary occupations.As for the most repulsive executioner, his pay is more than any common occupation for the same amount of work.
Fishing and hunting, which are of the utmost importance in a savage society, are the most enjoyable forms of recreation in an advanced society.In ancient times, people fished and hunted because of necessity; now, people fish and hunt for entertainment.Consequently, those in advanced societies who make other people's pastimes their occupations live in extreme poverty.In England since the time of Theocritas, the lives of fishermen and poachers have been very poor.In some countries where private hunting is strictly prohibited, the living conditions of licensed hunters are not well-off.The reason why such occupations are still practiced by many people is because these people are interested in such occupations, not because they provide a good life.The produce of the labor of such occupations is always sold at a markedly lower price than the quantity of their labour.Therefore, people engaged in such occupations can only get very little living expenses.
Unpleasure and dishonor at work affect the profits of stock as much as the wages of labour.The owner of a small hotel or tavern is often not the real owner of the shop. The "real masters" are often the unreasonable drunks.Therefore, the occupations of small shop owners are unpleasant and disreputable occupations.However, this kind of small shop can obtain large profits that are difficult to obtain in ordinary industries with a small amount of capital.
The purpose of setting up a high-priced machine is naturally to hope that the machine can not only complete enough special operations to recover capital before it is damaged, but also create ordinary profits.An occupation which requires special skill and considerable proficiency, and which requires much labor and time to learn, is equivalent to a costly machine.People who engage in this profession must expect that in addition to receiving ordinary labor wages, they can also recover all tuition fees within an appropriate period of time and obtain ordinary profits.Because the length of human life is very uncertain, which is different from machines whose life is relatively certain.Machines with a relatively certain life expectancy must consider recovering costs and making profits within an appropriate period, especially for people with uncertain life spans.It is for this reason that the wages of skilled labor differ from those of common labour.
In all the countries of Europe, the labor of the machinist, artificer, and manufacturer is skilled labour, that of the country labourer, common labour.Because the former labor is more meticulous and ingenious than the latter.This explanation may work on many occasions, but it is not true on most occasions.Below, I explain this.
In all the countries of Europe the legal custom obliges a man to be an apprentice before he can engage in the former.The strictness of such regulations varies from place to place.The labor of rural laborers is free for anyone to engage in.
During the apprenticeship period, all the work of the apprentice belongs to the master, most of the living expenses come from parents or relatives, and almost all the clothes are provided by parents or relatives.In addition, the apprentice has to pay the master a certain tuition fee according to the custom; if there is no money to pay this tuition fee, it will take a longer time than the ordinary apprenticeship to make up for it.However, in this way, apprentices tend to be lazy.Therefore, the use of time to pay for tuition fees has little effect on the master, but it is not good on the apprentice.
Rural labourers, on the other hand, often learned the more difficult jobs early on when they were hired to do the easy jobs.They are therefore able to maintain themselves by their own labor at all times during their employment.In all the countries of Europe the wages of mechanics, artificers, and manufacturers are, theoretically and practically, somewhat higher than those of common labourers.Therefore, they are also superior to others.However, this degree of superiority is generally very limited.Workers who manufacture common commodities, such as those who work in monochrome linen and cloth, earn a little more in the average day or week than ordinary labourers, and may earn a little more in the aggregate throughout the year, but they are not Obviously not enough to compensate them for the cost of education.
Learning the fine arts and freelancing takes even longer and costs more.Thus the remuneration of painters, sculptors, lawyers, and physicians was much greater in theory and in practice.
However, the difficulty of learning a certain industry has little effect on capital profits.The ease and difficulty of learning the various methods of investment which are customary in the great cities seem to be quite equal.Even learning international trade business is not much more difficult than learning other businesses.
Some occupations are far more secure than others.As long as it is a manufacturing craftsman who can work, there is work to be done almost every day.A plasterer or bricklayer, on the other hand, may lose his job because of extreme cold or other inclement weather.Moreover, even if the weather is good, there may not be jobs for plasterers or bricklayers, depending on the temporary needs of customers.So there is often a good chance that a plasterer or bricklayer is unemployed.They need to be paid adequately when employed if they are to make ends meet when they are not working, and to compensate for the anxiety and frustration they feel in precarious circumstances.The daily wages of the greater part of the manufactures, therefore, are nearly equal to those of the common labourers; while the daily wages of the plasterers and bricklayers are about one and a half times, or even twice, that of the common labourers.If the common labourer's wages are four or five shillings a week, the masons and bricklayers often earn seven or eight shillings a week.When common laborers are paid six shillings, masons and bricklayers frequently earn nine to ten shillings; It would rise again to London wages, as high as fifteen to eighteen shillings.The work of the mason and bricklayer seems to be the easiest of those which require a considerable degree of skill to learn.In the summer in London, it is said that some bearers are employed as bricklayers.The high wages which this kind of labor receives are, therefore, rather compensations for this insecurity, and not mere rewards for proficiency in labour.
The work of a building carpenter seems to be more detailed and skillful than that of a plasterer.But the daily wages of builders in many places are somewhat lower than those of plasterers.The reason is that although the temporary needs of customers determine the availability of construction carpenters to a large extent, they cannot completely determine it.Moreover, the weather generally does not affect the work of building carpenters much.
Generally speaking, if the work in one place is not often given, as is the case elsewhere, the wages of the workmen who do it must rise.Moreover, the proportion of its rise will greatly exceed the average or ordinary wages of workers in these occupations.Every week, if not every day, in London, a lower-level artisan may be hired or fired by his employer, just like day laborers elsewhere.Therefore, in London, although the daily wages of common labor are eighteenpence, the daily wages of tailors, the lowest rank of artificers, can reach half a crown.The daily wages of tailors in small towns and country villages, however, do not often come up to the wages of common labour.However, tailors in London are often out of work for several weeks, especially in summer.
If a kind of work is not only precarious, but also hard, unpleasant, and unclean, the wages of even common labor may be raised by these adverse circumstances, even higher than those of skilled labor.
In Newcastle, coal miners were paid by the piece.In general, the wages of coal miners are about twice that of ordinary labor.And in many parts of Scotland, the coal miners, who are also paid by the piece, often receive three times the wages of common labor.The wages of these coal miners are so high because their work is more difficult, unpleasant, and unclean than ordinary work.They can work as long or as short as they want.
The working conditions of London coal workers were almost as harsh, unclean and unpleasant as those of coal miners.But as the time of arrival of the charcoal will inevitably be irregular, the work of the greater part of the coal-carriers must also be very irregular.If, therefore, the coal miner earns two or three times the wages of common labour, the coal-carrier will earn four or five times the wages of common labour.Under normal circumstances, this statement should be reasonable.According to survey data many years ago, the daily wages of coal workers at that time reached six shillings (about four times the wages of ordinary labor in London at that time) to ten shillings.
The remuneration received by the vast majority of laborers in a certain industry is often the lowest remuneration in this industry.On the surface, the wages of workers like coal workers are very high.But if this high remuneration not only compensates for all the disadvantages of the occupation, but also leaves some surplus, there will be many competitors when the occupation is free from the interference of monopoly privileges.As a result, the wages of labor in this occupation will decline rapidly.
The ordinary profits of stock, in any trade, are not affected by the fixed employment of the capital.It is the operator, not the industry, that determines whether capital is in fixed employment.
The wages of goldsmiths and jewelers are everywhere higher than those of many other laborers of equal or greater skill.Because they are also responsible for the custody of valuable materials.
There are some things that cannot be entrusted to insignificant people casually.Because of trust, we entrust our health to doctors, and our property and even life and reputation to lawyers.So they must be paid in such a way that they can maintain the social status that this great trust requires.The social position which they must maintain, and the long education which they must receive and the great expense which must be expended, must make their labor more expensive.Therefore, these people who have been entrusted with great trust must be paid enough so that they can maintain the social status required to accept these great trusts.Since they have been educated for a long time and have spent a huge amount of money on education, while maintaining their existing social status, the price of their labor must also be higher.
If a person conducts business with his own capital, there is no entrustment problem.It is not the nature of the trade in which he is engaged in which determines whether he can gain the confidence of others to borrow money, but the impression he makes of his wealth, integrity, and intelligence.Therefore, the difference in the degree of entrustment of the operator cannot lead to the difference in the profit rate of various industries.
For learners, the possibility of obtaining various vocational qualifications is different.People can almost succeed in most mechanical occupations, but they are less sure of freelancing.For example, if a child is sent to a shoemaker, he will undoubtedly learn to make shoes; but if a child is sent to study law, the chances are only one in twenty that he will be proficient in law and support himself by the trade.
Take the lottery, for example, where everyone has a chance to win. The winner gets all that the loser loses.When there is only one successful person learning a profession, but there are twenty unsuccessful people, what the successful person gets is all that the twenty unsuccessful people deserve but cannot get.Therefore, for a lawyer who is nearly forty years of age to obtain income from his profession, the income he obtains must not only compensate him for the long and expensive education, but also compensate for the education of twenty others. time and cost.Lawyers sometimes charge high fees, but they must be paid more than that.
Calculating the probable annual earnings and annual expenditures of common laborers, such as shoemakers or weavers, in a certain place, it will be found that they generally earn more than they spend.Using the same method, if we calculate the annual income and annual expenditure of lawyers and trainee lawyers of various legal associations, we will find that their income accounts for only a small part of their expenditure.This is the result even if you maximize the lawyers' annual income while minimizing their annual expenses.Thus, the legal lottery, in which the chances of winning are not entirely fair, is not well paid, like many other freelance and honorary professions.
Although the outlets of these professions are short-lived, they are still the objects pursued by the open-minded and open-minded.There are two reasons to encourage these chasers: one is reputation, and the chasers hope to be the number one in these industries; the other is natural self-confidence, all the chasers are more or less full of confidence in their own talents and even luck .
In a profession where it is not easy to be mediocre, if a person can stand out, it means that he is a genius or has excellent talent.The appreciation for this superior talent is part of the reward for his labour.The greater the degree of this appreciation, the greater this part of the reward.This appreciation accounts for the greater part of the remuneration of the physician, still more of that of the lawyer, and almost the whole of that of the poet or philosopher.
Whoever acquires several other talents, which are quite suitable and graceful, must surely command corresponding admiration.However, if a person possessing a certain talent uses this talent to make a profit, it will be considered by the prejudiced world as a blatant betrayal of his soul.Therefore, the money obtained by a person who makes a profit from this talent must be sufficient to compensate him for the loss of his reputation, in addition to the time and expenses spent on learning this skill.The remuneration of actors, singers, and dancers is so high for two reasons: the first, that the talent is rare and beautiful, and the second, the loss of reputation that comes with exercising it.It may seem at first irrational that we despise someone for his personality and at the same time reward him handsomely for his talents.In fact, the generous rewards they get for their talents are just a kind of compensation for their personality being despised.
If the world changed its prejudices against these occupations, their pecuniary rewards would be less.Because, once these occupational prejudices disappear, more people will be engaged in these occupations, so their labor prices will inevitably decrease rapidly due to competition.Although this kind of talent is different from ordinary talents, it is definitely not as rare as the world imagines.In fact, many people have this talent at all, but they don't bother to use it for profit.If it were not discredited to employ it for a living, many more would acquire it.Because, most people are too conceited.This kind of conceit has a long history and has been called "the common disease of human beings" by philosophers and moralists of all ages.
However, knowledgeable people do not pay attention to the unreasonable guesses of the world about their own luck.It is more common for the world to speculate about its own luck than it is for it to be conceited about its own talents.A healthy and energetic person will inevitably feel confident that he has good luck.When everyone evaluates their own gains, they tend to be more or less inclined to high places; when most people evaluate their own losses, they tend to shift to low places; When, rarely will evaluate to the high place.
People who buy lottery tickets think they will win the lottery.From this fact, it is natural to overestimate the chances of gain.There never was, and there never will be, and there never will be a fair lottery in which all gains cover all losses.Otherwise, the people who run the lottery will get nothing.In fact, the value of the state lottery is not equal to the price paid by the buyers.State-run lotteries usually sell for twenty, thirty, or even forty percent more than their actual value.The demand for lottery tickets arises just because everyone wishes to win the lottery.
The actual value of the small sums used to buy lottery tickets may be 20 or 30 percent higher than the actual value of the lottery ticket.However, a very steady person, even if he knows this situation and knows that the chance of winning the lottery is slim, he will not think that it is foolish to use a small amount of money to get ten thousand or even twenty thousand pounds.And when the prize does not exceed twenty pounds, even if its chances of winning the lottery are fairer than those of the state lotteries, there will be far fewer buyers.In order to increase the chance of winning the jackpot, some people bought several lottery tickets at the same time, and some bought more lottery tickets.However, the more tickets you risk buying, the more likely you are to be a loser.This possible loss will gradually become a certain loss as the number of lottery tickets you buy increases.This is a mathematical rule.If you risk buying all the lottery tickets back, you will definitely lose money.
Insurers' margins are slight.It can be seen that people generally underestimate the loss opportunity below its value.The general insurance premium charged by the fire or marine insurance industry, in addition to sufficient compensation for ordinary losses and payment of operating expenses, must also include profits equivalent to the same capital used to operate general business.It is evident that the premium paid by the insured is only the true value of the danger, the lowest price which he has good reason to expect.In the insurance business, although many people have made a profit, few have made a fortune.Insurance, therefore, unlike some other trades which make many people rich, does not make much profit on account of the large difference between gain and loss.Although insurance premiums are generally very low, many people who take the danger very lightly are unwilling to pay for it.
According to the average calculation of the total number of houses, nineteen out of twenty households in the UK have not bought fire insurance.It can even be said that ninety-nine percent of houses do not have fire insurance.In the eyes of many, the risk at sea is more terrifying than fire.Therefore, the ratio of insured ships to uninsured ships is significantly greater than the ratio of insured houses to uninsured houses.However, there are many uninsured ships sailing to and fro at any given time, even during times of war.The fact that so many ships are not insured doesn't make it ill-advised.For example, for a large company or businessman with 20 or 30 ships, even if all the ships are not insured, they can guarantee each other when sailing at the same time.Because the insurance premiums for these 20 or 30 ships are a considerable amount of money, and the possibility of loss is generally very small.It must be enough and more than enough to compensate the loss with the saved insurance premium.But most men are rashly and unscrupulously belittle the danger, so that they have not made such delicate calculations, and therefore do not buy water insurance for boats, and fire insurance for houses.
A person's contempt for danger and high hopes for success are most active in the youth when choosing a career.Young people's hope for luck is greater than their fear of misfortune.To give an obvious example, enlisting in the army or sailing on the sea has the support of most young people; while the so-called freelance chasers are only young people in the upper class.
For ordinary soldiers, the loss is very noticeable.Despite this, young volunteers enthusiastically signed up to join the army regardless of the danger of war.Although the chances of advancement are slim, young people also fantasize about making great achievements and receiving honors, even though many of these opportunities are actually not available.These empty hopes are all the price they are willing to shed blood for.Their remuneration is lower than that of ordinary laborers; the degree of toil they actually work is also far greater than that of ordinary laborers.
In general, sailing is more advantageous than military service.The son of a well-known craftsman can often get his father's permission to sail;Because, in people's eyes, sailing still has some chance of success, while joining the army is generally considered to have no chance of success.Therefore, the people worship the great general of the army more than the worship of the great admiral of the navy.Even the greatest success in the sea service business is not as prestigious as that achieved by the same success on land.
This difference generally exists between officers below the rank of admiral in the navy and army.For example, a colonel in the navy and a colonel in the army, although they belong to the same rank in rank, are not generally regarded as equal.Similar to the lottery where the big lottery is few and the small lottery is many, the chances of ordinary sailors getting fame and fortune are generally greater than that of ordinary army soldiers.Therefore, the main reason why most people are willing to become sailors is the hope of getting this kind of "small lottery".Compared with almost all craftsmen, the proficiency and skill of ordinary sailor labor are much stronger.
However, ordinary sailors have been constantly struggling with difficulties and dangers all their lives, and what they get is almost no other reward except for the pleasure they feel when they use their labor proficiency and skills to work and overcome difficulties and dangers.Their wages are not much different from those of common labourers, who determine the rates of wages of seafarers in their ports.
The monthly wages of the sailors who sail from the various ports of Great Britain, by being constantly going to and from them, tend to be more uniform in their monthly wages than those of the other laborers in each port.In addition, due to the largest flow of seafarers in the Port of London, the seafarer wage rate in London has become the standard for seafarer wage rates set by other ports.The wages of workmen of all ranks in London are about double those of the same rank in Edinburgh.The monthly wages of sailors sailing from London are seldom higher, even by three or four shillings, than those sailing from Leeds.Such large discrepancies are rare.
In peacetime, the monthly wages of London sailors were about twenty-one to twenty-seven shillings; while the weekly wages of ordinary laborers reached nine or ten shillings, forty or even forty-five shillings a month. .Of course, sailors not only have wages, but also food subsidies.However, even with the addition of food subsidies, the total income of sailors may not exceed the wages of ordinary laborers.Even if the total income of the sailor exceeds the wages of ordinary laborers by adding these grains, these grains are not the sailor's net profit.Because the food is only a subsidy for the sailor alone, and his family must use his salary to support him.
The life of adventure and the profession of near-death, far from dampening the courage of the young, tend to induce them to choose such professions.Therefore, mothers of the lower class are often reluctant to send their sons to study in seaport cities, lest their sons be tempted by sea ships, sailors and adventures to choose marine life.
We are not daunted by possible dangers in the distant future, which we hope to escape with courage and cunning.Therefore, even if such occupations are potentially dangerous, the wages of labor will not increase.In those trades where bravery and tact do not play a role, the situation is quite different.For example, the wages of labor in particularly unsanitary occupations are always very good.For, unsanitary work is unpleasant and should be compensated with good labor wages.
The stability of returns affects more or less the ordinary rate of profit in every employment of capitals.Generally speaking, the income of domestic commercial trade is more stable than that of foreign trade; even if it is also a foreign trade business, the income stability of this business may be greater than that of another business.For example, the stability of income from trade with North America is greater than the stability of income from trade with Jamaica.The increase in the risk of the trade will give rise to a rise in the ordinary rate of profit, but the increase in the ordinary rate of profit does not seem to be in proportion to the risk of the trade.That is to say, the increased profits are not necessarily sufficient to compensate for the simultaneously increased risks.Bankruptcies, therefore, are exceedingly common in dangerous trades, such as the most dangerous of secret imports.
When the venture is successful, it is true that you will get rich rewards, but once the venture fails, you will inevitably go bankrupt.In such perilous cases the hope of success acted, as it has in other cases, by tempting many adventurers into it, and reducing the profits of the trade to a level which was not sufficient to compensate for the danger.The risk is fully compensated for by the adventurer only when he receives, in addition to the ordinary profits of his capital, a return which covers all temporary losses, and which enjoys a profit of the same nature as that of the insurer.If, however, it were true that the ordinary return of the adventurer sufficiently compensated the whole risk, the risk of ruin would be greater or equal in these trades than in other trades.
Of the five circumstances which affect the wages of labour, therefore, the pleasure and safety of the work alone affect the profit of stock.Pleasantness of work makes little difference with most different capitals, but makes a great difference with different kinds of labour.Moreover, though the ordinary rate of profit of stock increases with the height of the danger, the two increases do not seem to be in proportion.The average or common rate of profit of stock, therefore, is more uniform in the same district than the wages of labour.And indeed it is.
Compared with the differences between the incomes of well-established lawyers and doctors, the differences in the income of ordinary workers are significantly larger.Moreover, since we do not distinguish which part should be counted as wages and which part is counted as profit, the differences in profits in various industries are only superficial differences, which are often unreliable.
When people think of pharmacists' profits, the word "excessive profits" often comes to mind.In fact, this kind of big profit is only superficial, and it is often just a reasonable labor wage.The skills of a pharmacist are much more delicate than those of other technicians, so the responsibilities on his shoulders are also much heavier.He was not only a pharmacist, but also a doctor of the poor and of the rich with milder diseases.Therefore, his remuneration for the sale of medicines should be commensurate with his skill and the position in which he is entrusted.In the metropolis, even the most prosperous pharmacist invests no more than thirty or forty pounds a year in all medicines, and the total price of his medicines is as high as three or four hundred pounds, that is to say, his medicines It was sold at a tenfold profit.Even so, it is not an exaggeration.Generally speaking, such a high profit is only his reasonable salary.Because, if he wants to get a reasonable salary based on his own skills, he can only increase the price of medicines.On the surface, his profits accounted for a large part. In fact, this part of the profits was only his real wages.
In seaside towns the small grocer, with a capital of a hundred pounds, makes a profit of forty or fifty per cent; and the great wholesaler, with a capital of ten thousand pounds, seldom makes a profit of a per cent. eight or ten percent.A small grocery business is necessary for the local population.Also, due to the small market size, this occupation does not require a larger capital.This occupation, however, is the means of subsistence of the small grocer, and in order to do so he must possess all the qualifications necessary for carrying on the business.For example, in addition to having a small amount of capital to buy commodities, he must also be able to read, write, and calculate, and accurately judge the selling price and quality of fifty or sixty kinds of commodities, and then buy them back at the lowest price. Then go to the town to sell.To put it simply, he must have the same knowledge as all the knowledge required of a great businessman.Once he has sufficient capital, he may also become a big businessman.Therefore, it is reasonable for a talented person like a small grocer to earn thirty or forty pounds a year.On the face of it, this profit seems very large.However, once his skill remuneration is removed, the remainder will not be more than ordinary profit.A large part of this profit, therefore, is the real wages of the small grocer.
The apparent difference in the profits of the retailer and the wholesaler in the city is much smaller than the difference in the apparent profit of the various grocers in the small towns and the country.If the investment in the grocery industry in a certain place is 10,000 pounds, then compared with the real profit of such a large capital, the labor wages of the grocery merchant can only be regarded as a very small added value.The apparent profits of the wealthy retailers in this place, therefore, tend to be more in line with those of the wholesalers.Because of this, the retail prices of small commodities in cities are very low, and often much lower than those in small towns and rural areas.The price of groceries, for example, is generally much cheaper in cities than in villages; and the price of bread and butcher's meat is often as cheap in cities as in villages.
There is not much difference in the cost of shipping groceries to the city and to the village.However, it is much more expensive to transport corn and livestock to cities at great distances than to villages and towns.The original price of groceries is the same in both urban and rural areas.Wherefore, the goods in that place receive the least additional profit, and the goods will be sold at the cheapest.The original price of bread and butcher's meat is higher in the great towns.Therefore, even though the profit of these goods is lower, in the large cities, they often sell as cheap as in the country.The apparent profit of such commodities diminishes for the same reason that their original price increases.The expansion of the market, on the one hand, increases the capital invested in the market, thereby reducing its apparent profit;In many cases the reduction of apparent profit and the increase of original price almost cancel each other out.Therefore, though the prices of corn and cattle vary widely, there is little difference in the price of bread and butcher's meat in all parts of the country.
Although the capital profits of urban retailers and wholesalers are generally smaller than those of villages and towns, many people have made a lot of money because of it.Although capital profits in villages and towns are relatively high, few people get rich because of it.
Due to the narrow market, the businesses of villages and towns may not all expand with the increase of capital.Therefore, although individual businessmen in these places have obtained extremely high profit rates, their total profits are not large, so their accumulated savings over the years are also limited.
In large towns, on the contrary, the turnover increases with the increase of capital.Moreover, the credit of an industrious merchant increases much more rapidly than his capital.In this way, his business will expand rapidly with the increase of credit and capital.Therefore, his total profit will increase, and his accumulated savings will naturally increase with the increase of his total profit.In the great cities very few persons make great fortunes, even in a normal, established, and well-known trade.Those who make great fortunes do so largely by long-term industry, thrift, and careful management.
Of course, there are often some people in big cities who get rich because of speculative business.But the business of such speculators is not normal, definite, and well-known.A speculator of this kind, who is a grain monopoly this year, may become a wine merchant next year, and a sugar, tobacco, or tea trade the year after.对他来说，只要哪种行业有获得超过普通利润的希望，他都会马上加入。一旦他预测到他所加入的那一行业的利润将会回落到普通水平，他又会立刻抽出资本。因此，他的盈亏不同于其他任何正常、确定而又人所周知行业的盈亏。投机成功和失败的机率是大致相等的。大胆的冒险者，有时也许会成功两三次，从而获得大笔的财产；可有时候，也许会失败两三次，所以难免会遭受极大的财产损失。这种生意，只有大城市才能进行。因为，只有大城市这类商务繁盛、交易频繁的地方，才能提供经营这种生意所需要的条件。
上述五种情况，虽然极大地影响了劳动工资与资本利润，使得二者在很大程度上都不平衡；但是，它们却影响不了由劳动或资本的不同用途造成的利害的平衡性。劳动或资本的不同用途所造成的利害，能够增加一些用途上小的金钱利得，或抵消另一些用途上大的金钱利得。
要使某地由劳动或资本的不同用途造成的利害平衡，除了要求该地的市场是自由的，还要求这些用途具备以下三个条件：第一，它们必须是该地人所周知且确立很久的；第二，它们必须处于自然状态；第三，它们必须是使用者唯一或主要的用途。
第一，这些用途只有在该地人所周知且确立很久，才会产生这样的平衡。
在其他条件都相同的情况下，新行业的工资一般都比旧行业高。新制造业的计划者在立业之初，必然要招募工人。只有当他所给的工资高于其他行业或本行业应有的工资时，其他行业的工人才会被诱惑过来。而且，就算他想把这一高工资降到一般水平，也得经过很长时间。
有些制造品的产生，完全是出于时尚和一时爱好，所以它们总是不断地变动。像这种很少能持久的商品，就不能看作老制造品。反之，另一些制造品的产生，则主要是因为其不容易变动的效用。像这类老制造品，即使其形式和构造数世纪不变，也会被人需要。所以，前一类制造业的工资可能会比后一类高很多。在伯明翰，多半的制造品都属于前一类；在设菲尔德，多半的制造品都属于后一类。据说，这两地的劳动工资非常适合这两类不同性质的制造品。
新的行业，无论是制造业、商业还是农业，都是一种投机。新行业计划者的期望，就是由此获得高额利润。这种利润时大时小，但一般都不和当地及其周边地区其他旧行业的利润成比例。如果计划成功，最初的利润通常都非常高；但是，当这一行业确立时，其利润就会因为竞争而降得和其他行业相同。
第二，只有这些用途处于自然状态时，其利害才会有这样的平衡。
人们对各种劳动的需求时大时小。当临时劳动需求大于平常需求时，劳动收益会增高到普通水平以上；而当临时劳动需求小于平常需求时，劳动收益则会减低到普通水平之下。在锄草期和收获期，农村劳动需求是一年中最大的，因而其工资也会随着这一高需求而增高。在战争中，被迫为国王服务的商船海员就达四五万之多。这么一来，对商船海员的需求必然会因为人员的减少而增加。这时，海员的月工资就会增加，而且经常是从二十一至二十七先令增加到四十至六十先令。相反的，在日趋凋落的制造业，许多劳动者都不愿意舍弃原有的职业，反而满足于获得低于其工作性质应得报酬的工资。
商品价格一旦变动，就会使资本利润跟着变动。如果某一商品的价格高于其普通或平均价格，那么投入其中的资本，至少有一部分会获得超过原有水平的利润；而当商品价格下降时，资本利润也会跟着降到原有水平以下。不管是什么商品，其价格都会或多或少地发生变动。但是，有些商品的价格变动，比其他商品大很多。人类每年生产货物所用的劳动量，必然受制于当年的需求。这么一来，就可能使得当年的平均产量，能够尽可能地适应当年的平均消费量。
我们已经知道，劳动或资本的有些用途，可以使同量劳动生产几乎同量的商品。就拿麻布或呢绒制造业来说，在劳动者数量相同的情况下，麻布或呢绒的产量几乎每年都相同。所以，决定这类商品市价变动的因素，只有偶然的需求变动。在国丧期间，黑布的价格会因为市场需求的增加而增高；可是，麻布或呢绒的价格却几乎没有变动，因为其市场需求并没有因为国丧而变动。
但是，劳动或资本的另外一些用途，却不能让同量劳动生产出同量的商品。比如说谷物、葡萄酒、啤酒花、砂糖、烟草等，即使劳动量相同，其各年的生产量也可能极不相同。因此，影响这类商品价格变动的因素，就不仅仅是市场需求的变动了，还有更大、更频繁的生产数量的变动。所以，这类商品的价格变动相当大，因而此类商品经营者的利润也必然会随之变动。此类商品，一般都会被投机商人用来进行投机活动。这些投机商人，一旦预测到其价格会上升，就会立即买入；而一旦看到这类商品的价格将要下跌，就会立刻将其卖出。
第三，劳动和资本的不同用途，必须是使用者唯一或主要的用途，才会有这样的平衡。
当一个人的谋生职业并不会占用他的大部分时间时，他往往会趁着闲暇去从事另一种职业，即使他由此所得的工资低于那份工作的应得工资。
即便是现在，苏格兰的许多地方也还存在着被称作“农场雇工”的人，只是数量少于数年前。这种农场雇工，是地主和农场主的外宿工。雇用他们的雇主，往往会为他们提供一间住房、一个蔬菜园、一块足够饲养一头母牛的草场，还有一二亩次等耕地。在他们为雇主劳动期间，每星期还能另外得到价值约为十五便士的两配克燕麦片。一年中，雇主一般只需要少许或完全不需要他们的劳动，所以他们的大部分时间都是不受雇主支配的。至于他们自己耕种的土地，也不会花掉他能够随意支配的全部时间。所以，在以前，也就是农场雇工的数量比现在多的时候，据说他们都愿意趁着闲暇去为任何人工作，即使他们所得的报酬少得低于其他劳动者的工资。在古代欧洲，这种雇工遍地可见。
如果一国的土地种得很坏，而且人口稀少，那么在需要大量劳动者的季节里，大部分的地主和农场主就会雇用农场雇工。显然，这类按日或按星期计酬的劳动者的工资，并不是他们的全部劳动价格。在他们的全部劳动价格中，雇主为他们提供的小租用地收入占了非常可观的一部分。可是，有许多作家却认为他们的全部劳动价格，只包括他们偶得的日报酬或星期报酬。这些作家们凭着自己收集的劳动及食品价格的资料，把二者的价格说得都十分低贱。
像按日或按星期计酬的劳动生产物的售价，往往低于其应有的价格。在苏格兰的许多地方，编织袜子的价格要远远低于其他任何机织袜子的价格。原因是，编织袜子的劳动者获得主要生活资料的职业，是其他职业，而非制袜这一职业。每年，设得兰都会向利兹输入一千多双袜子，每双袜子的价格是五至七便士。听说，在设得兰群岛的小首都勒韦克，普通劳动者的日工资是十便士。而设得兰群岛所织的绒线袜，每双价值都在一几尼以上。
苏格兰亚麻线的纺织工作，也和编织袜子的工作一样，是由主要生活资料来源于其他职业的雇工来做的。这些农场雇工们去从事纺麻或织袜工作，原本是希望从中得到全部生活资料的，可是往往只能得到极其微薄的生活费。在苏格兰，如果有哪个纺工一星期能赚二十便士，那么她在纺工当中就算是非常有本事的了。
富裕国家的市场一般都非常广阔，以致任何行业都能够容纳本行业的全部劳动和资本。以一种职业谋生，同时又为获小利而从事另一职业的情况，多半出现在贫国。不过，类似的情况有时也会在一个富裕国家的首都出现。我相信，全欧洲没有哪一个都市的房租能高过伦敦。不过，余物附带家具且租金相对低廉的都市，也要首推伦敦。伦敦的余屋租赁价格，相比之下要远远低于巴黎。此外，在房屋质量一样好的条件下，伦敦余屋的租赁价格也远远低于爱丁堡。
造成单个房屋租金低廉的原因，竟然是全房租的高昂，这也许会让人惊奇。造成大都市房租高昂的原因主要有三种。一是劳动价格昂贵。一般来说，必须从远地供应的所有建筑材料，价格都相当昂贵。二是地租昂贵。由于土地被地主们垄断，所以就算是不良街市的一亩地皮的地租，也往往会比百亩最优良农田的地租更高。三是伦敦人民的风俗习惯比较特别。在伦敦，各家在租赁房屋时，都得租赁全屋。在法兰西和苏格兰以及欧洲其他地方，住宅常常指的是建筑物的一层；而在英格兰，住宅却意味着同一屋顶下的所有房屋。如果伦敦商人要租住房屋，以便跟顾客做生意，那么他就必须租下一整座房屋，最底层作为店铺，顶层用作一家人生活的地方，中间层分租出去，以收回一部分房租。他把中间层分租出去，并不是说明他希望用分租租金来养活一家人。他期望的，是靠经营业务来维持一家人的生活。而在巴黎和爱丁堡，人们往往会靠分租房屋来谋生，所以他们所得的分租租金，不但要足够支付全部的房租，还要足够维持他们一家人的生活。
上述的三个条件中，无论缺少哪一个，劳动和资本不同用途的所有利害就会不平衡，即使是在完全自由的地方也不例外。然而，由于欧洲政策限制了事物向完全自由的方向发展，所以造成了劳动和资本不同用途所有利害的更加不平衡。
欧洲政策促成这种不平衡的方式，主要有以下三种。一、限制某些职业的竞争人数。这么一来，能够从事这些职业的人，就会少于原本愿意加入的人数。二、加大某些职业的竞争程度，直到超过这一职业的自然限度。三、不给劳动和资本自由活动的空间。这么一来，原本投在某地某职业的劳动和资本，就不能自由地转移到另一地方、另一职业。
欧洲政策限制职业竞争人数的主要手段，是同业组合，因为它拥有排外的特权。
有排外特权的同业组合，一般都设立在城市。在排外特权的控制下，只有那些有自由经营此项业务的人才能互相竞争。通常情况下，得到这种自由的必要条件是在当地有适当资格的人门下做学徒。
受同业组合规则的限制，每个师傅所收学徒的人数、学徒的学习年限，通常都是确定的。这么做的目的，就是限制各行业的竞争人数。规定学徒的人数，可以直接限制竞争；而规定学徒学习年限的长短，则可能会增加学习的费用，从而间接、有效地限制了竞争。
设菲尔德同业组合的规则规定，制刀师傅不得同时有一个以上的徒弟。而在诺福克和洛韦加，织工师傅不得同时有两个以上的徒弟；如果谁敢违反，就得向国王缴纳每月五镑的罚金。在英格兰内地及英领各殖民地，制帽师傅也不能同时有两个以上的徒弟；如果谁敢违反，每月也要交五镑罚金，一半交给国王，一半交给向法庭控告这一事实的人。这两项由王国公法确认的规定，显然是按设菲尔德的同业组合精神制定的。在伦敦，丝织业的同业组合成立还不足一年，就规定了各个师傅不得同时有两个以上的徒弟。不过，这一规则后来又被议会法令给废止了。
在以前的欧洲，大部分有同业组合的行业，其学徒期限似乎都是七年。这些同业组合，以前的拉丁文原名都是“university”，在古时的都市特许状中比较常见，比如Blacksmith university（铁匠同业组合）、Tailor university（裁缝同业组合）等。现在，“university”这个词汇特指大学。在大学这个特殊团体设立的初期，获得文艺硕士学位所必需的学习年限，明显是根据以往同业组合行业的学徒年限来规定的。在普通行业，一个人只有在具有适当资格的人门下做七年学徒，才能获得授徒的资格。在文艺上也是如此，一个人只有在具有适当资格的文艺硕士门下学习七年，才有可能成为有收受学生资格的硕士、教师或学者（这三个词的意思以前是相同的）。
伊丽莎白五年，颁布了一项通常被称为《学徒法》的法令。《学徒法》规定，此后，任何人要想从事英格兰当时的所有手艺、工艺或技艺，都至少得在这一行业学习七年。于是，以前的那些特殊同业组合的规则，都成了各市镇的行业公法。不过，该法令的用语很笼统，其适用范围，表面上好像是整个王国，但按照细则，它却仅适用于市镇。细则规定，一个农村劳动者可以从事几种不同的工艺，即便是他学习这几种职业的时间都没达到七年。这一人兼营几种工艺的规定，对便利农村居民是很必要的。因为在农村，往往没有足够的人数来单独操持一种工艺。
另外，如果严格地按照《学徒法》的细则来理解，那么其适用范围就只限于这一法令确立之前的英格兰各行业，而不适用于以后新建立的行业。这种政策的限制，造成了一些愚蠢的区别。例如，按照法令的规定，马车制造者要用车轮，只能向车轮制造者购买，而不得亲自或雇人来制造。因为车轮制造业在伊丽莎白五年以前就存在了，所以马车制造者完全得受法令的限制。可是，马车制造业却是《学徒法》颁布以后才出现的，不受这一法令的限制，所以车轮制造者即便是没有跟着马车制造者学习一定年限，也可以亲自或雇人来制造马车。根据这种理由，在曼彻斯特、伯明翰和伍尔弗汉普顿等地，许多在伊丽莎白五年以后新建的制造业，都不受《学徒法》的约束。
在法兰西，各地、各行业的学徒年限都不同。在巴黎的大多数行业，学徒的学习年限都是五年；而一个想做行业师傅的学徒，却至少还须多学习五年。这后一个五年，称为“伙伴期间”，在这期间，他被称为师傅的伙伴。
在苏格兰，普遍都没有规定学徒年限的法律。不同的同业组合，其学徒年限也不相同。如果某个同业组合的学徒年限规定得过长，而学徒又想缩短这一期限，一般可以通过支付少额款项来解决。另外，在大多数城市中，任何同业组合的会员资格，都可以用支付少额款项的方法获得。
在苏格兰，像亚麻布、大麻布织工这类的主要制造者，以及纺车制造人等附属产业的各种技工，就算不支付款项，也可以在自治城市从业。在自治城市，一切市民都可以自由地在法定日贩卖家畜肉。在苏格兰，学徒年限一般为三年，即使是一些需要精湛技艺的行业也不例外。据我所知，在欧洲各国，没有哪个地方的同业组合的法律有苏格兰这么宽大。
劳动权是其他一切所有权的主要基础，它神圣而不可侵犯。穷人的全部世袭财产是体力与技巧。如果他不能在不侵害他人的条件下，正当地使用自己的体力与技巧，那么他的这笔神圣的财产就被侵犯了。明显地，如果一个人不能在适当用途上劳动，那么另一个人就不能雇用他，这么一来，劳动者和劳动雇用者的正当自由就都被侵犯了。
雇主出于利害关系的考虑，无疑有权自行决定要不要雇用某个劳动者。可是，立法当局却以担心雇主可能会雇到不适合的劳动者为名，假惺惺地加以干涉。明显地，这么做不仅是压制，还是僭越。
长期学徒制，并不能保证不良作品在市场上绝迹。一般来说，市场上经常出现不良作品的原因，不是无能，而是欺诈。这种欺诈，即使是在学徒年限最长时也避免不了，所以需要一种完全不同的法规来防止。比如，在金属器皿上刻上纯度记号、在麻布和呢绒上盖上检验标记。这种做法为购买者提供的保证，比《学徒法》所规定的保证要大得多。这时，购买者只要看记号或检验标记，就可以判别货物是否合格，而不需要查问货物的制造者有没有做过七年学徒。
长期学徒制，并不能使少年人更加勤劳。而按件计资的劳动者，则会越干越勤勉，原因是，他们做的工作越多，所得就会越丰厚。
从理论和事实上说，学徒再怎么勤勉，也很可能会因为利不干己而流于怠惰。下级职业就不同了，他们的劳动乐趣完全在于报酬，谁享受到劳动乐趣的时间最早，谁就会最早勤勉而又感兴趣地参加劳动。如果一个少年人长期劳动，却不能因此而享受到丝毫的利益，那么他当然就会对劳动产生厌恶。一般情况下，那些来自公共慈善团体的儿童，做学徒的年限会比普通年限长，所以他们多半都很怠惰且无用。
学徒制度，在古代是没有的。在近代，师傅和学徒间的各种相互义务，几乎都成了法典中的重要条文，只有罗马法令中只字未提。学徒，指的是在一定行业中，跟着主子学习行业技艺，并在一定年限内无偿为主子的利益而工作的仆人。但是，在希腊或拉丁语中，没有一个能够表达这一概念的字眼，因此，我敢断定这两个国家根本就没有这种概念。
完全没必要把学徒年限规定得那么长。制造挂钟、手表的技艺，虽然比一般手艺要高超得多，但它也没有哪项神秘技术需要长期授受。最初，这些美妙的机器，以及用以制造这些机器的一些器具，都无疑是经过长期的思虑摸索才创造出来的，是人类发明才能的可喜成果。但是，当这些机器和器具被发明之后，那些理解他们的人，却只需要数天时间，就可以把它们详详细细地讲解给少年人听，并教他们怎样使用器具、怎样做机器。数天时间，足够用来讲授一般的机械工艺了。至于普通手艺，则必须得经过大量的实践和体验才能灵活操作。
如果一个少年人在做学徒之初，就能够以帮工的资格劳动，并依工作量而得到报酬，那么他为了避免赔偿由于自身技艺粗劣和无经验而损坏的材料，必然会勤勉而注意地学习他的业务。一般地，这样的教育方式，对学徒来说，不但可以少花些时间和费用，还更有效；对师傅来说，则是一种损失。现在，情况对师傅比较有利，因为他可以得到七年的学徒工资。而一旦采用了上述的教育方式，师傅就拿不到七年的学徒工资了，学徒最终也不免会有所损失。因为，如果一个职业能够容易地学成，那么竞争者将会更多，这样的话，一个全劳力所得到的工资就会比现在少很多。激烈的竞争，不但会使工人的工资减少，也会使师傅的利润降低。同样遭受损失的，还有从事手艺、工艺和技艺的人。但是，社会民众却会因此而得利，因为这么一来，市场上各种技工的制造品的售价，都会比现在低廉得多。
为了阻止价格这么下降下去，才设立了同业组合，并规定了许多组合规则，以期通过限制自由竞争的方式，最终阻止工资及利润的下降。在以往的欧洲多数地区，某一行业要想在某地设立同业组合，只要取得该地所在自治城市的许可就可以了。在英格兰，设立同业组合则须国王特许。不过，国王行使这一特权的目的，似乎不是防止垄断组织侵犯贸易自由，而是榨取臣民的钱财。臣民们要想取得国王的特许状，似乎只要缴纳若干款项就可以了。如果哪种行业的技工或商人们，不经国王特许就设立当时所谓的“不正当”的同业组合，那么这一组合未必会被取缔，却须补缴若干罚款，以“合法”行使被剥夺的权利。管理一切组合的规则，本来可以由组合内部自行制定的，却都由组合所在地的自治城市直接监管。因此，管理那些组合的，往往不是国王，而是比那些组合更大的团体。对更大的团体来说，那些附属的小团体只是它们的组成部分。
当时，商人和技工完全掌握着自治城市的统治权。如果设立同业组合，就可以防止市场上有“过多”的存货，从而使得这些来自各个阶级的商人和技工们的产品，能经常在市场上保持存货不足的状态。这么做，明显对他们都有利。各个阶级为了达到这一目的，都急于制定适当的规则，并在得到允许的条件下，同意其他阶级也制定规则。这些规则制定之后，货物的价格都比以前略微升高。于是，各个阶级都得以比以前略高的价格，从其他阶级那里购买自己所需的货物；而他们自己的货物，售价也相当高。这么一来，买卖相抵，彼此不相上下。这类规则，不会让同一市内的任何阶级蒙受损失，却会让与之交易的农村商贩损失不小。正是这种交易，维持了各个都市的正常运行，并让各个都市逐渐富裕起来。
都市的生活资料与工业原料，全都来源于农村。都市购买这些资料与原料之后，主要有以下两种处理方法。第一，把部分原料加工，制成成品后再运回农村，以高于原价的价格出售。因为，成品中包含了劳动工资及资本利润。第二，把从外国或国内的遥远地方运来的粗制品，或是一部分精制品，送往农村，以高于原价的价格出售。因为，那些制品中不但包含了水陆运输的劳动者工资，还包括了商人的资本利润。这样，都市获得的商业利益就有两种，第一种是它从原料制品中获得的利益，第二种是劳动工资及资本利润。
所以，这些规则制定之后，任何一种能使工资和利润较以前增加的规则，都能使都市以低价从农村购买劳动量。都市商人和技工们从这些规则中所得到的利益，比农村的地主、农场主及农业劳动者更大。于是，都市与农村商业的自然平衡就被破坏了。在这些规则制定之前，都市居民和农村人民分配社会劳动的全部年产品的份额不会相差大太。自从制定了这些规则之后，都市居民就能享有比以前更大的份额，而农村人民所享有份额的比例却比以前少了许多。
每年，都市给付农村食品和原料的代价，实际上只是它输往农村的、不同数量的制造品及其他物品。都市输入农村的物品的售价越高，农村原料的售价就越低，这有利于都市产业，却有损于农村产业。
在欧洲各地，都市产业的地位都比农村产业有利。我们要想弄明白这一点，无须进行精密计算，只要进行一次极其简单而又明显的观察就可以了。我们可以看到，按照比例计算，同样都是以小资本起家的经营者，从事商业和制造业这类都市产业并最终发大财的，至少有一百人；而从事土地改良和耕种这类农村产业并发大财的，却只有一人。由此可见，都市产业的报酬必然高于农村产业，都市的劳动工资和资本利润也明显高于农村。即使这样，资本与劳动还是会继续离开农村，向都市汇集，以发挥它最有利的用途。
由于都市居民比较集中，所以结合起来也比较容易。于是，在某些地方，即使是最微不足道的工艺也有同业组合。即使某个地方没有同业组合，该地的居民也一般都有组合意识，他们不但排斥外乡人，还不愿意把工艺秘密传授给学徒之类的“外人”。当他们遇到不能靠规则来禁止的自由竞争时，往往就会在这种组合意识的教导下，自愿结合或协约，以阻止这一竞争继续发挥作用。这类结合，最容易出现在劳动需求有限的行业。比如，也许只需要六个梳毛工，就能让一千个纺工和织工持续地工作的行业。这时，如果这些梳毛工结合起来，一致不收学徒，那么这种工艺就会被他们垄断。这么一来，他们就可以控制整个羊毛制造业梳毛工的劳动价格，获得大大超过这一作业应得报酬的高工资。
农村居民则是散居的，甚至相距非常远，所以结合起来也不容易。他们不但从未组合过，也缺乏组合意识。他们认为，并不是非得先做学徒，才能从事农业这一农村的主要职业。事实上，除了所谓的艺术及其他自由职业之外，恐怕就只有农业所需的知识和经验最复杂了。即使是最富有智慧、最有常识的国民，也不会认为最容易掌握的技能是农业劳动。要证明这一点，只需要看看用各国文字写成的不计其数的农业书籍就可以了。而且，尽管有些无聊的作家在提到一般农民时，会说些轻蔑的话，但就算是他们的所有书籍加在一起，也不能尽数记录一般农民都掌握的各种复杂操作。
相反的，普通机械工艺的所有操作，却可以记录在一个薄薄的小册子里，还可以用插图进行详尽明了的说明。现在，由法国科学院发行的工艺史，就是用这种方法来说明某些工艺的。另外，农业上的许多操作方法，都必须随天气变化及意外事故而变更。掌握这种操作所需要的能力和经验，要远远多于掌握几乎相同的机械工艺操作所需要的能力。
除了一般农业技术操作之外，农村中的许多低级劳动，也需要比大部分机械工艺所需多得多的能力和经验。加工铜铁的人所使用的工具与材料，几乎完全相同。而用牛马耕种土地的人，却得在不同的时间里，使用不同的工具、健康状态、体力和性情来工作。因此，他需要用很大的判断力和思辨力，来处理他所加工的那些容易变化的材料和器具。
被认为是“愚蠢无智的典型”的普