Chapter 19 Chapter 19 Reform Movement of 1898: The Power Game Between Guangxu and Cixi
The reform was approved by Empress Dowager Cixi, and since Guangxu was already "pro-government", the specific matters of the reform were entrusted to him and let him try it out.Guangxu, who has been actually controlled by Cixi since "pro-government", finally has a chance to prove himself and challenge himself!
On June 11, 1898, Guangxu promulgated the reform edict, and the reform led by the central government and started at the national level officially began.
Once again, the court and the country had a chance, and the people once again saw hope.Going to the light or falling into darkness, going to heaven or going to hell, everyone is looking forward to this opening and also waiting for this ending.
Come on, the fun is about to begin!
On June 15, the fourth day after the reform began, Cixi issued four orders in one go in the form of "Empress Dowager Yizhi".
The first way: during and after the reform period, all new ministers of the second rank or above must go to the Empress Dowager Cixi in the Summer Palace to thank her.Purpose: To still tightly control the appointment and removal of senior court officials.
The second way: Appoint Rong Lu as Governor of Zhili and Minister of Beiyang.Three purposes: the first is to let the confidant Ronglu succeed the former confidant Li Hongzhang to guard the capital for himself and control the stability of the capital. Became the minister of Beiyang to guard the gate of the country, and became a window to communicate with foreigners at critical moments; finally, he became Yuan Shikai's direct superior.
The third way: The Empress Dowager and the Emperor went to Tianjin to inspect the army in the autumn of this year, and ordered Ronglu to prepare everything.Purpose: In order to prevent possible turmoil in the future, Rong Lu can mobilize the army and make other military deployments in the name of preparing for the military parade.
The fourth way: remove all the duties of the emperor Weng Tonghe, and order him to leave Beijing immediately and go home to retire.
From an analysis point of view, Cixi's first three moves were powerful enough, and she basically thought of everything she should think about in the future, and the last order was also the most powerful move.
It's not that Cixi was unhappy with Weng Tonghe. This order was issued by Cixi after careful consideration. It was out of one of Cixi's needs-to balance power.
As we said earlier, Cixi is the leader of the Queen's Party Group, but at the same time she is also the supreme ruler of the country. She must worry about the stability of the government. This is her responsibility and something she cannot escape.In fact, a top leader will not be particularly happy or unhappy with anyone, but in Cixi's view, she must remove Weng Tonghe's power at that time.
After the Qing Dynasty, Li Hongzhang lost all his positions in the court, and only retained the honorary title of a bachelor. Since Li Hongzhang lost power, Cixi felt awkward seeing Weng Tonghe.Weng Tonghe's official position and power were not much lower than Li Hongzhang's. Except for dealing with foreigners and doing business, he even surpassed Li Hongzhang in some aspects.In Cixi's eyes, the existence of Weng and Li is to check and balance each other and restrain each other, so as to prevent one party from dominating.Now that Li Hongzhang is gone, Weng Tonghe must also go.
Opponent, hold up the other hand of success.Sometimes the reason why we exist is not because of how good we are, but because we have a deadly enemy, it's as simple as that, especially for the officialdom.
And Cixi has a deeper consideration, this consideration is: to help Guangxu.
In Cixi's eyes, the reform is led by Guangxu, and must and can only be led by Guangxu.Weng Tong and this person, Cixi, are quite clear. He was also Cixi's confidant, and before and after Guangxu's pro-government, he turned to support Guangxu by relying on himself as the emperor's teacher.During the War of the Qing Dynasty, Weng Tonghe mobilized a group of Qing rumor officials to try his best to dismantle Li Hongzhang's platform. After the war, he strongly advocated reform. The country strengthens itself.But the old fox Cixi knew better than him that everything this old man did was only for his power.For anyone who is already in a high position and has great ambitions, no matter whether he is Li Hongzhang or Weng Tonghe, Cixi has to be on guard.In Cixi's view, Guangxu was still young and too immature after all. Without Li Hongzhang's restraint, the old fox Weng Tonghe would inevitably not stretch his ambitions longer. After Weng Tonghe was removed from his position, the reform could only be truly led by Guangxu.
That is to say, although Guangxu is Cixi's potential political opponent, he is still a family, and everyone has the "emperor". Royal hands.
Poor Weng Tonghe, he has been calling for reforms for many years, but at the last moment he finds out that he has always been a cheerleader, and he is not even qualified to play.Who is working hard for whom? He can only pack his luggage, say goodbye to the palace, and return to Changshu silently.When Li Hongzhang was devastated in the Qing-Japanese War, Weng Tonghe repeatedly advocated the impeachment of Li Hongzhang, and successfully pulled Li Hongzhang from his high position.Seeing Li Hongzhang dismissed from office, Weng Tonghe Zeng was very happy. After fighting with Li Hongzhang for so many years, now that Li Hongzhang finally collapsed, he can rise to the top. Now, he finally understands the meaning of his opponent.
Cixi in the palace calmly received the news that Weng Tonghe had left Beijing, and she felt uncomfortable, not for Weng Tonghe or Li Hongzhang, but for the political reform.Giving so many orders stems from her inner secrets.
After the reform has entered the actual program, problems can be said to be innumerable.But who is the real supporter of the reform and who is the one who continues to wait and see the reform? This is the primary issue of the reform.
Among them, Cixi's true mentality is the most important.Guangxu in the palace may not have realized the importance of this issue.After all, there is nothing worth paying attention to about the psychology and mood of a retired old woman. However, the characteristics of a "rule by man" society often depend on the mood.
What was my aunt thinking?
It is difficult to analyze or answer this question.However, judging from the four orders issued by Empress Dowager Cixi in a row, we can still make a rough analysis. This is the fundamental way to unlock the secrets of a person's heart—listen to his words and watch his actions.
Cixi's first mentality is contradictory.In the deepest part of her heart, she is unwilling to change the law. "Maintaining social stability" is her first need. Social stability means power stability, and the existing power balance will not be broken. Cixi knows better than anyone that she can continue to be the boss.
However, as a politician or the top leader of the country, Cixi is more aware that the reform is imperative. The reason we have already said before is that no one can stop this trend. If you want to rebel, your own rule will not last long.So we say that Cixi "had to agree" to the reform in a state of great ambivalence.
The first state of mind leads to the second state of mind: on the sidelines.The reform was done by Guangxu. In name, Guangxu was already in charge, but in fact the old woman didn't want to do it.Although she, the person who holds the highest power in the imperial court and has the broadest power base, will lead the reform, it will be easier to do things, the decree will come out of the Forbidden City faster, and the officials below will be more obedient, but Cixi is not in that mood. She doesn't have that ability, and she doesn't want to bother—the most important thing is: she doesn't want to take this risk.
Facts over the past few thousand years have proved countless times that for political groups, reform has great benefits, but it also has greater risks.In fact, risk comes first, and Shang Yang, who was divided by five horses, definitely agrees with this sentence.For Cixi, she has already controlled the highest power, and there is really no need to take this risk, so she would rather hide behind the scenes for this reform.In a word: If you want to change, you will change, but I will not change.I am Tang Seng, and you are Sun Monkeys.
Her third state of mind is to wait, or to wait and see what happens.The most basic quality of a politician is to be able to stand the wait. During this long and tangled waiting process, the most important thing is not to predict affairs. Before the final result comes, Cixi will not believe that the reform will be successful, nor If you don't recognize it, you will definitely fail.She is calmly waiting for the result, but she will not passively accept the result. All she has to do is hide behind the scenes and watch the fire from the other side. In the future, the reform will be successful and everyone will be happy. Don't be afraid of success, she will come out to clean up the mess.
Her last state of mind is worry.Empress Dowager Cixi's greatest concern is not whether the reform will succeed or fail, but whether the balance of power will be broken.As a strategist, the first thing is always power, and the reform is the second.She hopes that the reforms will succeed in the end and the regime will continue, but she hopes that all the reforms will be carried out under her authority, and she will wake up after a few sleeps, the law has changed, and the power is still in her hands.Although Weng Tonghe has been eliminated, she is still more worried about whether someone will fish in troubled waters and threaten her power!
Those four orders are a series of sophisticated killings, and they are preventive measures to ensure the safety of power. Cixi is confident that with these guarantees, she can always keep her power in hand, and in case of unfavorable situations in the future, she can quickly clean up the mess. Back to "stable"!
Well, the curtain of the game has been opened.Without Weng Tonghe, Guangxu had to go out in person, but he couldn't do all the things. What he needed most was a group of people, a group of people who could charge forward for him and carry out the reform—helpers.
Guangxu was going to find a helper. When he really started to do this, he realized that it was a difficult task. The emperor was rich all over the world, and everyone in the world was gay. , The sentence he most wanted to say was probably: Comrades, where are you?
Sixty years ago, Guangxu's grandfather, Emperor Daoguang, also encountered such a problem.
At that time, Guangdong was infested with opium, and Emperor Daoguang had to receive urgent orders from the governor of Guangdong and Guangxi every day. At this time, the imperial court had issued repeated orders to ban smoking.On the road between Beijing and Guangzhou, there was an interesting phenomenon: on the one hand, there was an urgent 800-mile report from Guangzhou to report smokers, and on the other, there was an edict to ban smoking issued by the Forbidden City. People who delivered documents often met halfway.Sending it back and forth is the result.
There is only one reason, that is, not only foreign merchants sell opium, local officials also participate in it, and then share dividends from it.Some officials have shares in the tobacco business, and some bold ones even become their own bosses, directing the sales behind the scenes.On the surface, these officials colluded with businessmen, but in fact, mutual protection was formed between officials—officials and officials defend each other.Therefore, when the central government's policy (imperial decree) comes down, there are always good policies and good countermeasures.
The foreign businessmen began to ridicule openly: "You can't even control your local officials at the grassroots level, how can you control foreigners?"
In this case, Lin Zexu played.Holding the Shangfang sword in his hand, he went to burn the opium on behalf of Daoguang.
After more than 60 years of development, this grassroots bureaucratic team has become even more corrupt.Officials, big and small, have long been accustomed to their own interests. Although they "sympathize" with the reform, they have little time to do it themselves. What they have time to do is to make money.
However, Guangxu didn't even have to send his own imperial envoys, and the court power has always been controlled by Cixi. Guangxu has no power base in the court, and it is difficult to obtain substantial support from the middle and high levels.
However, the reform is after all a major event of the imperial court, and the Queen Mother also nodded.So a few people expressed their support for the reform, let’s get to know these people:
Vice Minister of the Ministry of Rites (Minister of Rites) Xu Zhijing, Master Xu;
Vice Minister of the Ministry of Finance (the left servant of the household department) Zhang Yinhuan, Mr. Zhang;
Department-level cadre (principal) of the Ministry of Rites, Mr. Wang Zhaowang;
Supervising censor Yang Shenxiu, Mr. Yang.
Of course, they will not be as stupid as other officials who continue to wait and see. Their job is to recommend suitable people to Guangxu, that is to say, to do the job of "headhunting".
What is the right person for reform?
This is required.
First of all, they must be in the administrative system, and they must be basically reliable and have basic administrative ability; secondly, old bureaucrats are not required, they must be newcomers, preferably alternate officials, they have not been corrupted by the officialdom, and have no Being co-opted by interest groups can free you up and arouse your fighting spirit; in addition, since you are not a member of a certain interest group, letting them come forward to do things will not lead to direct confrontation among various interest groups.
It's hard to find someone.Comrades!And that's just the beginning.
Xu Zhijing was the first to stand up and support Guangxu.
The Ministry of Rites is equivalent to today's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Education. It is mainly in charge of education examinations, diplomatic protocol and other matters. This is a ministry that is prone to nerds.Xu Zhijing was such a person. When other officials at the feudal borders and provincial and ministerial levels were all setting up awnings to watch, Xu Zhijing was the first to stand up and publicly express his support for the reform, and then he made a point.
In "Secretly Protecting Talents", Xu Zhijing recommended five talents to Guangxu, the most famous of which was Tan Sitong, the alternate magistrate of Jiangsu.Under the leadership of Xu Zhijing, Yang Rui, an alternate cabinet clerk (reader), Liu Guangdi, an alternate department-level cadre of the Ministry of Public Security (alternate principal of the Ministry of Punishment), and Lin Xu, an alternate cabinet secretary (Zhong Shu), were successively recommended.
From the perspective of age and status, these people are completely ideal candidates. They are all young (the youngest Lin Xu is only 22 years old), and they are all alternate officials in provincial and ministerial institutions with some administrative experience, which is conducive to the development of reform work. It is also conducive to Guangxu's establishment of his own lineage team.Guangxu personally met them, and after some conversation and understanding, Guangxu made Tan Sitong, Yang Rui, Liu Guangdi, and Lin Xu all regular, and promoted them to the fourth rank "Military Aircraft Zhang Jingshang Walking".
The military aircraft is the military aircraft department, and Zhang Jing is equivalent to the secretary of the minister. The so-called walking is an official position that is not specially set up in the court, and it is of the nature of temporary deployment to help.In other words, these four people suddenly became the part-time secretaries of the military aircraft department, the most core power department of the imperial court.
If it wasn't for the reform, these people would never be high enough to meet the emperor, let alone let the emperor give them a regular promotion.Among the people recommended by "headhunters" such as Xu Zhijing, there was one person. Although he had a great name and people had high expectations for him, he was not promoted after being interviewed and talked to by Guangxu. : Kang Youwei, an alternate department-level cadre of the Ministry of Construction (alternate head of the Ministry of Industry).
Before entering the palace to meet Guangxu, Kang Youwei's experience can be said to be very complicated.
Kang Youwei, a Cantonese, was born in a family of scholars. Like others, he plunged headlong into the maze of stereotyped essays in his early years.The Tao of Confucius and Mencius, the Four Books and the Five Classics are all the contents of his study.He dreams that one day he will be the number one scholar in high school, honor his ancestors, enshrine his wife and son, race horses in the Forbidden City, and carry eight sedan chairs into his house.
At that time, reading was the only way to change destiny, and it was precisely because it was the only way for everyone that everyone found it difficult.The imperial examination is divided into three levels. The first level is the courtyard examination. Not everyone can participate in the courtyard examination. Scholars must first pass the county examination presided over by the county magistrate and the prefectural examination presided over by the magistrate to obtain the status of "children". To take the exam.The college examination is presided over by the academic administration of each province. After passing the college examination, you are a student of the imperial court—called a student.Of course, it also has a famous title called Xiucai, and another more famous title-Xianggong.
There is a quota limit for becoming a husband. There are two exams in three years, and 25,000 people are admitted nationwide each time. This sounds like a lot, but in fact not everyone has the opportunity.
After being admitted to Xianggong, you can take the Juren examination. This level of examination is called the township examination, which is held in the provincial capitals every three years.The quota for juren is even smaller, about 1,400 people are admitted each time across the country.It can be seen that the examination for candidates is much more difficult than the examination for talents. Although they are not officially civil servants after passing the examination, they have been included in the civil service system and have the qualifications to be officials, or become alternate officials, so this is more exciting for scholars. For specific examples, please refer to "Fan Jinzhongju".
The last level of examinations is the general examination and palace examination, which is often called "going to Beijing to catch up with the examination". Every three years, candidates from all over the country come to Beijing for reference.Gongshi finally participated in the palace examination presided over by the emperor, which was the final ranking, and the "Student of the Son of Heaven" was selected.Three people in the first class, champion, second place, and Tanhua, are directly awarded such promising positions as editors in the Imperial Academy; the second and third class are also assigned after simple learning and training, and those who stay in the center can enter the Imperial Academy as concubine Scholars, chiefs of the six ministries, and cabinet secretaries, those who are assigned to localities can be county magistrates.
The reason why the imperial court strictly controls the process and quota of scientific examinations is actually to control something that everyone yearns for-opportunities.The administrative system is so large, there are only so many places for officials, and there are only so many opportunities to become officials, and millions of scholars are required to fight for it.Therefore, if in a certain year, the emperor allows one more imperial examination because of his big wedding or birthday or because he is in a good mood, this is a gifted opportunity for all scholars - Enke.
Kang Youwei’s talent cannot be said to be low, nor can he be said to be hardworking, but he took three consecutive exams as a scholar before passing the exam, and it took a considerable amount of time to pass the exam—it took 20 years, and he failed in six exams and six.In the past 20 years, there was a special experience for Kang Youwei. This year, Kang Youwei came to Beijing to participate in the Shuntian Prefecture Examination. The name fell to Sun Shan.
The year was 1888, and Mr. Kang Youwei was already 31 years old—his thirties.This year was the year when Yuan Shikai wrote a report back to his then leader Li Hongzhang in North Korea.If Kang Youwei knew that there was such a person as Yuan Shikai, he would definitely not sympathize with Yuan Shikai, but would be quite angry. This guy who couldn't even pass the exam as a scholar is already a third-rank official of the imperial court, and he is still here. What bird country test.The streets of the capital are full of children from the Eight Banners who were born in princely families. They walk birds and prostitutes, play with things and lose their ambitions, but their rank is higher than Yuan Shikai's.
I just want equality of opportunity.Everyone who is born, whether they are born in a poor family or a rich family, whether they are born in a city or a country, whether he has a rich dad or a rich dad, when faced with the opportunity of entering the national administrative system, When faced with what should have been a fair competition, he couldn't say who my dad was, he could only say who I was.
Kings and generals, is it up to Dad?
Like Yuan Shikai, Kang Youwei at this time was also a hard-working young man with aspirations, and he was also looking forward to a breakthrough in life and career.Years of imperial examinations have given him a different understanding of life and society, and he is about to turn this understanding into action!
In a run-down hotel in Beijing, Kang Youwei wrote a letter—he wrote a letter to Guangxu.In this letter, Kang Youwei euphemistically expressed his dissatisfaction with the unequal opportunities as a scholar, and the reason for the unequal opportunities lies in the political system of the imperial court. He is old Kang, he is willing and able to do something for the court.
Kang Youwei imagined that the letter would arrive at Guangxu's desk. After reading it, Guangxu was so excited that he knocked off the pen holder on the imperial table with his palm, and shouted, "Quickly announce this person's audience."So, two fast horses came to the door of the hotel and asked to see Mr. Kang. Mr. Kang came out swaggeringly and went to the Forbidden City.
However, Kang Youwei, who was dressed up in the hotel and was waiting to be summoned, was finally disappointed. Not only were there no horses at the door, there were no donkeys, but there were several fire sellers.
This letter did not reach Guangxu's desk, and its whereabouts are unknown. In the end, it may have been lying in a trash can in a yamen, and no one may even have opened it.Kang Youwei returned to Guangdong.The winter of this year was bleak, and although there was no snow in the south, Kang Youwei's heart was even more bleak than the muddy streets after snow.
This is the first time in Kang Youwei's life that he "submits a letter".
After returning to his hometown, Kang Youwei still had to review and prepare for the exam, but he was already in his 30s and needed to find something to do. So he opened a private school in his hometown as a scholar, teaching students, and taking Pointing tuition fees, Kang Youwei also became "Master Kang".Among them, the most famous disciple is Liang Qichao from Guangdong. In the imperial examination system, Liang Qichao has a higher rank than Kang Youwei-he is already a Juren, while Kang Youwei is still a scholar.But Liang Qichao still worshiped Kang Youwei, because Kang Youwei wrote several books in his spare time, and he was already a well-known cutting-edge writer and commentator.
And the road to imperial examinations continues. In 1893, the 36-year-old scholar Kang Youwei finally defeated those young husbands in the Guangdong Provincial Examination and passed the high school exam.Since becoming a scholar at the age of 16, 20 years have passed, and these 20 years are just to obtain a qualification to be an official-juren diploma.Kang Youwei's story is also exciting enough, you can definitely write an article "Youwei Zhongju".
Two years later (1895), Kang Youwei came to Beijing for an examination. This time he was getting stronger and stronger. He was lucky.Although he didn't win the first prize in one fell swoop, it can be regarded as a glorious lintel.
When the dream came true, Kang Youwei was not very excited. After decades of imperial examinations, he was tired and bored. He realized that the imperial examinations were not his life direction, and his life direction should be another road. .
This is social activity.
1895 was the end of the Qing-Japanese War, the Qing Dynasty suffered a disastrous defeat, and the imperial court was about to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki. When the news came, scholars all over the country were excited and outraged.Kang Youwei thought of his old job again - writing letters to the emperor.
In a dilapidated small hotel in Beijing, Kang Youwei wrote again in one night. The full text is more than 10,000 characters, and the name is "Shang Jin Shang Emperor Shu", the main content is still calling on the court to change the status quo , reform and reform.Compared with a few years ago, "this country needs to change" has become the consensus of most people in the society, and many people feel this way even if they can't express their point of view clearly.Now that it is public opinion, Kang Youwei's tone is much more indignant than the previous letter.He risked his life to warn Emperor Guangxu that if there is no change, it will be impossible for you not to be an emperor, but to be an ordinary person (you can't get it if you ask for Chang'an commoners).
Several years of teaching, publishing, and submitting letters have allowed Kang Youwei to accumulate rich experience in social activities.This time, he learned to be smart. Instead of fighting alone, he united with Juren from 18 provinces across the country to sign together. wish.
As a result of the delivery, some high officials accepted it, while others confiscated it.All of this was expected by Kang Youwei, but there was one thing that he did not expect, and that was - media reports.
Dear media workers should all know that Kang Youwei's launch of such a thing is very popular with the media, because it promotes "public opinion", and the media expresses public opinion.So a certain newspaper used a title that we became familiar with later when it reported on the letter delivered by Juren in the capital—the letter on the bus.
If I were the editor-in-chief of this paper, I'd be sure to compliment the editor who came up with this headline: Well done to you!
Since ancient times, basically the emperors of every dynasty have been more courteous to scholars. This is not because they respect scholars, but because they know that scholars are not easy to mess with.
You must know that scholars like to complain, and the complaints of scholars are not just for posting. If it is not done well, it will become the source of social turmoil, or even the theoretical guidance of peasant uprisings, which is extremely harmful to social stability.In fact, even if it doesn't affect stability, this kind of complaint is terrifying, because it is tougher than the scriptures recited by Tang Monk, and it will buzz in your ears whenever you get a chance, so emperors have been in awe of the mouth of scholars since ancient times .In order to eliminate the abnormal movement of this mouth at the source, the imperial palace will send out ox carts to gallop in the countryside outside the city to collect the opinions of scholars. The consumption in China is called bus consumption. Later, "bus" can also refer to scholars who care about world affairs.
It can be seen that the word "Bushangshu" is used as the title, which has an antique flavor and a good writing style.
In Kang Youwei's view, the media hyped it up, and this was naturally due to him.The article was written by him, and it took one night. He was not only the author, but also the person who "led the letter on the bus". The Kang family became synonymous with "writing on the bus". , Many history books also emphasize this point, but this view is historically questionable.
Because the media at that time focused on the phenomenon of "public car writing", rather than the initiator Kang Youwei.The news of the signing of the "Treaty of Shimonoseki" shocked the whole country. At that time, apart from Kang Youwei's letter, there were more than a dozen letters from other candidates who participated in the examination in Beijing. What's more, there were officials who participated in the letter. "The letter on the bus" refers to this phenomenon, not just Kang Youwei's version.Later, when people talked about the "public car letter", they thought it was Kang Youwei. This statement came from the memoirs of Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, and it did not conform to the historical facts.
There is even a kind of historical data that even Kang Youwei did not participate in Kang Youwei's version of "The Letter to the Bus".Just the day after he finished writing the article, he heard the news that he had been admitted to Jinshi, and taking the lead in submitting such a letter that would affect social stability may be detrimental to his future career, so although Kang Youwei drafted the article, he did not write it in the end. Sign your name on the back.
In short, the "Letter to the Public Car" does not emphasize Kang Youwei. At this time, Master Kong is definitely a passionate young man, but we can't just use the words in his memoirs because of the need to promote Kang Youwei. We need to respect historical figures. The way is to return the truth to them and to those who read history.
Although it was reported by the media, Kang Youwei's letter still did not reach Guangxu's desk this time. Master Kang worked hard all night, but Guangxu did not see a single word.
After the media reports, the "Letter on the Bus" did not even cause an official sensation.At that time, the government was brewing reforms. The reasons were mentioned earlier. The disastrous defeat in the Qing-Japanese War was a great blow to the imperial court. The first responders were not the scholars and the people, but the entire officialdom. Everyone knows that if it continues like this, there will always be One day it will rot completely.Since the officials had a "consensus" on the reform, although the "public car letter" was very popular, in the eyes of the court, these were expected and normal reactions from the people, and it was not worth making a fuss about.The law needs to be changed, but the reform cannot be accomplished by these scholars who have no administrative experience, no real power, and no understanding of system operation. Even if the government believes in them, the common people will not believe them (there is no authority).What is certain is that although the "public letter" incident was very special and considered a major event for Kang Youwei and the entire Qing Dynasty, it was not the 1895 public letter that caused the reform in 1898. The reform was the court's active choice.
But for Kang Youwei, the impact of the "Letter on the Bus" incident did not end to him. He was determined to engage in social activities, and he has sensitively discovered a very beneficial thing - the media.
The media must be used well!Kang Youwei discovered a new continent.
This idea is not strange at all nowadays. In the so-called information society, everything must be released and hyped. All need exposure.But in the Qing Dynasty at that time, although there were newspapers in Beijing, Shanghai and other places, they were still rare in general. Not many people could realize the power of the "pen", and Kang Youwei discovered this.
At his own expense, he published the letter that had not been delivered to Guangxu in a Shanghai newspaper at his own expense.You know, what Master Kong needs is such a communication platform, because his articles are very good, full of passion, concerned about the country and the people, and dare to question the emperor directly.This trick was really effective, and Kang Youwei was almost an instant success. Overnight, he became everyone's common "teacher", a well-known "opinion leader" among the people, and a well-known public intellectual. He even called "Kang Shengren" Out.
It seems that Kang Youwei was the earliest hype master.
In the next three years (1895-1898), Kang Youwei became more and more courageous in the Vietnam War. His main job was to travel around major cities, write articles, give speeches, walk around, and constantly exposed in the media. It's getting louder. After 1895, the imperial court slightly relaxed its control over folk associations, and Kang Youwei seized the golden opportunity to establish a political organization known as an academic - the Qiang Society.
Kang Youwei's reputation finally became more famous. Through a series of actions, the officialdom had to pay attention to him. Many high-ranking officials expressed their support for Kang Youwei openly and secretly. Reform, the next theme in the officialdom is the word "reform". Some people joined the Strong Society, even Li Hongzhang wanted to join, but was rejected by the arrogant Kang Youwei (Li is a "traitor").Although the seasoned Yuan Shikai did not join the association in person (he was still observing the direction of the court), he donated half a month's salary to the Qiang Society - 500 taels of silver.And when Liang Qichao, a disciple of Kangmen, arrived in Wuchang, Zhang Zhidong, governor of Huguang, opened all the gates of the governor's mansion, and prepared to fire salutes to welcome Liang Qichao. This was originally the etiquette used by local officials to welcome imperial envoys.
While doing these social activities, Kang Youwei did not give up his old profession - writing.He wrote two more letters to Guangxu in a row, but the result was still nothing.Getting on the line with the emperor is the dream of many scholars throughout the ages, thinking that they can change the world by influencing the emperor, and Kang Youwei is no exception.But when the sky looks up, it can be seen, but there is only one emperor. It is not easy for the emperor to know you.
When Kang Youwei was worrying about how to influence the emperor, Xu Zhijing noticed him and recommended him to Guangxu in the secret book.
For Kang Youwei, this is the real dawn of life. He has submitted letters so many times before because there is no middleman or introducer. Now a ministerial leader recommends it to the emperor. This is the way to get to the palace. the way!
Guangxu decided to summon Kang Youwei.
Kang Youwei finally realized his dream.He could meet the emperor, expound his views in person, and "influence the emperor".So Li Zhinian began to write a letter to the emperor, and now he has reached the age of forty. At this age, there seem to be very few things that really "stand up" in life, and there seem to be fewer and fewer things that are really "confusing". Existence, but no mood and no interest to explore and understand.The passion and impulsiveness of the year have turned into a kind of vicissitudes. The middle-aged uncle is just in the vicissitudes of life, for the dream buried in his heart that he will never speak out, and continues to move forward.
When Kang Youwei came outside the Forbidden City, he looked up at the sky, thought again about the possible conversation with Guangxu, and practiced the smile on his face.After all these preparations were completed, Kang Youwei straightened his clothes and entered the palace.
There is no record of this meeting in the court archives, so we have no way of knowing exactly what was discussed.Kang Youwei recorded the content of this conversation in his later memoirs, but because it was an "isolated evidence", it is meaningless to bring up these conversations that Lao Kang himself paid for himself.What is certain is that although the summoning time was relatively long (two hours and fifteen minutes in secret), after the summoning, Guangxu did not reuse Kang Youwei.
After the summons, Guangxu appointed Kang Youwei as "Prime Minister of State Affairs Office Zhang Jingshang", that is to say, Guangxu transferred Kang Youwei from the alternate director of the Ministry of Construction to the Secretariat of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to work part-time. Taste.This is different from Tan Sitong and the other four who were appointed as "Military Aircraft Zhang Jingshang Walking" after being summoned, and "Military Aircraft Zhang Jingshang Walking" is the fourth rank.This means that in the future, Kang Youwei will not get the right to meet the emperor in public and to submit a book - only officials with a fourth rank or higher in the imperial court can go to the imperial court.
It seems that among the people recommended by Xu Zhijing and others, Kang Youwei was not reused by Guangxu.
Kang Youwei was very puzzled by this result.Originally thought that with his fame and "social influence", Guangxu would definitely entrust him with the important task of leading the reform and let Lao Kang dominate the officialdom.But Guangxu did not do this, did not give Kang Youwei the corresponding power, and did not give Kang Youwei the corresponding platform, which was unacceptable to the proud Kang Youwei.
而令康有为更想不通的是，光绪不仅这次没有重用他，以后也没有。在“猎头”们推荐的人里，康有为是最早受到召见的人，却也是最没有受到重用的人，这是康有为第一次见到光绪，竟然也是最后一次！自此之后，他再也没有受到任何召见。
而康有为无法想明白的秘密，隐藏在另外一次有记录的谈话里。
这是康有为和荣禄先生的谈话。
荣禄是慈禧绝对的心腹，是被慈禧刚刚任命的直隶总督兼北洋大臣。当荣禄见到康有为时，两个人谈起了变法。
荣禄是慈禧的人，老康是知道的。他知道跟荣禄说话也就相当于在跟慈禧说话，荣禄一定会把他们的谈话去告诉慈禧的。老康想当然地把荣禄和慈禧当成了反对变法的人，却不知道变法是经过慈禧首肯的，也是荣禄等“顽固派”大员关心之事（要不然就不会来问了）。在潜在的反对者面前，老康决定抓住机会，慷慨陈词，一定要说服他。
“时事维艰，不变法不行啊！”老康说道。
荣禄显然不想听这样的废话，谁都知道法要变，问题是怎么变。
“法是要变，不过几千年的祖宗之法不是一下子就能变过来的吧？”荣禄问道。
实事求是地说，荣禄这句话说的是实情，是一种从实际情况出发的忧患考虑。荣禄先生的这句话并不是要反对变法，而是询问他老康有什么办法，希望康有为能给出一个建设性的意见。
康有为知道真正厉害的问题来了，这个问题如果回答不好，那些“顽固派”们就会见不到变法派坚定的意志和决心，必须拿出一点雷霆万钧的手段让他们瞧瞧！
于是，康有为大手一挥，用慷慨激昂的语气说道：“这有何难？杀几个一品大员法不就变了？”
四周一片安静，康有为突然察觉有什么不对，但具体哪里不对他也不知道。荣禄并没有再说什么，他内心一定在翻江倒海，但这在表面上是看不出来的。荣禄“嘿嘿”干笑两声，说了句“康大人请”，然后转身走了。走的同时摸了摸自己头上的顶戴。
康有为说出这句话是很平常的，就跟以前在很多的演讲集会场合对粉丝们说的一样，意气风发，正义凛然，一腔热血，说完之后场下欢声雷动。但是，康有为忘记了，这是在皇宫。
这样的谈话如果正式一点，就相当于朝廷高官在就如何变法问题，向老康这个“专家”来请教，是政府高官和智囊之间的座谈会，而康有为给出了这个答案。
很显然，康有为嘴下的一品大员就是指贪腐的高官，出于对腐败官僚的憎恨，人们常常会发泄情绪，以为杀贪就能正道，这是可以理解的。“杀几个贪官就能变法”，这正是那些不懂变法的人才会说的话。如果变法真的只是杀贪就好，那历史上的那些变法就不会无比艰难和反复了，大家去磨刀就好了。
别人说说这话还是可以理解，而从康有为你这个“专家”嘴里说出来，就显得浅薄了。不仅浅薄，简直是太过书生气和器量狭小。
像变法这样的大事难事，当它还在发起和鼓吹阶段时，确实需要用热血去鼓吹，用慷慨激昂去鼓劲，这并没有错。但是，当它已经进入马上要实际操作的阶段之时，它需要的不再是这些，而是另外的一些东西。
这就是政治家的现实精神。具体来说是两个方面——冷静，坚忍。
唯有冷静，才能思考并制订出完整可行的方案。
唯有坚忍，才能战胜苦难，朝这个目标努力，实现这个方案。
康有为先生没有意识到这些，这是因为他恰恰缺少一个最致命的条件：做官的经历。
康有为虽然是工部候补主事，后来又被光绪帝调到总理衙门，但他一直忙着社会活动，努力打造“公知”形象，从来没有去政府上过一天班，甚至连去工部和总理衙门报个到都没有做。他一直在进行他的社会活动，处于官场的边缘。这样的人不仅无法了解朝廷高官真正的心理状态，对如何通过体制内的力量去办事也一无所知。
变法就是要通过体制内力量去办事，要去争取人心，这时候的人心不仅包括民心，还包括“官心”——特别是当民心的力量还不足够强大的时候，需要争取尽量多的“官心”，把他们对变法脆弱的“共识”转化为实际支持。比如荣禄大人，这也是需要争取的，从北京皇宫开始的变法，将来无论如何也需要荣禄这个直隶总督的支持。
当然，争取也是很难的。这个世界上最艰难的一件事情莫过于建立统一战线了。首先要做的是取得信任，而取得对方信任也很难，如果一时不能取得信任，那么至少要打消对方的顾忌。不能让人家以为你是仇视这个政权，一上来就准备拿他们开刀的，要知道他们最担心的就是这个啊。
一个高明的政治家从来不预设敌人。但老康你在喊杀一品大员，人家又刚刚成为一品大员，你要别人说什么才好呢？
贪官是应该杀的，但也要经过公正的审判后去杀，变法的目的之一就是加强制度建设和法治，避免官官相卫，也避免政治迫害，如果还是喊杀就杀，那跟过去有什么区别，还需要变什么法？再说了，即使可杀，谁来杀呢？你杀吗？你自己还是个六品呢！并且，既然杀几个一品大员就好了，那么就先杀你吧，你不就是未来的一品大员吗？
老康啊老康！
这大概是荣禄第一次对康有为有了“乱党”的印象。即使不是“乱党”，也是无实学，书生气，不可用。而且，千万不能让这种人在日后掌了大权！
所谓书生气，就是很容易拿想象去替代真实，越简单的东西越容易被弄得复杂。看似抓住了问题的实质，实际上离实质越来越远。
所谓书生气，就是一个人的脑子里很容易出现“别人不对、现实不对、就我最正确”的浮华或者悲壮，很容易认为靠嘴上标签就能打败一切。
所谓书生气，就是只具聪明而不具智慧。一个聪明但不具智慧的人常犯的错误就是处处只为自己着想，只顾自己的感受。
这个世界上有一种人，他们最重要的才能之一，是在关键性的第一次见面时，有能让对手或者敌人快速了解自己长处的方法和技巧，从而让对手甚至敌人一下子喜欢上自己。比如历史上著名的张仪先生、苏秦先生、李斯先生。他们总能习惯性站在对方的角度来思考和解决问题——也就是常说的换位思考，不仅有很高的智商，还有突出的情商。
而康有为显然不是这样的人。在我看来，康有为不会换位思考的原因恰恰是他没有经历过以上几位的磨难，缺乏做官的经历，缺乏在体制内的磨炼。老康成名过巧，成名后又势头太猛，他需要的不是换位思考，而是需要思考换位——去实现自己的野心。尽管去影响朝廷高层和皇帝一直是他的梦想，但是当他终于迎来和朝廷高层对话的机会时，他以为还是如往常那样去鼓动粉丝，而无法真正把握这样的机会。
由于不了解“体制内思维”，不清楚朝廷高官说一套做一套、喜怒不形于色、真实想法藏在笑脸背后的特色，这样的失误，会给以后的老康和整个变法派阵营带来更大的灾难！
而谜底也解开了。虽然我们并不知道光绪召见康有为密谈的具体内容，但从他与荣禄谈话的内容来看，康有为也注定不会给光绪留下什么好印象。如果他老康只是在喋喋不休地慷慨陈词，这在光绪看来并没什么新的东西，这些东西他早就从不同的渠道得到了，听得耳朵起茧。光绪需要得到的是切实而理性的答案，这跟荣禄先生“问计”于康有为的初衷是一样的，而不再是感情用事的口头狂言。
把康有为调到总理衙门，也许正是在面谈之后，光绪只认为康有为这个人的活动能力很强，就让他去总理衙门搞外交，也算是识才。
出师不利，康有为只好自我安慰。他告诉他的粉丝：皇上虽然没给我升官，但给了我“密折专奏”的权力！今后我就可以随时给皇帝传纸条了。
老康的这句话又是吹牛。宫廷档案和记录中并没有老康的“密折专奏”。事实上康有为所有的奏折都是找人帮忙“代奏”给光绪的，不是通过部委衙门，就是通过官场朋友代奏的，最多的是通过能直接上书皇帝的那批人，比如监察御史宋伯鲁和杨深秀。
而光绪虽然没有重用康有为，却抛出了康有为之前上过的一个折子。
在这个折子中，康有为提出了那个著名的设置“制度局”的建议。
按照老康的设想，所谓制度局，这是一个设在朝廷总揽一切变法事宜的机构，帮助皇帝来决策，是皇帝专门的咨询机构。跟制度局一起设立的，还有法律、铁路、农商、邮政等12个局，制度局决定的事情，交给这12个局分别去执行。
至于进入制度局的人，不能用原有的旧官僚，全部起用新人——那么原来的旧官僚怎么办呢？康有为的办法是给他们朝廷散卿（散学士）的名号，可以给他们加薪晋爵，但没有实权。
谁都能看出来，“制度局”涉及的是人事改革，制度局一旦成立，是绝对的“另立中央”，夺军机处之权和六部之权，排挤掉了旧官僚，基本就相当于另外一个军机处，12个分局就相当于12个新的部委。
老康的这道折子当时是通过总理衙门代奏的，而光绪反应迅速，当天就做了批示。现在，他又把这件事情重提，催促大臣们快点给出反馈意见。
很明显，光绪对设立制度局很重视，甚至要大过对康有为的重视。康有为实在很聪明，他抓住了光绪真正的难题。
光绪一直无法真正实现亲政，最重要的原因首先是军权一直被慈禧把控。淮军是李鸿章的，也就是慈禧的，满族王爷也团结在慈禧周围，八旗军也是慈禧的。对于光绪来说，清日战争本来是一个很好的通过战争抓军权的机会，但是，不说帝党系的军队战斗力比淮军还烂，就算他们能打，慈禧也比光绪更老谋深算，在关键时刻让李鸿章出面签署《马关条约》中止了战争，清日战争没有变成持久战，光绪也就再也没有用战争抓军权的机会。
另一个最重要的原因就是官僚系统中人事任免权也一直被慈禧把控，变法开始后，二品以上高官的任免还是必须经过她点头的。光绪没有人事任免权，也就无法建立自己的嫡系队伍，无法在朝中形成权力基础。从大的方面来说，他也无法组建自己的变法班子，解决“帮手”很少的难题。
而制度局一设立，光绪就有机会提拔大把大把的新人。什么建立嫡系队伍，什么形成权力基础，这都是指日可待的事。
所以光绪的真正用意是：借康有为的折子，将官员人事制度改革的绣球抛出来，试探大臣们的反应！
光绪很着急，已经有些迫不及待了。而大臣们的反应出奇一致：观望。
如果说光绪等来了什么，那就是一阵谣言。京城里谣言散开，议论纷纷，说他受到了康有为的蛊惑，设置“制度局”是康党一伙别有用心的想法。康有为这个家伙野心一直很大，一直在折腾，因为他明白，只有折腾，他才有机会。朝廷的哪个高官不是在官场上小心翼翼、辛辛苦苦一步步爬上去的？康有为却幻想通过制度局，坐直升飞机入阁拜相，一步登天。
从事实上说，这些话并非完全造谣，老康一直是个不太安分的家伙。本来按照他的级别，是不够陪伴在皇帝身边的，而设置制度局后，他和他的朋友们都有机会成为朝廷新贵、“制度局里的人”，不必走官场的传统路径，直接围绕在皇帝周围，进入宫廷权力中心！但是，对于这个被旧有官僚形成的利益集团把持得铁板一块的国家，到底要不要尝试着去做某些改变，哪些改变是好的、可行的，如果不好、不可行，要不要拿来讨论一下，没有人真正关心了。反正大家只记得一句话：千万不能让自己吃亏！
光绪失望了，他备受打击。但打击归打击，此时的光绪还必须硬着头皮把事情干下去，他下了一道命令：令康有为前往上海，督办《时务报》。
光绪下这道命令正是向大臣们妥协，把康有为赶出京城，向大臣们表明：官员人事制度改革是我的意见，并不是受康有为这些“公知明星”的影响！
但接下来发生的事情，严重出乎光绪的意料了。
康有为没有遵办这道圣旨。按照规矩，皇帝下达旨意后，臣工必须上个“谢恩折”，然后不折不扣地去执行。但康有为既没有上“谢恩折”，也没有离开北京。半个月后总算上了一道“谢恩折”，但还是没有离开北京。
康有为又一次极其想不通。《时务报》只是一张有朝廷背景的小小的报纸（当时“官报”之一），让他去当一份报纸的总编辑，未免也大材小用了吧？想我老康，一直是媒体笔下的变法“总设计师”和“总操盘手”，皇上我好不容易混到紫禁城，见了您，您既然让大小臣工讨论我的折子，重视我的意见，现在变法到了这样关键的时刻，您怎么能让我离开变法的中心？皇上您是不是糊涂了啊？
康有为仍然无法面对这样的现实：他可以是为变法鼓吹的一面旗帜，但实际工作是无法交给他去做的，也起不到真正的作用，只能处于变法的边缘——造势和出点子。对于光绪来说，他确实需要帮手，但光绪很清楚他真正的帮手只有两批人，一批就是前面提到的部级高官张荫桓、徐致靖甚至包括王照等人，他们担任“猎头”工作，在幕后为光绪出谋划策，相当于军师；另一批就是新提拔的谭嗣同等四人，他们是实际办事的人。
当然，对于老康，光绪还是抱着“用”的态度，毕竟这也是个人才。让他去上海办报，除了要变相地将他赶出京城，缓解一下官僚集团和变法之间的冲突，另外一个方面其实也是看中老康的活动能力强，笔杆子突出，没事可以组织一些活动，写几篇文章，用激情四射的文字为变法制造一个良好的舆论氛围，这样一来，康有为也是光绪的一个重要帮手。可惜康有为并不明白光绪的这番苦心。
光绪万万没有想到的是，自己的圣旨大臣们不听，连康有为也不听。
“这真是个彻头彻尾的书生啊！”光绪在皇宫里感叹。
老康这样的举动要是放在平时，绝对是可以杀头的大罪，抗旨不遵嘛，杀了你一点脾气都没有。但是对于这种书生式的举动，光绪也懒得再去计较了。
光绪要把他的大部分精力用去对付那些大臣。在下旨令康有为离京后，光绪希望大臣们能有所反应，把他之前交代的事给认真办一办。
结果再一次令光绪失望了。高官们紧密团结，高度默契，集体沉默，无声反击。
这种状况其实也是在意料之中，他们都是之前慈禧提拔起来的，当官当得好好的，银子有，豪宅也有，为什么要改？
好吧，既然你们这些大臣没有反应，那我就去找你们的下属。光绪再一次下圣旨，将讨论范围扩大到中层和基层官员，命令大小臣工各抒己见，各部院的基层官员有上奏的，由各部部长（堂官）代奏，普通读书人和老百姓有上书的，可以到督察院呈递。光绪严格规定：无论是官还是民的上奏，必须直达御案，各级机构不得有任何阻挠（毋得拘牵忌讳，稍有阻格）。
可是，光绪等了等，仍然没有什么反应。
于是，光绪只好再一次下旨，这一次他以情动人，声明变法是“不得已”之苦衷，为了朝廷，为了国家，希望诸位大臣体谅和理解。
然而光绪又一次失望了。大臣们看来是要反抗到底了，甚至连个折中的方案都没有提出。
光绪终于遇到了变法以来的最大难题。他曾以为最大的难题是没有帮手，成为真正的“孤家寡人”，现在看来，没有帮手的原因正是因为有一个怪物在从头到尾跟他作对，准确地说来是一个组织，一个强大的组织。
所有人都无法感觉到这个组织的存在，它从来没有什么明确的组织架构，也没有具体的组织纲领，更没有清晰的标签，但一旦“有变”（有损其利益），它的成员又能通过利益纽带迅速联接，心照不宣地统一行动，相互呼应，堪称最神奇的组织。
它生命力最强，杀伤力也最强，化道于无常，杀人于无形，你看不见它的阴影，它却能吞掉阳光。它一直存而不倒，打而不死，顽强地存在。一次次的农民起义，朝代改名换姓，但它总是存在，阴魂不散，简直是牛皮糖。
它僵化度最高但也存活力最强，最顽固也最灵活，它总能找到对自己有益的地方，然后在那个地方生根发芽，发展壮大。无论朝廷是变法还是守成，是开放还是保守，这个组织的成员都能跟随权势的走向而迅速调整方向，成为最“适应新形势”的熟练的技术能手。从这个意义上说，他们才是最与时俱进的，利益在哪里，他们就在哪里，这一点是毫不含糊的。
这就是官僚集团。在王朝的统治过程中，它悄无声息地形成了，不动声色地壮大了，成为庞大的既得利益集团。统治者对它的态度是既恨又爱，恨它把持着利益，官员们贪污腐化，捞银子不作为，长此以往损害着朝廷的长治久安；而另一方面，又离不开他们——专制统治，不是皇帝一个人的专制，而是整个体制的专制，专制王朝之所以能维持专制，也是因为有官僚集团啊。
在历史上，曾经出现过一个与官僚集团作对的打虎英雄——朱元璋。农民出身的朱元璋对官僚集团十分警惕，为了打击官僚集团，他绞尽脑汁，耗费巨大的心血。他曾经以为丞相是官僚集团的头领，所以他废除了丞相制度，换来了每天加班加点，别人都睡了，他还在看折子，然后不惜成立监视官僚集团的监察组织和特务组织。
但最后他惊奇地发现，原本监视官僚集团的组织也迅速变成官僚集团的一部分，成为了既得利益的保护者和分享者——只要去收点“保护费”。这样，官僚集团不仅没有缩小阵地，反而扩大了领土。一生南征北战、所向披靡的朱元璋在官僚集团面前，突然发现自己是多么的渺小！
光绪会有新的办法吗？
光绪终于失去了耐心了。他终于明白，这场变法虽然得到了慈禧的首肯，得到了朝野上下的“一致同意”，形成了“广泛共识”，但这种共识是脆弱的，只能停留在口头上。大小官员都希望去变别人，不希望来变自己，掌握某种利益的利益集团也只希望自己的利益蛋糕不要被割去，一旦情况不对，什么无声反抗，什么阳奉阴违，什么上有政策下有对策，这都是他们的办法。光绪原本希望通过官僚系统里的“群众运动”来收回自己的权力，建立自己的权威，扩大变法阵营，推进变法大业，但在一再地试探之后，这个如意算盘落空了。
那么，这顺序是不是该对调一下？只有先运用权威，才能发动官员和群众，推动变法？——因为你本来就是皇上啊。
必须拿出杀手锏！
朝廷最重要也最有权的三位总督——直隶、两江和两广总督全部撞到枪口上。光绪下旨对他们一顿大骂（严加斥责）。第二天，光绪再一次下旨，这一次除了继续骂，还要求各地方督抚对交代的事情，每日请示汇报（以前交办各事，必须迅速奏议；以后交办各事，必须依限赶办，并每日请示汇报）。
但大臣们仍然把光绪的命令当成了耳边风，看来不见棺材不掉泪。
光绪行动了，他下旨：一、在中央裁撤詹事府、光禄寺等六个闲散衙门；二、裁撤湖北、广东、云南三省督抚同城的巡抚；三、裁撤不办漕运任务的省份的粮道；四、谕令各省在一个月内拟出其余应下岗的闲散地方官员，严加裁汰。
这些措施仍然围绕着一个中心：人事制度改革。先吐故，后纳新，从中央到地方都有。光绪雷厉风行，铁面无私，此时被裁撤的湖北巡抚，还是谭嗣同的父亲谭继洵。
然而，官僚系统的反应仍然是冷淡的。特别有代表性的是两广总督谭钟麟，他被骂了一顿之后，竟然连光绪以后的圣旨都不看，而且在他的两广总督府里不许谈论变法。当有人问起：“你办得如何？”他回答：“啥变法？我不知道啊！”
光绪不得不拿他开刀了。但是，要拿这种总督级别的大臣开刀，总要找个动刀子的人，光绪找到了一匹“黑马”，他就是朝廷马匹事务管理局副局长（太仆寺少卿）岑春煊，光绪提拔他为广东省副省长（布政使），安插在谭钟麟身边。
在拿地方大员开刀的同时，光绪的帮手、一直躲在幕后的礼部主事王照也在朝廷出手了。他写好了一道奏折，交给本部的部长怀塔布同志，请他代为转奏皇帝。
按照光绪之前下达的“各部院官员如有上奏，由各部堂官代奏”的圣旨，王照的程序没有错。而光绪在下达那道圣旨的同时，也加了一条：任何人都不得阻挠上奏，看来怀塔布只能把这份奏折交上去了。
而怀塔布同志在看完这道奏折后，惊得大汗淋漓，他是万万不能交上去的，只能扣下来。
王照的这份奏折围绕的是如何变法，主体内容基本上夸夸其谈，没什么新意。问题是他还有一个补充建议，其中提到：为了更好地变法，