Chapter 19 Chapter 12 Developmental Psychologist-1

"No matter how great the oak tree is, it grows from the acorns." - English proverb Many people think of scientists in the same way: the chemist in overalls pouring boiling liquid into a test bottle; the cell biologist peeking at life through a microscope; the paleontologist in khaki. Brushing the dirt to reveal a rotting bone.But for working psychologists, no one can imagine what he looks like.Psychology is a synthesis of various sciences, and the scenes are different.Even in various specific fields within psychology, the situation is varied and different, and in all these fields, no situation is more complex than developmental psychology.for example:

—a staff member in white smock holds the head of a disgruntled lab rat while an assistant deftly flips open the rat's left eyelid and places an opaque invisible lens inside. - An 8-month-old baby boy sits in front of a miniature stage, while a researcher hides behind the stage and places a toy dog ​​in the baby's view; just as the baby is about to grab it , but the researcher drew the curtain, covering the dog. —A man squatted down in front of a 5-year-old boy playing pinball and said: "I used to play with these things a lot, but now I have forgotten how to play. I want to play again. You teach me the rules and I Just play with you."

— A young mother who is playing on the floor with her one-year-old daughter suddenly pretends to be injured. "Oh, ouch! It hurts!" she cried, clutching her knees.The little girl reached out as if to pat her on the shoulder, but suddenly burst into tears and hid her face in the pillow. —In a small office, a psychologist held a green playing card and said to a 10-year-old girl sitting across the table: "This card in my hand is either red or It's not yellow, is that correct?" She immediately replied, "No." Later, on the same day, he asked a 14-year-old girl to answer the question; she thought for a while, then said: " right."

—A female researcher plays a video to a dental student.In the video, Mrs. Harrington, a newcomer to the city, goes to the dentist for the first time.Some of her expensive dentures were broken and could not be repaired, the dentist said, and she had periodontitis, which her previous dentist had ignored.Mrs. Harrington became upset and did not believe what the dentist said.The researcher stopped the video and asked the student what he would do if he were the dentist. In these strange activities, these people have a common pursuit: to discover how the acorn of psychology grows into the oak tree of psychology.especially:

— After installing opaque contact lenses in the mice's eyes, the experimenters trained the mice to walk a maze, then killed the mice and observed their brains under a microscope.The goal was to see to what extent the number of dendrites on a neuron increased due to experience, by comparing its left and right visual cortex. (Because the left eye was blindfolded, the right visual cortex received no information during maze training.) -researcher who draws the curtain to hide the toy dog, to see how the baby's memory develops - in this case, to test awareness of the fact that the hidden object is still there .

——The man who asked to learn how to play pinball again was Piaget in the 1920s. He wanted to study the development of children's moral reasoning ability. —The mother who pretended to be injured was cooperating with researchers in an attempt to determine the exact timing of the emergence of empathy in children. —The researcher who asked the strange question about the green playing card was looking at the development of children's logical reasoning ability. --The woman researcher who asked dental students how to deal with the situation above was investigating the development of moral reasoning at the adult level.

These are just a few examples of the many forms of activity and interests of modern developmental psychologists.Their field of study is one of the broadest and in some ways typical of the sciences: it deals with everything that makes us human, and with all the processes by which we influence those factors. . Before the 17th century, there was little interest in this subject.Until then, according to the historian Philippe Arias, the prevailing view in Europe was that the child was the epitome of the adult, whose traits, virtues, and vices were miniature adults.They are cared for until they are 6 years old, because by this time, they can already look after themselves.From then on, they are treated like adults, work with adults, and if they offend authority, they have to be punished for wrong words and deeds like adults.There was even the possibility of being hanged for theft.

The reason this attitude toward children is starting to change is because, Locke says, a baby's mind is a blank slate.However, his theory of how this blank slate becomes adult thinking is extremely rudimentary: this development is simply due to the accumulation of experience and associations. Two centuries later, Darwin's theory inspired several psychologists to come up with even more complex ideas.They say that the process of evolution develops from the simplest homogeneous life forms to complex and advanced differentiated forms, and similarly, psychological development also develops from homogeneous and simple mental functional forms to complex and specialized forms.Its development from infancy to maturity is inevitable.

Today, that might sound naive; modern psychologists take a more relevant view, arguing that development goes in random directions, some very bad ones.Racists, foul-mouthed whores, psycho killers, professional abusers, child abusers, gang-killing religious fanatics, and the like are the end result of development.In addition, developmental psychologists now believe that their work extends to the final decades of life, when mental function declines and Alzheimer's disease is increasingly common.In dealing with such a wide-ranging field, they apply almost all of psychology's professional knowledge. It is conceivable that they think that their major is the most authentic way to understand psychological knowledge.As developmental psychologist Rockell Gelman puts it: “We can’t understand an end product without watching it evolve.” That’s a pretty confident statement, so let’s look at the evidence.

The grand theory of high-mindedness “Great goals and inability to deal with the details,” said the philosopher Alfred North Whitehead, “are the common ailments of the early days of a science.” This is true for developmental psychology.In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, some of the most prominent theories in this field of study lacked the concrete content and hard data to support their arbitrary and unrealistic concepts.The Englishman George Romans, the Russian Ivan Shetsenov, and the American James Mark Baldwin and Gee Stanley Hall are all alike in their various ways of bringing the developmental events of childhood to life. Changes are likened to different stages of evolution from lower animals to humans.However, this seemingly clever analogy is only an intellectual deception rather than the result of experiments, so it was quickly washed away by the rising tide of research data. find research data. (Only psychoanalytic theory has escaped the flushing of this era of experimental data, because it is different from evolutionary theory, it does not want to be so comprehensive, but only conducts the work of character structure and personality analysis, and it is important for the growth process of intelligence and social skills. Speak little, or not at all.)”

However, Hall made a seeding contribution to developmental psychology.He channeled what was then called the "Children's Study Movement" into experimental science and data collection.He himself is also a diligent research worker. He has spent many years conducting questionnaire research activities on children's thinking and published a large amount of data.The work he did, not because of his grand theories, set the direction for the nascent field of child-psychology. By the 1920s, the term "developmental psychology" in child psychology did not become popular until 30 years later - it was purely research-oriented and largely theoretical.This is also in line with the trend of psychological testing that was popular across the country at that time.Like Binet and Terman, who measured children's intellectual achievement each year without explaining why or how thinking changed, developmental psychologists from the 1920s to the 1950s focused on determining what was normal: what infants' behavior and abilities were like every week. The way it "should" appear, the way it should appear as a child every month.At Yale University, Arnold Gesell compiled detailed descriptions of normal behavior at every turn in a child's life cycle.At Berkeley, Harvard, and other universities, researchers conducted basic longitudinal analyses, testing people repeatedly from infancy through adulthood to determine what determines what babies will become later in life. what kind of person. The lack of interest in developmental theory is partly due to the dominance of the behaviorists, whose study of learning, as we have seen, consists primarily of determining the interrelationships between stimuli and rewards.The name Behaviorist Developmental Theory, if it can be established, can be expressed clearly in Skinner's words: The consequences of this can be "feedback" back into the organism.Behavioral consequences, if they do generate feedback, may change the likelihood that the behavior that produced the consequence may occur again... When behavior changes over a long period of time, we consider dependent variables to be organic age.An increase in likelihood as a function of age is often considered to be maturation. giants and the theory of giants Jean Piaget (1896-1980) was the greatest child psychologist in the 20th century, which is recognized by most developmental psychologists. Peter Bryan, an outstanding British developmental psychologist, said that if not There is Piaget, "child psychology may be just a very humble science".While Piaget was a young man in the 1920s, his early contributions had revolutionized French and Swiss child psychology, and 30 years later the mature product of his ideas was The United States has had the same impact.What makes his work so powerful is partly the beauty of his writing and the lucidity of his theory, and partly because of some of his brilliant discoveries, scientific discoveries made through laborious research, his Theories are based on these studies. Saying "effortless" is an understatement.In his youth he was a tall, thin man with bangs on his forehead, and by the age of eighty he was gray-haired, stooped, and fat, spending most of his time observing Activities in which children play and participate in games.He told stories to the children and listened to his own stories, asking them a lot of questions about why this thing was like this and not that, why something was the way it was (“Why does the sun follow you when you walk?” Go?" "When you dream, where is the dream, and how do you see it?").He also invented many riddles and puzzles for them to guess.Through these activities, Piaget made a number of discoveries that Harvard developmental psychologist Jerome Cagan called "surprising discoveries... a host of interesting, accessible phenomena that Commonplaces are right under everyone's nose, but not everyone has the talent to spot them." For example: Piaget often let the baby look at a toy, and then cover the toy with his own beret. A baby before 9 months will forget about the toy when it is out of sight, but by the time the baby is about 9 months old, he will realize that the toy is still there, under the beret.To give another example: Piaget often showed children two identical large cups containing the same amount of water, poured the water in one cup into a long and thin container, and asked the child which one Put more water in the container. Children under the age of 7 almost always say that there is more water in the elongated container, but children over the age of 7-7 will realize that although the shape of the container has changed, the amount is the same.Piaget made many of these discoveries, which, despite some later revisions, were always correct.Cagan said that child psychology "has never had such solid facts." To explain these findings, Piaget constructed a complex theory that used his own concepts of cognitive processes and others from biology, physics, and philosophy. (He also explored Freudian and Gestalt psychology, but did not draw on these learnings.) His basic message was that the mind undergoes a series of mutations through its interaction with the environment.Thinking not only accumulates experience, but also changes because of experience, so more new advanced thinking is obtained. Before the age of about 15, thinking is the one that we think is the most human characteristic.From this place, modern developmental psychology was born. What kind of person is this?He could sit with and listen to children for sixty years and still have the gift of revolutionizing an important branch of psychology.Here's an unlikely answer: suave, dignified, benevolent, friendly, and warm.His colleagues and partners affectionately call him "Boss", but he has never provoked malicious slander, and he has always been kind to criticism of his work, and his close relatives and friends have never turned against him.Some photos of Piaget in his later years can truly reflect his personality: a kind face, majesty under horny glasses, flowing white hair brushing the sides of the beret that will never be parted from life, and a pipe in the corner of his smiling mouth , all of which make people feel that this person is easy and approachable.The only fault he could find was that he was such a serious person that he had no interest at all in the jokes and laughter of the children. He was born in Neuchâtel, Switzerland, and unlike Freud, he was not an outsider who didn't have to struggle bit by bit to be accepted by the locals.He is not like Pavlov, he has never experienced the hardships of life; he is not like James, he has never experienced a spiritual crisis.Unlike Wertheimer, he never experienced a divine appearance.The only thing that stood out about his relatively unremarkable early life was that he had almost no childhood—which may be why he loved hanging out with children all his life.His father was a scrupulous and critical history professor, and his mother was mentally ill, and unlike her husband, she was also deeply religious.This difference made family life extremely troublesome, and the young Jean Piaget had no choice but to adapt to it: In the early years of my life I had to give up fun and prepare for serious things, and the reason for this, besides trying to imitate my biological father as much as possible, was to find refuge in a hidden, non-fictional world.Indeed, I have been trying to find ways to escape from reality. I can only attribute this mentality to my mother's poor mental health. No fairy tales, no adventures, no games for the precocious child.By the age of 7, he was already spending his free time studying birds, fossils, seashells and internal combustion mechanisms.Before he was 10, he had already written a book on local birds. However, his pride in having made a masterpiece evaporated quickly when his father said the book was nothing more than a collection of scraps.By the age of 10, Piaget "resolved to work harder".He saw a partially albino sparrow in a park, wrote a brief scientific report, and submitted it to a natural science journal in Neuchâtel, where the editor, not knowing that the author was a child, published it. up.This success emboldened Piaget to write a letter to the director of the Neuchâtel Natural History Museum, asking if he could study the collection after the museum was closed.The curator not only agreed to his request, but also invited him to be an assistant to help him clean up the shells, classify and label them.Piaget went to work twice a week for several years and acquired enough knowledge to publish a large number of scientific and technical articles on molluscs in some zoological journals before he was 16 years old. About this time he went on a long vacation with his godfather, a man of letters, who thought the boy's interests too narrow and made him study philosophy.A vast world unfolds before Piaget's eyes.He likes this subject very much, especially epistemology.By the end of this sabbatical, he had decided to "dedicate his life to the cause of the biological interpretation of knowledge".However, he still considered himself a naturalist rather than a psychologist. At the University of Neuchâtel, he passed his undergraduate studies and continued to study for a doctorate. By the age of 22, he received a doctorate in natural sciences. It was not until this time that he turned to the subject that he was really interested in.He worked briefly in two psychology laboratories in Zurich, then took some courses at the University of Paris in Paris, and was recommended to Theodore Simon (Binet's colleague).Simon asked him to standardize some test papers, which were used to test the reasoning ability of Parisian children aged 5-8 years.Piaget worked for two years at a time - and many other jobs.What interested him was not just determining the age at which children gave correct answers to some reasoning questions, but why, earlier on, they all made the same types of mistakes.He made the children talk together, asked them questions about the world around them, listened carefully to their explanations, and asked them to solve some of his mysteries.It all became his lifelong investigative method.He said happily in his autobiography: "I finally found my own research field." By this time, his goal for the next five years—which turned out to be almost sixty—was to discover “a certain embryology of intelligence.”This is a metaphor Piaget played; he believed that the growth of intelligence is not due to the maturity of the nervous system, but the reason why the mind gets experience, and then the experience forces the thinking to change. Since then he has held a series of academic and research positions.In his 20s, he was Director of Research at the Rousseau Institute in Geneva, where he remained for 5 years; then, he was a professor of philosophy at the University of Neuchâtel for 5 years; Dean of the institute, then dean and professor of the university; later, he became a professor at the University of Paris; director. (He coined the term "genetic cognition," which has nothing to do with genetics per se; it refers to intellectual development.) Whether in all these positions, on the sidewalk, in the park, or in his own home with his three children—he married a student in his class at the Rousseau Institute—Piaget always It was an endless study, now of one age, now of that, until at last he wove together the entire picture of human development, from the first weeks of life to adolescence.With his methodical writing of articles and methodical publications (which, unfortunately, were extremely lengthy), he provided the world with a wealth of astonishing discoveries, innumerable and priceless data, and his theory turned a child study The field turned into a discipline of developmental psychology.He is internationally renowned and, after Freud, his articles are the most cited in the psychological literature and remain so today.He has received honorary degrees from several prestigious universities, and has received an award from the American Psychological Association for his outstanding contributions to psychology. His achievements are so amazing, but he himself has never received any serial training in psychology, nor has he received a degree in psychology. Piaget expanded and revised his theory over the years, but all we need to know is the end result. Behaviorism holds that development is conditioned and imitated, and geneticists believe it is the natural result of maturation.Piaget disagreed with both views.He believes that psychological development requires experience and maturity, but development is the result of changing interactions between the organism and the environment.In this interplay, the mind adapts to the experience, is then able to interact with the environment in different ways, and adapts further, through a series of mutations, until it reaches adulthood.A baby's digestive system can only digest milk at first, and then possibly solid food.Similarly, intellect is originally a simple structure, it can only absorb and use simple experience, but under the nourishment of experience, intellect becomes more advanced, more capable, and finally able to deal with complex things. A 4-month-old baby is unaware of the toys under Piaget's beret; at this age of mental development, the mind has only current cognition, no stored pictures, and invisible objects are non-existent such an object.Later in the first year, however, he will occasionally spot the toy under the beret several times, and the infant will modify his response to seeing the object covered. In another typical experiment, children who could not yet count said that there were "more" six buttons spaced apart on a line than six buttons strung together on a line.After he learned to count, he found that it was not the case, and the way his mind processed similar perceptual situations changed. Both of these examples illustrate two crucial psychological developmental processes in Piaget's theory of assimilation and adaptation.The child assimilates the experience of counting buttons—digests it, so to speak, as in the previous experience that something that looks bigger is actually bigger.However, the new experience obtained by counting buttons is inconsistent with this assumption; in order to restore its balance, the mind has to adapt (cognition) as much as possible to accommodate the new experience. Observe and explain things. Once upon a time, Piaget retold (with uncharacteristically austere prose) a story of a mathematician friend that well illustrates how the assimilation of new information can lead to adaptation and new thinking: When he was a child, he once counted pebbles one day; he arranged the pebbles in a row, counted from left to right, and counted 10.Then, just for fun, he counted from right to left again to see how many he could get.He was surprised to find that there were still 10 stones.Arrange the stones in a circle and count again, the result is still 10.He started counting from another place in the circle, and it was 10 again.Moreover, no matter how he arranges the stones, it still counts to 10.Here he discovered what in mathematics is known as commutativity, that is, sums are order-independent. Such a process of mental development does not happen smoothly and continuously.Small changes, like the discovery of commutativity, now and then lead to sudden shifts to different stages of thinking.The notion that the human mind develops in stages did not originate with Piaget—other psychologists had long since suggested the idea—but Piaget was the first to identify and describe these stages people, and do so on the basis of a great deal of observational and experimental evidence.The four main stages (and many smaller ones) in Piaget's theory are: - Sensorimotor stage (from birth to 18-24 months) - Preoperative stage (18-24 months to 7 years) ——Specific operation stage (7-12 years old) ——Official operation stage (over 12 years old) Ages are just averages; Piaget was well aware that there are some differences between individuals.He said, however, that the sequence is constant; each stage is the necessary basis for the one that follows. What happens at each stage is as follows: Sensorimotor stage (from birth to 18-24 months): Initially, babies are only aware of some sensations and cannot relate these sensations to external objects.They can't even connect the image of the hand with the feel of the hand.Slowly, by trial and error, the baby discovers how reaching for a toy collides with an object it sees. Even if their movements become more purposeful and precise, they still have no idea what the objects around them look like or how they respond to their actions.So they had to experiment: they sucked, shook, hit, tapped, or threw things, and thus gained new knowledge that led them to act more intelligently and with more purpose. Based on these experiences, the child begins to store mental images with the help of a growing memory (in part due to brain maturation).For this reason, they realized a little later in the first year that a hidden object still existed, even though it was no longer visible.Piaget called this phenomenon the retention of "object stability". Towards the end of this stage, children begin to use their stored images and information to solve problems involving objective objects; they think about what might happen instead of just playing with objects.As a young father, Piaget is proud to report that her daughter, Luciana, went through this thought process when she was only 16 months old.While playing with his daughter, he placed a watch chain in an empty matchbox, carefully showing a little seam: Luciana did not know the function of the matchbox opening and closing, nor did she see my preparations for this experiment.She knew only the first two (and learned how to deal with some situations): overturning the matchbox to pour out the contents, and sticking her fingers in to get the bracelet out.Of course, it was this last step that she tried first: she tried to put her finger in and feel for the bracelet, but it just couldn't work. There was a pause, during which Luciana displayed a strange reaction.She looked carefully at the slit, and then opened and closed her mouth several times in a row, at first slightly, then wider and wider... (then) she put her hand in without hesitation. The narrow slit on the box, instead of trying to touch the bracelet as before, I pulled the box hard to open the box wider.She managed to grab the bracelet. By this time, children are also beginning to think about how to achieve desired social outcomes.Again Piaget reports on an observation of one of his children: At the age of one year, four months and twelve days, Jacqueline was forcibly removed from a game she desperately wanted to play again, and put in a playpen where she was not allowed to climb out.She can't even yell.She then articulated a need (that is, to use the bathroom) even though the events of the past 10 minutes proved she had no such need.Once out of the enclosure, she pointed to the game she wanted to play again! Children are acquiring basic imagination and predictive skills, knowing that certain simple actions may lead to certain outcomes, and engaging in trial-and-error experiments inside the brain.Therefore, Piaget said, the way of intellectual development is "concept-symbol, rather than purely sensorimotor". Preoperative stage (18-24 months to 7 years): The child is now able to quickly acquire images, concepts, and vocabulary, and to speak and think more fluently about external objects in symbolic form. A 2-year-old can throw a block on the floor and imitate the sound of a truck; a 3-year-old can pretend to drink from an empty glass.Initially, children learn to speak by seeing things and their names as the same thing (a 2-year-old sees a bird and says: "Bird!" If an adult uses the word "bird," the child asks: " Where is the bird?"), but eventually he will understand that a word is only a symbol, separate from what it stands for.From then on, he or she is able to talk and think about things that are not present or about past or future events. Yet the child's internal representation of the world remains primitive, lacking organizing concepts like causality, quantity, time, reversibility, comparison, and vision.The child cannot perform mental operations involving these concepts, so this remains the "pre-operational" stage. (By operation by Piaget, I mean any mental habit that transforms information for some purpose. Sorting, subdividing, identifying parts of a whole, counting, etc., are typical operations.) This is The reason why 5-year-old children think that there are more 6 buttons unfolded than 6 buttons strung together is also the reason why more water is poured into a long and thin container than into a large container.Even when children learn to count, it still takes time for them to understand why 2×3 equals 3×2.If you show them a bouquet of flowers, most of which are yellow, and then ask them: "Are there more flowers or more yellow flowers?" They will say: "There are more yellow flowers." The preoperative child is also "egocentric" (as is the sensorimotor child), a term Piaget used to mean the inability to imagine how things might look from another perspective.He often lets children aged 4-6 look at the models of the three mountains, puts a small doll somewhere on the mountain, shows a group of photos of the mountains taken from different angles, and then asks the children which photo Shows the direction the puppet is looking.The children always choose the picture in the direction they themselves are looking.Likewise, he reported that the preoperative child could not imagine what other people were thinking, and often spoke without knowing that other people did not know what he was talking about. Concrete Operational Stage (7-12 years): By about age 7, the child moves to a new stage of thinking that is completely different and more capable.They can now perform operations like counting and sorting, as well as understand and think about relationships.A preoperative child knows the word "brother" but not what a brother is; he knows what is "big" but does not know which of two things that are both big is bigger.And a child in the operation period can solve these two problems.Mentally reversing a process is another operation.When a child can imagine pouring water from the elongated container back to the original bottle, he acquires the concept of reversal, and thus knows the concept of "conservation", which makes him realize that quantity is in shape. When there is a change, there is no change. Children at this stage also learn that things outside of them happen for a reason.Children in the pre-operation period will say that it will be dark at night because we are going to sleep; children in the specific operation period will say that the reason why it is dark is because the sun has set.They are also better able to imagine how things look differently from other angles and how other people think and feel.Thus, they can mentally manipulate symbols as if they were the things they refer to—however, they only know symbols that represent actual things and actions, not abstract concepts or logical processes.Logical reasoning is not yet within their comprehension.Give them the first two items of the three-paragraph reasoning, and they don't know how to draw the final conclusion. They also don't know how to systematically solve the problem if there are several variables.Among some of Piaget's most original tests, one that worked extremely well was the pendulum problem.He often shows the child a weight hanging from a string, and then shows him how to change the length of the string, the weight of the weight, release the weight at different heights, and push the weight with different forces.He then asks the children to figure out which factor, or factors (length, weight, height, and strength, individually or in combination) affect how often the pendulum sways.Preoperative children have no plan of action, they try different things randomly, often changing several variables at once, making many observational errors and incorrect conclusions.Although children in the operation period are more methodical and accurate, they often make some mistakes because their logical thinking ability is poor.一位10岁的男孩子试着改变绳子的长度然后得出正确答案说，最摆的绳索越长，其摆动的速度越慢。然后，他将100克重的重物在长绳子上摆动的效果，与一个50克重的重物在一根较短的绳子上的摆动效果相比较，然后得出不正确的结论说，悬摆在重物的重量加大时摆动也慢些。 正式操作阶段（12岁及以上）：在发育的最后阶段，孩子们可以思考抽象的关系了，例如比率和可能性。他们掌握了三段论推理，可以处理代数问题，并开始理解科学思想和方法论的要素了。他们能够形成假设，编制一些理论，并能系统地考虑一个谜语、神秘故事或者科学问题当中的可能性了。他们可以运用一些方法玩像“20个问题”这类的游戏，先解决宽泛的问题，然后再缩小到一些可能性上面。在这个阶段以前，他们的问题会从宽泛的地方跳到缩小的问题上，然后又回到宽泛的问题上。或者互相重叠，或者一再重复。 更为重要的是，他们现在不仅能够思考具体的世界了，而且能够解决像可能性、或然性和不可能性等问题，还能解决有关未来、公正和价值等的问题。如皮亚杰及其长期的同事巴贝尔·因霍尔德所说的： 这个阶段最新奇的地方在于，通过对形式和内容的区分，受试者能够就他不相信，或者暂不相信的一些论题进行正确的推理，也就是说，这些论题他认为完全是一种假设而已。他已经能够从一些仅仅是一种可能性的真理当中得出必要的结论来。 杰罗姆·凯根认为，皮亚杰对少年全新的认知能力的分析是“任何有关人类天性的理论当中最有创见的一个想法”，也是“能够向传统的解释发出挑战的、有关少年行为的洞见”的来源。至少在一个方面，它有助于我们理解少年自杀率升高的原因：少年具有一种能力，可以思考所有假设的情形，并且知道什么时候他已经试尽了所有的可能性，这种能力会让少年对自己说（不管正确与否），他已经尽了一切努力，也检查了所有解决个人问题的办法，可是没有哪一个办法能够奏效。另一方面，他能够感觉到在自己所相信的事物，或者人们教导他去相信的事物当中存在着不一致的地方，这种能力有助于我们理解少年的反叛情绪、愤怒和焦虑。最常见，也最容易引发问题的不一致性有：对少年时代性生活互相冲突的看法（性生活是不道德和有风险的，但是，克制性生活又是“令人苦恼”和不正常的）；少年对父母的关系也是互为冲突的（他希望也极想得到他们的支持，可同时又希望独立）等等。 （皮亚杰在其工作的早年曾研究过儿童的道德发育问题，但是，这份工作只处理前少年时期和儿童对规则、谎言及类似问题的态度。正是他晚期论认知发育的一些工作，才处理到像道德感和公正等的问题。） 与凯根这样一些赞扬皮亚杰的人相反的是，在20多年的时间里，对皮亚杰的思想和发现一直就有反复不断的修改和修正。成千上万新皮亚杰主义、后皮亚杰主义和反皮亚杰主义的论文成篇累牍地发表，或者在专题会上宣读出来。这一部分工作虽然很多都卓有价值，但大部分比较起这位巨人本人的工作来说都是小菜一碟。伊萨克·牛顿曾带着假惺惺谦逊地说过：“如果说我看得更远些，那是因为我站在了巨人的肩膀上。”修改和修正皮亚杰理论的那些心理学家们都应该毫不谦逊地说，他们之所以看得更远，是因为他们都站在他的肩膀上。 尽管皮亚杰接受过自然科学的培训，他早年也曾决定要对知识进行生物学上的解释，可是，他的理论几乎完全是从认知的过程来解释发育的。他完全忽略了成熟本身的作用——人体成熟的过程会自动地引起一些行为变化——或者认为这种作用是理所当然的。然而，现代许多发展心理学家们都感觉到，除非成熟在心理发育中所起的作用被完全理解，否则，人们无法知道行为在多大程度上是天生的，而不是通过同化和适应来获取的。 可是，人们怎么才能区分两种影响呢？从婴儿出生，离开子宫的第一天起，他们就在学习，同时也在成熟。把每一过程的结果分离出来是第一重要的科学问题。的确，新生儿刚出生便具有重要的反射能力，这与学习无关，比如碰碰他的脸，他的头就会朝那个方向转动，就好像在寻找他们从不知道的乳头。可从总体上来讲，行为的大部分变化，或者新的行为形式，不是从成熟得来，便是从学习得来，或者从两者中共同得来。 然而，有时候，自然会偶尔提供一个机会，可以把这两者分开。婴儿在3-4个月的时候就会喃喃自语了，以作为说话的准备，可是，聋哑婴儿也会喃喃自语，很明显，他们不说要摹仿听到的语音，而是另有原因。喃喃自语很明显就是一种预设好了的行为，他与经验没有任何关系，而是在指挥行为的神经中枢到达某个发育阶段时自发产生的。在正常儿童中，喃喃自语通过学习而发生改变，越来越接近对语音和音调的摹仿；在聋哑儿童中，喃喃自语会慢慢消失，因为他没有经验可借鉴。 由于可以观察没有学习过程的行为发育的机会很少，在这门专业发展的早期，一些发展心理学家通过实验性地制造一些条件创造了历史。1932年，当时在纽约哥伦比亚——长老教会医疗中心的马托尔·麦克格罗让布鲁克林市一家收入颇低的家庭把孪生男孩子借给她进行一项实验。在两年多的时间里，强尼和吉米这对看上去一模一样的孪生子每天8个小时，每周5天在麦克格罗的实验室里度过了两年。强尼接受了强度身体技能训练；吉米放在婴儿床上“末加打扰”（也没有人跟他玩），一次只有两只玩具给他玩。强尼不到一岁的时候就能跑陡坡，可以在水下游泳，还会滑旱冰；吉米一样也不会（可是，在抓东西、一个人坐着和走路时，跟强尼一样敏捷）。麦克格罗拍的一组照片显示，强尼在21个月的时候可以大胆地从一个5英尺高的台子上让自己溜下来，落在一张垫子上。而吉米在一个低得多的台子上蹲着，朝下望一眼，然后不肯往下跳。 到两岁的时候，麦克格罗让吉米接受强度训练，看他能否赶上强尼。他从来没有能够完全做到这一点。可是，一些看过她的资料的心理学家们感觉到，对强尼的培训使他对吉米只占了很少而且是临时的优势。麦克格罗不同意，许多年以后——在许多与她一样的实验，即阻碍儿童的发育实验，慢慢被认为是极不道德之后——她强调说，尽管吉米后来在大部分地方都赶上了强尼，可是，哪怕都已经是进入成年期的成人了，吉米在身体活动的轻松和流畅自如方面还是不如强尼。然而，这一点所能证明的东西是难说的，因为结果是，这两个孩子是孪生兄弟，而不是一模一样的。只一保险的结论是，强度训练可以让孩子提前获得身体技能，而且这种技能是暂时的。 还有一项更为大胆的实验也是从1932年开始进行的。是由当时在弗吉尼亚大学的维恩·登尼斯进行的。他从巴尔的摩市一位贫困的妇女手上得到两个孪生姐妹，德尔和蕾，当时，她们都还只有5个星期大。登尼斯在他妻子的帮助下，把这两个女婴在家里养了一年多。他的计划是要剥夺对她们的一切刺激和学习，看看哪些行为方式是与成熟一起自发产生的。在一篇期刊文章中，登尼斯报告了他如何进行该实验的情况，一点也没有感到不安或者内疚： 头6个月里，当着婴儿的面，我们一直挂着脸，既不笑也不皱眉头，从不跟她们玩，不抱她们，也不逗她们玩，除非这些行动是进行实验所必需的……为了限制她们练习坐立，婴儿一直放在婴儿床上躺着睡，不准她们翻身。 在11个月的时间里，她们还不能看见对方。（婴儿床中间隔着一张帘子。） 登尼斯说，结果显示，“婴儿在第一年里完全按照自己的意愿'成长'”，这可以从像大笑、啃自己的脚和听到声音后大哭起来这些行为中看出来，跟正常抚养的同龄婴孩没有什么两样。不过，在像爬行、坐立和站立这样一些行为中，她们就远远落后于其它孩子了。14个月后，登尼斯让她们接受了一个时期的训练，经过训练之后，他说，她们很快就赶上正常孩子了。但是，按照登尼斯自己承认的说法，蕾直到第17个月，德尔直到第26个月才学会不用扶着东西走路。 这对孪生女婴其余的童年生活在一些孤儿院和亲戚的家中度过。尽管登尼斯说他已经让这对孪生姐妹长到了正常标准，可是，他自己对此的怀疑是不无道理的。他曾在伊朗的孤儿院里研究过一些孩子，发现他们当中的大多数因为被冷落和没有人注意而在两岁时出现发育迟钝的问题，而且，这种迟钝一直持续到少年时代。可是，他再也没有提到蕾和德尔的事情，不知道她们后来的情况怎样。也许，他根本就不想了解这些情况。 这样的一些实验在60年前就比较少见，今天更是根本就不存在了。文明社会自从知道纳粹医生在集中营里进行过一些“医学研究”之后，有关用人体做实验的法律限制就严格得多了。可是，发展心理学家们已经在用其它一些办法来做实验了。其中之一是用动物做实验。行为主义者们通过了解老鼠的学习办法而了解人类学习的原理，发展心理学家们也照同样的办法来了解动物成熟的原理有哪些是可以应用到人类身上来的。 有一个人所皆知的例子。新生的小鹅被认为是根据本能去跟随母鹅的。可是，奥地利动物学家，行为生物学的奠基人和诺贝尔奖得主康拉德·洛伦兹却教会小鹅跟着他跑。洛伦兹想法让他本人成为小鹅出生后的头几天里能看到的惟一活物。它们的本能就是跟着活动的物体跑，因此，小鹅就跟着他走。当小鹅学会了这样做以后，它们看见母鹅也不跟着走了。洛伦兹的理论是，在成熟的“关键时期”以后，被跟随的物体的图象会在小鹅的神经系统里固化。自然的本意是让母鹅成为被跟随的对象，可没有预料到一位行为生物学家会来捣乱。 美国人埃克哈德·赫斯做了一只可移动、会呱呱叫的假野鸭，然后把一些小鸭子放在它的周围。如果在小鸭刚刚孵化的时候就把假鸭子放在它们面前，有半数的小鸭子会跟在假鸭子后面跑。如果小鸭孵化后13-16个小时后再放在假鸭子跟前，则有百分之八十的小鸭子会跟在假鸭后面跑。表面看上去像是一种本能的东西现在看起来是一种复杂的现象了：小鸭子的神经系统肯定是要对一些移动的物体作出反应，可是，只有在某成熟过程的某个特点的时间点上，它们才最有准备地把特定目标“刻印”下来。 作为这些发现的结果，在70年代，一些发展心理学家和儿科医师慢慢地相信，是在出生之后的几个小时内，母与子之间的联结才最终形成。他们规劝一些母亲，等孩子刚刚出生以后不要马上抱到医院婴儿室的烘箱里去清洗，而应抱着婴儿，紧贴着自己身上的肉。尽管后来进行的一系列研究证明这样做了以后，母与子之间的联结的确更为牢固，但是，被联结起来的倒是母亲本人。许多其它的研究证明，婴儿对母亲的联结（或者父亲或其它主要的照看人）是在长达4-5个月的时间里发育而成的，其间有无数小心的看护和富有表情的注意。 很多成熟研究都以身体技能和生理特征为中心，我们对思维成长的知识并没有因此而增长许多。可是，对感觉能力发育的研究却开始提供一些坚实的事实了，它们代替了思辩，对心理学中这样一个古老的中心议题提供了答案：有多少是天性，是多少是教育使然？（按照发展心理学的说法，有多少是成熟本身造成的，有多少是学习得来的？） 这项工作的注意力集中在婴儿早期，这个时候，感觉能力迅速成熟；工作的目标是要发现每一种新的感觉能力是什么时候出现的，其假设是，当这种能力第一次出现时，它不是从学习而是从光学神经结构，特别是从大脑皮层当中主司视觉信号接受和解释的那一部分的成熟而来的。 有很多是光从观察婴儿就可以得来的。比如，注意婴儿是从什么时候开始能够盯着附近的物件看的。可是，这样的观察留下很多问题不能回答。很小的婴儿眼里看到的东西准确来说到底是什么？很明显看不了多少东西；他们的眼睛经常是飘忽不定的，也不会跟随一个移动的物体看。另一方面，母亲们知道，他们的小婴儿在喂奶时会稳定地盯着自己看。由于我们无法问一问他们说看到了什么，我们怎么能够找到答案呢？ 心理学家罗伯特·范茨在1961年想出了一个绝妙的办法。他设计了一个台子，让婴儿面朝天睡在底层。几英尺高的地方是一个显示区，实验者在这里放上两张大卡片，每张卡片里面有一个图案：一个白色的圆圈，一个黄色的圆圈，一只牛眼，一张面部素描。研究者从上面的一个小孔上偷窥（这样，他本人就不被发现），可以看见婴儿眼睛的移动和眼睛朝向这一对对图案的时间。范茨发现，两个月大的婴儿看牛眼的时间比看一种颜色的圆圈的时间长一倍，看一张脸部素描的时间比看一只牛眼的时间长一倍。很明显，哪怕是一个只有两个月大的婴儿也能够区别主要的差别，而且能够把眼睛朝向他认为更有趣味的东西。 发展心理学家们利用这个办法以及类似的办法，在过去的几十年中了解了大量有关婴儿看到的事物，以及什么时候开始看的情况。心理学家们得知的一些情况如下：在第一个星期里，婴儿会区别有光亮和黑暗的图案；在第1个月里，他们开始慢慢地跟踪移动的物体；到第2个月，他们开始具有深度的感觉，可以协调两只眼睛的移动，还可以区分光的深浅和级别；到3个月时，他们的视线可以从一个物体飘浮到另一个物体上，还可以区分家庭成员；到第4个月的时候，他们就可以在不同的距离内盯着物体看，可以做越来越精细的区别（他们沿着斜角看一个以前没有见过的物体的时间，比从锐角看一个见过多次的物体的时间长些），并开始认识到他们所观察物体的意义（他们对一张脸正常的素描盯着看的时间，比看一张描得比较模糊，而且位置不对的脸的时间长些）；从4-7个月，他们就具有了实体视觉，他们知道，一个以不同角度拿住的物体还是同样的形状，他们所获得的、在不同距离内注意事物的能力已经近似于成人。 在过去的40多年时间内，已经对听觉发育进行了大量的可比较研究，包括音高和音量区别的出现、在声音之间进行区分，以及对声音来源的辨认。 从最近和当前的一些神经科学研究中，已经很清楚地了解到了成熟和经验在大脑组织里面到底是怎样相互发生作用而产生一些发育变化的。对一些死婴大脑的显微检查显示，当大脑在生命的头两年里增大3倍的时候，树突的巨量激增（分支）从其神经元上开始发生，然后彼此发生联系。（据估计，老鼠的大脑在其生命的头一个月里每秒钟可以形成约25万个突触，即神经细胞之间的连接。在人脑里，生命的头几个月中突触形成率可能要大许多许多倍。） 人类到12岁的时候，大脑估计约有百万亿突触。这些连接是确立大脑能量的布线方案。有些突触连接是根据化学指导自动形成的，可其它一些是在树突快速增长时期所发生的经验刺激形成的。树突缺少了这些刺激就会萎缩下去，不能形成所需要的突触。在黑暗中长大的老鼠，其视觉皮层中树突刺和突触连接比在光亮中长大的老鼠少得多。在有光线频闪的环境下长大的猫只能在一闪一闪的光线中看清事物，它们不能形成对移动敏感的皮层细胞；当它们长成大猫时，它们把这个世界看成是一连串静止的画面。一只小猴子的一只眼如果在关键时期总是闭着，这只眼睛里面的神经元就总是赶不上另一只眼睛里的神经元的增大速度。因此，成熟会提供——在一定时间内——数倍的潜在神经通道，在这些通道里面，经验会作出自己的选择，并在那些为感觉所需要的线路上面“接上真正的导线。” 自然为什么要这样做呢？由于我们可以通过生命学习全部的东西——而且，不管在什么岁数，所有的学习都涉及新突触连接的形成——为什么感觉发育只在一个关键时期才有可能，而以后却不行？一个有机体在其发育的特定时间内没有得到合适的经验，因而永久性地损害其感觉操作能力，这在进化学上是说不通的。可是，有些大脑研究者说，有一种偏移的好处：基本的经验总是在合适的时间内出现，它们可以精确地调整大脑结构，因而可以提供比对突触形成进行基本控制所能得到的结果好得多的永久而具体的感觉能力。 有了这些，天性和教育这个模糊的旧词终于有了新的准确含义。现在，经过这么多世纪的思辩和探索之后，我们终于看到思维到底是怎样从经验的物质当中构造起来的情景了。神秘的面纱开始揭开，奇迹替代了它们的位置。 性格发育 发展心理学家们跟性格研究者们不一样，后者主要的兴趣在于测量，而前者却关心自然史。他们从出生的那一天起开始观察性格发育，并试图找到形成这些发育的动力。而且，与心理分析者们相反的是，发展心理学家们的理论是以第一手的证据为基础的，而心理分析学家们的理论却主要以他们从成年病人那里听到的性格发育情况为基础。 这种证据的一部分，给心理分析有关母子依恋的思想提供了许多的细节和意义。从1952年起，这一直就是发展心理学研究的一个主题，当时，世界卫生组织出版了英国心理分析学家约翰·波尔比的《母亲照顾及心理卫生》一书。这位心理分析学家研究过孤儿院长大的孩子，他发现这些孩子缺乏情感及性格发育，而且把这些归咎于缺乏母子依恋。 波尔比的理论是，婴儿在基因上就决定了要以某种方式行动的（哭、笑、闹出声音来、咕噜咕噜地叫），这些行为是为了唤起注意，因而求得生存；而母亲的教育会在其发育的某个“敏感时期”在婴儿身上养成一种依恋。这种能在婴儿心里形成安全感的强烈的特殊联结，对于正常的性格发育是至关重要的。没有这一点，波尔比说，孩子有可能会形成“没有爱的性格”，因而终生都有可能形成心理毛病。 波尔比的观点引起了人们的极大兴趣——还有不快——在美国，由于不断升高的离婚率，还有接连而来的妇女解放运动，越来越多的美国妇女都出来工作，让一些保姆们来照看孩子。许多儿童心理学家和发展心理学家们都怀疑，敏感时期真的是那么具体，也是那么重要，母亲的作用是否也真的像波尔比所说的重要到那种程度，那么不可替代。可是，他们当中的大多数人都一致认为，在正常的情况下，对母亲（或母亲的替代者）的依恋的确是有的，而且也是性格发育过程中的一个重要因素。 缺乏依恋所造成的伤害，1956年在以色列进行的一项微笑研究可以提供有趣的证据。这项研究把在三种条件下养大的婴儿放在一起比较：一种是在他们自己家里，一种是在基布希姆（集居地）由专业保姆带大，但在第一年里经常由生母喂乳和在孤儿院里养大的孩子。一个月大的婴儿当着生人的面微笑是很少见的情形，可是，随着时间的推移，几周之后，他们微笑得越来越多了，这种情形在约4个月大的时候到达顶峰，然后，开始下降。在这项研究中，所有三组孩子都在4个月的时候经常当着陌生的妇女面孔微笑，可到18个月的时候，在家里长大的孩子只是比4个月的时候反应稍为少一些，在集居地长大的婴儿只是有一半情况是反应不力，而在孤儿院里长大的孩子却比他们在一个月的时候更少微笑。 可是，微笑只是依恋的副产品，而不是依恋是否存在的的衡量标准。研究者们需要这样一个标准，因此，在60年代末，波尔比以前的一位同事，后来到了美国的玛丽·安斯沃思设计了一个相对容易的标准。这个标准叫做“奇怪情形”，从此以后就成了依恋研究的主要标准。在“奇怪情形”中，婴儿和母亲都在一个不熟悉的玩乐室里，研究人员可以通过单向玻璃观察他们。后面跟着八种不同的办法，每次用一种办法。在一种测量中，母亲暂离开一阵子；在另一种办法中，一位陌生人在她在场的时候来到房间里；在第三种情形中，母亲不在场的时候陌生人来到房间等等。 从8个月到2岁，典型的情况是，婴儿在母亲离开房间时会哭（“分离焦虑”），等她回到房间里来到她身旁时。（当然，有一些临时的差别使一个婴儿比另一个婴儿更焦虑；奇怪情形的发现都是一些总括。）如果一位陌生人进入房间时不笑也不说话，7个月或者8个月大的婴儿会看看母亲，过一阵子后会哭起来（“陌生人焦虑”），尽管在3个月或者4个月时，同一个婴儿也许会笑起来。陌生人焦虑在几个月之内会消失，可是，分离焦虑却持续升高，直到第二年的早些时候，然后在全年的时候里慢慢消失。 对这两种反应的出现和消失有好几种解释，可是，最为广泛的解释是，随着心理能力的增强，婴儿能够更好地估量不同的情形。陌生人焦虑在婴儿获取了回忆与其它陌生人在一起时的愉快经验的能力时，会慢慢消失，而分离焦虑会在婴儿能够理解母亲会回来时慢慢消失。 安斯沃思原来的目的是要看看婴儿在其母亲不在时会有何等样的反应，可是，她未曾预料地发现，他们在母亲回来时的反应却更有意思。有些婴儿很高兴看到她回来看自己并抱紧自己；其它一些却不理甚至回避她；更还有一些辗转不安，如果母亲想抱她，她或者踢腿，或者打她。安斯沃思把这第一种现象（百分之七十的一岁婴儿有此行为）叫做“安全依恋”，第二种叫做（百分之二十）“避免焦虑的依恋”，第三种（百分之十）叫做“焦虑抵抗依恋。” 深入研究了这三种类型之后，安斯沃思和其他一些研究人员得出结论说，避免依恋是在母亲的情绪未完全表达出来时发生的，抵抗依恋是在母亲在对婴儿需要表现出不一致的反应时发生的。还有其他一些研究人员认为，避免及抵抗型依恋是很多因素造成的，比如母亲的性格特征、缺乏表达、对做母亲的消极感情、对婴儿的厌恶以及对婴儿哭声和需要粗鲁反应。 公平地说，有些心理学家发现这些分类和解释太过标准了。杰罗姆·凯根就是其中之一。 孩子的母亲如果一向是专注和关爱孩子的，但她同时又成功地培养了孩子的自制力和对害怕心理的控制，则当母亲离开时，孩子就不太可能会哭起来，当她回到房间来的时候，孩子向她接近的可能性也小些。这样的孩子就被分类为“避开型”和“非牢固型依恋”。对照而言，如果孩子的母亲一向采取保护态度，不坚持让孩子“挺过去”，则孩子有可能会哭，母亲回到房间里也可能会朝母亲跑过去。这样的孩子就被分类为“牢固型依恋”。 在他自己进行的一次研究中，凯根发现，表面上对婴儿不那么牢固地依恋的母亲一般在外面有事情要做，尽管心理学家们可能会认为，这样的母亲是不太注重教育的，但是，她们也许是在培养孩子的自制力，并使婴儿能够处理分开的问题。使孩子依恋更牢固的母亲也许会过分保护孩子，因为阻碍了他们自己内在安全感的发育。 最近的一次有价值的研究利用“奇怪情形”衡量113例一岁大的孩子对母亲的依恋情况，5年之后再评估他们的行为和心理健康情况。两者都是通过问卷形式进行的，一份给他们的母亲，一份给他们的教师。在一岁的时候对母亲的依恋牢固一些的男孩子中，他们当中只有百分之六的人出现了精神病理学的迹象。在对母亲的依恋不那么牢固的男孩中间，有百分之四十出现了这样的迹象。（出于不明了的原因，女孩子没有显示出在早期依恋类型与后来的精神病理学方面的联系。）研究小组很小心地得出结论说，这些结果“部分地支持了这样一种假设，即，早期母-婴依恋关系的性质预示着以后的社会-情绪功能的发挥”。 研究情绪发育的大部分工作都集中在生命的头两年，这样做也是相当有理由的。按照新泽西医学及牙科大学儿童发育研究院的迈克尔·刘易斯及其同事的说法，主要的情绪（喜悦、害怕、愤怒、悲伤、讨厌及惊讶）在生命的前半年就出现了，次级或者“派生的”情绪（窘迫、移情和也许包括嫉妒在内）是在第二年的下半年出现的，其它一些次级的情绪则（骄傲、羞愧和内疚）也相继出现。由德拉华大学的卡罗尔·伊扎德及其同事和学生所做的一些婴儿录相面部表情研究，已经得出了相关的一些成果。 直到10年以前，发展心理学家们一直都还没有情绪发育理论，现在，他们已经拥有好几种理论了。在不同的议题上，这些理论彼此有些不同，最为重要的区别在于，情绪的发育是否主要因为某些具体的神经线路的成熟，还是因为情绪行为及其表现的社会学习结果。在两种观点中，情绪都被认为是通过学习而有具体的形式的，可是，一种观点认为，主要的决定因素是成熟，另一种观点认为是认知能力和培训的结果。我们来看看各方观点的一些证据： 首先看看成熟观： 十几年以前，国立精神卫生研究院的一组研究者着手确定孩子身上利他主义或者关照别人的思想最早出现的时间。他们把孩子放在玩乐组和放在家里进行观察。利他主义是一种以移情情绪为基础的行为；这个小组预期在孩子6岁时看到这种移情最早的迹象，这是心理分析理论所预测的，可是，他们可以看到，更早一些的孩子——早到3岁的时候——在看到别的孩子处在疼痛和不高兴的状态中时会出现哀伤的表情。研究小组尝试更小一些的、刚刚学会走路的孩子。他们让母亲在家里当着孩子的面假装痛苦的样子，或者发出窒息般的咳嗽。小组成员之一卡罗琳·扎恩·瓦斯纳博士说，小组本身都大吃一惊，他们发现：“哪怕一岁的婴儿，如果母亲发出哭声，他也会表现出哀伤的样子，在再大几个月的孩子中，我们会看到对别人关心的表情，这绝不会出错。”这些反应几乎是无处不在的，而且会以可预测的形式在不同岁数相对可预测的阶段表现出来。“在我看来，”她说，“不管经验起着什么样的作用，有机体的确是固定安装好了的，其倾向是要以移情的方式作出反应。” ［迈克尔·刘易斯等人认为移情作用出现的时间更晚些，可是，这种差别真正的所在也许就在于，移情到底是以看见哀伤时表现出哀伤（早期的发育），还是以有帮助的试图来决定的。 ] 其次，我们来看看认知．发育观点： 有人使用了一种奇怪的办法，这种办法最早是20多年以前用在儿童身上的。在一个孩子的鼻子上不引起注意地敷些口红，然后把孩子放在镜子前面。20个月以前的孩子中，大多数要么置之不理，要么用手去摸镜子里出现口红的地方。到20个月或者更大一些的时候，大多数孩子会模自己鼻子上的口红。这表现出现了自我的意识；孩子意识到，镜中的图象就是自己。最近，迈克尔·刘易斯及一组同事利用镜中口红的办法发现了窘迫最早出现的时间和原因。他们报告说，大多数摸涂有口红的鼻子的孩子也会有窘迫的表情（标准是：窘迫的微笑、把头扭开和不安地摸自己的身体），而不摸自己的鼻子的孩子却没有。这个小组的结论是： 考虑自我的能力——即以前称作自我意识或者参照性自我的东西——是自我出现的最后一个特征，其发生时间约在生命出现的第二年的后半年……（而且）也是形成所有象窘迫感这类的自觉情绪的认知能力。 这样看来，对成熟观和认知一发育观来说，两