Chapter 51 4. Wang Zhen led his troops into Xinjiang

Xiangshan Shuangqing Villa. It was a clear morning, and Zhou Enlai accompanied Zhang Zhizhong into this small courtyard again. Mao Zedong was radiant and radiant, dressed in a gray Chinese tunic suit, and stood under a red leaf tree at the door to meet them. The red sun reflected the red leaves, and the red leaves reflected Mao Zedong. When the three of them stood here shaking hands with each other, it was full of poetic and picturesque. Mao Zedong said with a smile: "I invite you to come here today. One is to talk about the issues in Xinjiang, and the other is to watch the red leaves. Look at how spectacular the red leaves are here! The mountains are covered in red, and the forests are all dyed!"

Zhang Zhizhong said: "The chairman is indeed a great poet!" "What kind of poet is far behind everyone." The three of them talked and laughed and entered the study room. Mao Zedong turned sideways to Zhang Zhizhong and said: "Xinjiang was liberated peacefully, and it was you who helped us a lot." Zhang Zhizhong waved his hand and said: "The chairman has praised me, I just did something that should be done." Zhou Enlai went on to say: "Mr. Wen Bai has contributed a lot, and our Communist Party will never forget you." "In such a big place, the problem was solved without firing guns. It would not have been possible without your efforts, Mr. Wen Bai." Mao Zedong began to smoke: "Facts have proved that the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang support our Communist Party."

"This is your wise policy. If you leave this point, it will not work." Zhang Zhizhong said after receiving the tea from the guard. Mao Zedong took the cigarette from the corner of his mouth, clamped it between his fingers, and said: "You are very familiar with the situation in Xinjiang. If our Communist Party wants to manage this place well, we must listen to opinions from all sides. Today, the three of us will talk about the Xinjiang issue, okay? Do you have any ideas? I think there are." Zhang Zhizhong put down his teacup, looked at Mao Zedong and said, "I have ideas, but they may not be suitable."

"It doesn't matter, we are talking. You talk first, and En and I will listen." "It's better for the chairman to ask a question first, and I'll follow your train of thought." "Let's ask En to ask questions, let's discuss together." Zhang Zhizhong recalled that during this conversation, he mainly discussed the following issues with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai: The first concerns the issue of national autonomy.I think it is best to set up a national autonomy preparatory committee first. As for the time required for the preparatory work and the mature conditions to implement autonomy, the reorganized Xinjiang Provincial Government can negotiate and submit to the Central People's Government for approval.

Chairman Mao said that it is possible to do so. In principle, everything should be handled according to the ethnic policy of the common program. The second is about the reorganization of the provincial government.I suggest that Tao Zhiyue, Bao Erhan, and Yining discuss and propose a new list, which will be approved and published by the central government.Chairman Mao said that Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng Dehuai and I will go to Xinjiang to study the re-nomination list, so there is no need to worry now.He also said that Xinjiang should set up a military committee to handle military and political affairs.I said it seems unnecessary.Regarding the post of provincial chairman, Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou have talked with me several times, and Bao Erhan is still determined to succeed me. I said it is very good and appropriate.

The third is about the reorganization of the army.I suggest that the newly stationed officers and soldiers have served for many years, and most of them are eager to return home. It is best to send them back to their hometowns to engage in production.Chairman Mao disagreed. He said with a smile: It is best for the government to send their family members or mobilize more women, so that they can start a family in Xinjiang, engage in production, and take root forever. The fourth is about financial issues.I stated the difficulties of the new province's finances, military rations, uniforms, and funds. I suggested that the People's Revolutionary Military Committee and the Government Administration Council should immediately send personnel to the field to investigate and deal with them separately.Chairman Mao said that he asked Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng and me to go over there to solve the problem.

The fifth is about economic construction.I suggest that the central government should send a construction guidance group to Xinjiang to supply a large amount of talents and funds. As for whether the Northwest Minsheng Industrial Company and the Northwest Cultural Construction Association will continue to exist, please consider.Chairman Mao did not express clearly and specifically on this point.This is to wait for a later step to decide, right? The sixth is about the treaty with the Soviet Union.Let me ask first: Will the Sino-Soviet trade and economic cooperation agreement in Xinjiang continue to be negotiated and signed?Can the Sino-Soviet air agreement be revised to extend the route to Lanzhou or Xi'an or to Beijing?Or will it be included in the entire new Sino-Soviet treaty in the future?Chairman Mao said that it might be included in the entire Sino-Soviet treaty, but a decision cannot be made yet.It was time for dinner, and Mao Zedong said with a smile: "We will talk about this today, let's solve our stomach problem first. If Mr. Wen Bai has time, you can write something for me on the Xinjiang issue."

Zhang Zhizhong said on the spot: "I will definitely write according to the chairman's opinion." Mao Zedong also confessed: "You can write some historical materials, or you can write your thoughts on the future construction of Xinjiang. In short, you can be eclectic." Later, Zhang Zhizhong wrote several reports to Chairman Mao Zedong on the Xinjiang issue. In one of his reports, he wrote: After the establishment of the new regime led by the Communist Party of China and the establishment of the ethnic policy and foreign policy in the common program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, all the major and basic contradictions in Xinjiang's past problems no longer exist. There are several practical or transactional issues that urgently need to be resolved by the instructions of the Central People's Government. The opinions are as follows:

1. The issue of national autonomy. (slightly) 2. The reorganization of the provincial government.Although the previous provincial government was a national coalition government, it still accommodated some conservative elements.After this liberation, some of them have left, and the rest will also be eliminated.However, when reorganizing, the number of members, candidates, etc. can be consulted in advance with the opinions of the representatives of the Iraqi side, Tao Zhiyue, and Bao Erhan, and it is up to the Central People's Government to consider and approve it.Of course, the Central People's Government must also send people to participate.

3. The issue of military reorganization.The government stationed in the new army. Before March this year, there were two reorganized divisions, each with three brigades, and each brigade had two infantry regiments and one cavalry regiment.A whole cavalry division has two brigades under its jurisdiction, and there are five regiments directly under the company.There are also two cavalry brigades, each with two regiments.There are also four independent cavalry regiments (Mongolian, Kazakh, Hui, and Han) and several artillery, engineering, logistics, and communication units.But each team has vacancies.The national army in the third area of ​​the Iraqi side originally stipulated six regiments, but the number is indeed unknown now.After the liberation of Xinjiang, the adaptation work needs to be carried out urgently.From my point of view, regarding the government's new troops: (a) Originally composed of local ethnic groups, they were changed to local public security forces. (B) The rest are transferred from the mainland and reorganized into the People's Liberation Army.As for the method of reorganization, the number of troops, and how to transform ideas and technologies, Tao Zhiyue followed the instructions of Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng Dehuai to negotiate. (c) Among the officers and soldiers who have been guarding the frontier for many years, they are eager to return home and emotionally disturbed. If their hometown has been liberated, they will be allowed to voluntarily retire from the army, and will be sent home with a salary, assigned to the fields, and engaged in production work. (D) The reorganized troops, funded by the central government, will engage in water conservancy reclamation and increase production on the spot, so as to reduce the difficulty of raising and transporting military rations. (e) In the future, a method of rotation should be stipulated for the border guards, so as to avoid long-term thinking about returning home and affecting morale.As for the ethnic troops in the three districts, in principle, they should still be reorganized according to the system of the People's Liberation Army, or they should be changed to local public security forces. It may be possible to consult the opinions of the representatives of the Iraqi side.

4. Financial issues (including military food and service funds).This is a problem that needs to be solved urgently.Xinjiang is a barren province. In the Qing Dynasty, the 18 provinces in the Mainland had been cooperating with each other. In the past, they all relied on an independent issuance system (spontaneous provincial currency) to maintain their finances. At present, their finances seem to be at the end of their rope. ... In terms of military rations, the central government allocates funds for procurement in Xinjiang and Gansu every year. Now that the autumn harvest is over, it should be started as soon as possible.Can the People's Revolutionary Military Committee, in conjunction with the State Administration Council, immediately send personnel to conduct on-the-spot investigations and deal with them separately, so that these problems can be effectively and smoothly resolved. 5. Economic construction issues.Xinjiang is a backward province, and what the people urgently need to solve is to improve their lives.Although Xinjiang is rich in resources, it is extremely scarce in materials.For example, there is vast land but lack of water conservancy and transportation, there is abundant wool (and a considerable output of cotton) but lack of textile industry, there is prosperous animal husbandry but lack of leather industry...the food in the province (especially in northern Xinjiang) is neither enough to eat, nor heavy. The industry has no foundation, daily necessities and all industrial supplies are almost completely supplied by the Soviet Union and the interior.It is not difficult to imagine the suffering of the people's life when the price of goods is high.How to step up economic construction and improve people's lives is indeed an urgent task at present.However, the province’s talents, technology, equipment, and funds are not enough, not even an ordinary engineer. It is best for the Central Government Affairs Council to organize a construction guidance group and assign a large number of experts and funds to Xinjiang to assist in promoting economic construction. .Of course, all of this must be coordinated with the national economic construction plan, but in Xinjiang now, the most important things are water conservancy, transportation (especially railways), agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, medicine and health, livelihood industries, municipal administration, etc.This counseling group can also hire Soviet expert engineers to participate, but it should still be dominated by Han expert engineers who are big brothers, because this has permanent political significance for the perception of ethnic minorities... 6. The issue of the treaty with the Soviet Union.Xinjiang and the Soviet Union have a very close relationship.Historically, in 1871 (the tenth year of Tongzhi), Emperor Russia had garrisoned troops in Ili for ten years, and there was an Ili Treaty.Geographically, the border between Su and Xin is 3,000 kilometers long, and the transportation from Xin province to the interior is far less convenient than going to Su.In terms of ethnicity, there are seven Turkic-speaking ethnic groups in the new province, all of which are in the Soviet Union, and five of them have formed a republic.Economically, most of the daily necessities and industrial products in New Province come from the Soviet Union.Culturally, the ethnic groups in the province are influenced by Soviet culture, and many have received Soviet education.All these factors constitute the special relationship between Xinjiang and the Soviet Union. If we ignore this point in our handling of the Xinjiang issue, it would be very inappropriate.In the past, in the Sino-Soviet treaty on the new province, the first Sino-Soviet aviation treaty, the route was from Almaty in the Soviet territory to Hami via Dihua.The period expired in September last year, and was extended for another five years by agreement between the two parties. Whether it is now possible to extend the route to Lanzhou or Xi'an, or directly to Beijing, is up to the central government to decide.Another important treaty is the trade and economic cooperation agreement between China and the Soviet Union in Nova Scotia. Representatives of the two parties have already reached an agreement in Dihua, but in the end the Guangzhou government suddenly refused to sign it. This is a very regrettable thing... Mao Zedong attached great importance to this report, and immediately approved it to relevant departments for reference after reading it. At this time, Zhang Zhizhong's work enthusiasm was even higher. After getting in touch with Peng Dehuai, he said goodbye to his family and took a few staff members to the Northwest... At this time, Zhang Zhizhong was already a member of the Central People's Government Committee elected by the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, but the Party Central Committee considered his influence in the Northwest, especially in Xinjiang, so he was named the Vice Chairman of the Northwest Military and Political Committee title. Before leaving, Chairman Mao Zedong called him to Shuangqing Villa in Xiangshan for a talk. Zhou Enlai was also present at the time, and Mao Zedong said to him: "This time, please go to the Northwest. There is a long way to go. General Peng Dehuai is the chairman of the Military and Political Committee of the Northwest. You come to assist him. This is a bit wronged you, but please don't worry too much." Zhang Zhizhong said: "Chairman, Mr. Peng is always a general I admire. I have long wanted to work with him. How can I feel wronged?" "That's good. Mr. Wenbai's integrity is commendable!" "The chairman has won the award again." "You are also a veteran. When you get there, you can first accompany Boss Peng to Xinjiang to deal with the affairs there. I hope you will do more work in the Northwest in the future, and you can also travel between the Northwest and Beijing. If you have anything to do, you can help me You can tell it to En." "Please rest assured, Chairman, I will do my best." "When you arrive in the Northwest, if you have anything to do, you should contact Comrade Enlai." "I will definitely report the situation to Vice Chairman Zhou." After Mao Zedong sent Zhang Zhizhong away, he explained to Zhou Enlai: "Mr. Wen Bai is also a very particular person. You should arrange a special plane to take him off as soon as possible. It is good to go early." Zhou Enlai said: "I will implement this matter personally, and he will be able to leave in a few days." "It is necessary to inform Lanzhou in advance and do a good job in welcome work." "How are the specifications determined?" "He is now the vice-chairman of the Northwest Military and Political Committee. It has political significance to ask Mr. Peng, Mr. He and others to come forward and organize more senior military and political personnel to greet him at the airport!" When Zhang Zhizhong's special plane took off, Zhou Enlai called Lanzhou. Three hours later, the plane slowly landed at Lanzhou Airport, and dozens of senior generals including Boss Peng, Boss He, and Xi Zhongxun went up to welcome it. Zhang Zhizhong was deeply moved by this situation. He did not expect to welcome him with such a high standard. When President Peng took his hand and explained: "We are in a meeting. We heard that we are here, so we all come to meet him." You are here, we welcome you!" Zhang Zhizhong's hands trembled a little.He looked at Mr. Peng and said, "Oh, I've disturbed your meeting, so it's fine for someone to lead the way. You all come, I'm very disturbed!" Boss He smiled and said, "Everyone should come, General Zhang is our vice chairman now!" "I'm here to learn from you." "We have just arrived in the Northwest, and we are not very familiar with it. I will ask Vice Chairman Zhang to give me more advice in the future." "Boss He is too modest, your name is like thunder!" "You are an expert on Northwest issues!" Under the introduction of Mr. Peng, Zhang Zhizhong shook hands with everyone. A large number of journalists surrounded Zhang Zhizhong, some took pictures, and some conducted impromptu interviews.Zhang Zhizhong was full of energy and answered reporters' questions calmly. He lived in Lanzhou for three days, attended several conferences, and then accompanied Peng Dehuai to Xinjiang. The purpose of their trip was to inspect as the supreme leader of the Northwest, prepare to reorganize the Xinjiang Provincial People's Government, and formulate the governance policy of Xinjiang Province. After looking at several areas, Peng Dehuai said to Zhang Zhizhong: "Your coming to Xinjiang has a strong response and is of extraordinary significance. It is not enough to just attend a small meeting and meet senior officials. I suggest that Commander Tao Zhiyue call all the uprising officers and let you come forward. How about giving a speech to everyone?" "It's okay to talk, but I'm very excited now. I feel that there are too many things to say. I don't know what to say and what not to say?" "What do you say!" "The army in Xinjiang is facing the problem of transformation. I will focus on how to transform and share some opinions. What do you think?" "Very good. But mainly talk about topics that everyone cares about. For example, you did not go back to Nanjing after participating in the peace talks, but stayed. How did you feel during this period? You can also talk about what you have heard and seen. This will help us transform the army. " "That's a good proposal." After a night of preparation, Zhang Zhizhong wrote the speech by himself.The next morning, when Tao Zhiyue gathered nearly a thousand uprising officers, Zhang Zhizhong made a speech titled "How to Reform?" amid warm applause. "'s speech, which lasted four hours, aroused strong repercussions among military officers and later among all officers and soldiers in Xinjiang.The content of this speech can be found in the memoirs written by Zhang Zhizhong in his later years.The excerpts are as follows: How to transform? (Speech to the cadres of the Dihua uprising troops stationed in Dihua on December 6, 1949) General Tao Zhiyue, fellow officers and comrades: Today I came to Dihua and had the opportunity to meet the comrades stationed in Xinjiang who participated in the uprising under the leadership of General Tao. This is a very pleasant thing. This time I accompanied Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng to Dihua, just to visit comrades.I know that comrades are always caring about me, and I am also caring about comrades. It is really a rare and lucky opportunity to meet you today, especially after this era has changed, so First of all, I would like to express my condolences to the comrades today. (1) My experience of staying in August When I meet you today, where do I start talking?I think, first of all, I will tell you what I have experienced in the past few months, that is, on April 1 this year, I flew from Nanjing to Peiping to hold peace talks with the CCP, and then stayed in Peiping for nearly eight months after the peace talks broke down.Of course, from the newspapers, from the news from Guangzhou and Taiwan’s Central News Agency, they all reported a lot of things saying that I stayed in Peiping, and everyone probably saw that this was all nonsense.In front of everyone today, I should make a truthful and concise report.This is, of course, one of the issues of greatest concern to everyone. As you all know, since I returned to Lanzhou at the end of January this year, I have made up my mind not to go to Nanjing again, and I have made up my mind not to participate in domestic peace talks.But: the Nanjing side sent planes to pick me up twice, and sent telegrams and long-distance calls every day, insisting that I go to Nanjing and participate in peace talks.After arriving in Nanjing, after a considerable period of research and discussion, I flew from Nanjing to Peiping on April 1 in the name of the chief representative of the peace negotiation delegation.After twenty days of negotiations, they finally broke down.You have seen and heard some of it from newspapers and legends.I can tell you, at that time, what was the attitude expressed by the person in charge of Nanjing towards the delegation and the people of the whole country?It is to truly seek peace, and officially published a letter to Chairman Mao, acknowledging that the eight items proposed by Chairman Mao were the basis for negotiations; After several serious discussions, it was decided to accept Article 24 of Article 8 of the "Domestic Peace Agreement" proposed by the CCP, and send Huang Shao?The representative and Qu Wu's adviser returned to Nanking and suggested that the government accept it.But after they returned to Nanjing, the attitude of the Nanjing government was completely different from the attitude of sincerely seeking peace expressed to us before, and they refused to accept it.At the same time, some diehards attacked the delegation, especially me personally.That's why I saw that they were not sincere in asking us to come to Peking to participate in the peace talks, but a deception at all—not only a deception to the delegation, but also a deception to the people of the whole country.Today, the nationwide victory of the People's Liberation Army has proved that the opinions of our delegation are fully in line with the wishes and demands of the people of the whole country; taking the fact of the peaceful liberation of Xinjiang this time, it can also prove that we stand for peace and accept The opinion of the Internal Peace Agreement is correct. After the peace talks broke down, of course the delegation had to return to Nanjing, and the Nanjing side also sent a plane to pick us up. However, we received instructions from Nanjing to fly to Shanghai—they had already decided to abandon Nanjing at that time.At that time, our friends in the CCP said to us: "The delegation doesn't need to go back. Please stay in Beiping. Although the Nanjing government has not accepted the peace agreement, as the situation progresses, after the People's Liberation Army crosses the Yangtze River, as long as they are willing to sign an agreement, we can still sign it at any time." At the same time, some friends have another opinion, that no matter whether the delegation returns to Shanghai or Guangzhou, the Kuomintang spies and reactionaries will not necessarily harm us, and the danger is very great.Regarding this point, the delegation, especially myself, has no such considerations, but if it is true that as the situation progresses, peace talks can be resumed and a peace agreement can be resumed, of course, my colleagues in the delegation are willing.In this way, we stayed in Peiping. During my stay in peace, I often thought and considered some issues.Of course, as soon as the peace talks stopped, I became very leisurely.I haven't had a break like this for at least thirty years.People in the family even joked with me: "God sees that you have worked so hard for many years, so I gave you this special opportunity to rest." Soon, the United Front Work Department of the Communist Party of China prepared a place for me in Beiping. Western-style bungalows, with gardens, lawns, and new equipment, are even better than the new buildings here.This house used to be built by a German, and later it was lived in by a Japanese who was the president of transportation. After the Anti-Japanese War, it became Sun Lianzhong's mansion.I lived there for more than six months until we flew from Beijing to Lanzhou on the 22nd of last month.On the 26th, I accompanied Deputy Commander Peng from Lanzhou to Jiuquan, and flew here on the 27th. Living in Liuping for a few months was not enough to report.Roughly speaking, in the first three months, I visited all the scenic spots in Peking. I often listened to the big drums in Peking. Also taught.For a period of time, I went to listen to the drum almost every night. (At this time, the comrades stationed in Xinxin are thinking hard, thinking about problems, and studying methods, right?) Friends from the CCP often come to my house to chat, like Mr. Zhou Enlai, Mr. Lin Boqu, especially Chairman Mao and Commander-in-Chief Zhu. Even in their busy schedules, they even came to visit me in person.They often express that they are afraid that I will be inconvenient in Peiping and that I will not be entertained.This kind of friendship, this kind of enthusiasm, really moved me! In the next two or three months, it will not be so leisurely.After the meeting of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, the Central People's Government was established, and many friends came from all walks of life.There were too many meetings and social gatherings. In those few months, Dagu was rarely heard, only occasionally attending two or three evening parties at Huairen Hall in Zhongnanhai. Reports of these fragments of life are of little value.What I want to report now is that during the four, five, six or three months of my stay in flat, I fell into extreme depression. The problem.For example, the first question, I came here for the peace talks, and I was the chief representative of the delegation. Since the peace talks broke down, why didn't I go back?What are you doing in Peiping?What's the matter?Isn't it possible to solve the problem by listening to the drum every day in Peiping?I think about these questions every day.Among the CCP friends, like Mr. Zhou Enlai, we have been friends for more than 20 years and talked about everything. Of course, he also saw my depression early on.The two of us often lift the bar. He criticized me and said: "You have feudal morality. Why do you only have illusions about some people, but not for the sake of the entire Chinese people? Why don't you think about the cause of revolution?" He said a lot of things like this, and we argued a lot. I said, "I also know the principles of revolution, but revolution must be human." Later, I proposed to Mr. Zhou many times: "I have lived in Beiping for a long time, but I don't think it is very interesting. Why don't I go to the Soviet Union? I have wanted to go to the great socialist Soviet Union for a long time, but I have never been able to go. Now the opportunity is just right." He said: Now that the Soviet Union has not established diplomatic relations with us, what position do you take?It is inconvenient for others to receive you, and you are not an ordinary person. In addition, he also gave a number of reasons why I was not allowed to go to the Soviet Union for the time being.Well, since you can’t go there, let’s stay!Think about it!Thinking about eating, thinking about sleeping, thinking about it all day long, very depressed! After three full months of depression, just thinking about it, just being depressed is not the solution.It's not an option to think about it all day long, so let's read a book. I read "Selected Works of Mao Zedong", "A Concise Course on the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)", and several books that cadres must read, but the specific problems in my mind were not necessarily resolved.Until June 15th, the Guangzhou Central News Agency sent out a telegram titled "Details of Zhang Zhizhong's Detention in Ping". "Instigated", left Beiping whereabouts are unknown, and started attacking me.Soon the Kuomintang party headquarters in Guangzhou brought this issue up for discussion, and they were divided into two factions: one said Zhang was a traitor to the party and should be expelled from the party.One faction said that Zhang had lost his freedom in Beiping, so we could wait for a while (until the beginning of October when I was officially expelled from the party and wanted).These places have inspired me a lot.After I sent three telegrams to the Central News Agency, I had no choice but to issue a statement on the current situation on June 26. You may have read the original text in the newspaper.Of course, I didn’t just say the main part of this statement in Beiping. I said it very early in Nanjing, and I also said it during the Anti-Japanese War in Chongqing. I also said it not only to my friends casually, but also to the leaders of the Kuomintang many times. Talking to people, talking to the person in charge of the government, is my view and proposition on the current situation for many years: Should a party like the Kuomintang fail?The Kuomintang was founded by Dr. Sun Yat-sen for the sake of revolution and the implementation of the Three People's Principles. As far back as 1924, at the First National Congress, the three major policies of alliance with Russia, alliance with the Communist Party, and support for farmers and workers were passed. However, the Kuomintang What about after taking office?Has a revolutionary policy been implemented?No, no revolution!Counter-revolution!Has the Three People's Principles been practiced?Which government department is implementing the Three People's Principles policy?Completely violates the Three People's Principles! Abandon the Three People's Principles!A party that called for revolution later turned into a non-revolutionary and counter-revolutionary party, "selling dog meat with sheep's tricks", is there any reason not to fail?They said that Zhang had rebelled against the party, but who was rebelling against the party?Who is betraying the revolution?Who is betraying Mr. Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary policy and revolutionaryism?I have rarely had the opportunity to say these words to ordinary comrades in the past. I have said these words to senior cadres and comrades, and many comrades present today have heard them.At the Party meeting in Nanjing and Chongqing, I said it bluntly and tactfully, and provided it to the Party leaders in writing many times. If I have the opportunity in the future, I plan to publish the summary of these documents. The style of work of the CCP and the spirit of cadres and party members I saw in Peiping, and the style of work of the Kuomintang and the spirit of cadres and party members, we cannot but make us feel ashamed!I am a responsible cadre of the Kuomintang, and I saw how people struggled hard for the country and the people, but what were we doing in the past?Isn't it enough that we are deeply ashamed by introspection?As you all know, I have always advocated peace, advocated a political solution to the issue between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and opposed civil war.I have long believed that the Kuomintang's continued corruption and counter-revolution are not only in the interests of the country and the people, but also in the interests of the Kuomintang itself, and deserve our attention.Therefore, my very early opinion was to advocate the restoration of the policy of alliance with the Communist Party. The cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party should stimulate the reform of the Kuomintang itself and influence the progress of the Kuomintang; .Today, we have completely failed, but some people still regard it as the result of the Kuomintang's military failure.They only see one side or half of the problem without understanding the crux of the problem.In fact, the defeat of the Kuomintang appears to be a military failure on the surface. The Kuomintang cooperated with the CCP in the Northern Expedition from Guangdong and took over the whole country. Isn't it natural for the friendship between the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union and the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party? Isn't the progress of the country natural?Isn't the completion of the Chinese revolutionary cause very natural?We must not blame others for the failure of our Kuomintang today!This is our own fault and our own consequences!A party that calls for revolution, but becomes non-revolutionary and fake revolution, of course it will be cast aside by the people; of course it will be eliminated by history!This is quite natural. Although there were three months of extreme depression in Peiping, fortunately, I was finally able to use the spirit of self-criticism, and after rigorous self-reflection and self-criticism, I finally got a preliminary understanding of my thoughts and liberated my mind.At first, my friends in the CCP hoped that I could participate in the work of the CPPCC and the Central People's Government. Both Chairman Mao and Mr. Zhou Enlai had told me many times.Of course I am very grateful for their kindness.But I have been thinking over and over again, I was one of the responsible persons in the past stage. This stage has passed, and of course I have become the past; The responsibility lies with them, I hope they succeed and support their success; but if I want to be responsible again, I don't have the ambition anymore.One day, when I was with Chairman Mao, Commander-in-Chief Zhu and several senior CCP cadres were present. Chairman Mao raised this question again, and I answered him with the above words.He smiled and said: "The past stage is equivalent to passing the 30th year of the new year, and we will have to start from the first day of the new year!" His words are very humorous, and his attitude moved me very much.As Chairman Mao, a great leader of the Chinese people, he values ​​my insignificant Zhang Zhizhong so much, enlightens me, comforts me, and encourages me like this. I really have nothing to say.Other friends also came to persuade me: "Is Mr. Zhang a revolutionary?" Of course I couldn't say he wasn't revolutionary!Others can be given up, but the revolution cannot be given up. He asked again: "Well, is the CCP revolutionary?" Can I say that the regime led by the CCP is not revolutionary?No, of course I admit that they are revolutionary, and he said: "Okay, you admit that they are revolutionary, you also admit that the CCP is revolutionary, and you admit that the new regime is revolutionary. Why don't you participate?" Of course there was nothing to say, and finally I accepted. OK, join in!Later, he was elected as a member of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, a member of the Central People's Government, and finally a member of the Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Committee.All three committees are under the direct leadership of Chairman Mao.As one of the cadres of the Kuomintang government in the past, I should be responsible to the country and the people and take the blame. However, the CCP and Chairman Mao implemented the policy of the democratic united front, respected it, and asked me to participate in the cause of the construction of New China.It makes me feel ashamed and it makes me feel honored! After the peaceful liberation of Xinjiang, I know that some comrades will have the same thinking and depression as I did in the past, so I especially tell you how I fought my own ideological struggle in the past, as your reference.You will not say that I am wrong to think and do this, will you?Tell everyone that this is correct, absolutely correct!This is the conclusion of my ideological struggle. Before the meeting of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Chairman Mao said that in the future, he would want me to go to the Northwest to "cooperate with Peng Dehuai" and be the "deputy" of Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng.He was gracious to his cadres, without any fluff, and often showed his sense of humour.He often calls names to senior cadres in person.He said humorously at the time: Let's have another KMT-CCP ​​cooperation!I say: "Today is your leader, and there is no cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. However, the people and troops in the Northwest often miss me, and I often miss them. If you think it is necessary for me to go to the Northwest, I am willing to be Mr. Peng's adviser." . He said: Are you wronged to be Peng Dehuai's deputy?You used to be the military and political chief of the four northwestern provinces, but now you are the deputy. Are you wronged? What he said made me embarrassed.We revolutionaries will never and should not care about status. He also said: I have invited Mr. Cheng Songyun to be Lin Biao's deputy. I think he is a little wronged.Lin Biao is so young, and Mr. Cheng Songyun is so old, how can he be his deputy?But you know, Lin Biao is now commanding an army of one million, can Mr. Cheng Songyun command it?But Mr. Cheng has fully agreed. What else can I say when he says that?Only if you accept it sincerely, it means obeying the order and obeying the order.I accompanied Deputy Commander-in-Chief Peng to visit you in Xinjiang this time, which is considered to have fulfilled my moral wish, and I will return to Lanzhou soon.Although we will be far apart from each other in the future, I hope that everyone will work hard and move towards a great revolutionary future! (2) Overview of general trends at home and abroad Second, I would like to talk about the international and domestic situation.Domestically, the nationwide victory of the People's Liberation Army is inevitable and certain.After the liberation of Guiyang, Chongqing, and Nanning, there is no problem in the entire Southwest.When I was sending General He Long to board the plane in Lanzhou, I asked him when he would arrive in Chengdu, and he said, "Come to Chengdu to celebrate the New Year!" After the liberation of Chengdu, even Xikang in Kunming was not a problem.As for Tibet and Taiwan, we don't need to make premature estimates on the way to solve them in the future, but it is all a matter of time, whether it is solved by military or political means.So a nationwide victory is absolutely no problem.This is equivalent to saying that China's problems today are no longer militarily problematic. As for politics, there is no problem.Who doesn't support the leadership of the Central People's Government today?Who does not support Chairman Mao's leadership?Who does not support New Democracy?What is New Democracy?It is the revolutionary Three People's Principles, and the basic points of the two are consistent.Regarding this point, Chairman Mao made it very clear in "On New Democracy", but he believed that this was the minimum program of the CCP.From now on, what New China will implement is New Democracy, which is the revolutionary Three People's Principles from our point of view. As for when New Democracy will be implemented in the future until socialism is reached, it is still difficult to estimate.Chairman Mao told us one day: People in their fifties may not see a socialist China anymore.Meaning, maybe decades, thirty years?Or twenty years?dare not say.When I was in Beijing, someone said it was scheduled for 15 years.到兰州，彭副总司令说：“也许二十年，还要中间不发生错误。”当然啦，像我个人今年六十岁了，要再过二十年，就是八十岁了，我能活到八十岁？我的一生，前期约四十年是奉行三民主义的，今后的二十年，奉行新民主主义，对于我的革命思想和信仰也并没有多大差别吧？今天全中国人民所信仰的、所拥护的是新民主主义，这是没有问题的。老实说，中共所倡导的所推行的政策，就我看来，实在是很稳健、很温和，甚至带有妥协性的地方。 （国民党六全大会在重庆召开的时候，我曾经提了一个政治纲领的案子，当时中共在重庆的朋友问我：“通过了没有？”我说：“修正通过了。”他又问：“是不是兑现的？”我说：“希望能兑现。”他说：“假使其能兑现，那国民党就是左派，而共产党反变成右派了！”虽然提案是修正通过了，结果我们提的政治纲领，又等于对人民说了一次诳话了！）但是，今日新政权所推行的政策，是完全正确的，完全适合现阶段中国国情和需要的，所以从政治上说，也是没有问题的。 军事没有问题，政治没有问题，还有什么问题？财政经济问题。在目前，我们并不讳言，财政经济是有问题的。现在全国物价都有波动。拿迪化来说，过去银元券一元换现洋一元，现在要二三十元换一元，人民生活当然受到影响，部队也是一样。what to do?我从北京来的时候，政府正在缜密地研究这个问题。在明年这一年，也许还是一个不能完全解决的困难。 但是大家要知道，这种困难和过去国民党政府时代的困难本质上是不同的。过去的法币、金圆券把人民拖苦了，这种困难是走下坡路的困难，失败的困难；今天的困难是胜利的困难，是多年内战所遗留下来的不可避免的困难。失败的困难就没有办法，胜利的困难是可以解决的。当前的困难，明年度也许还不能完全克服，后年开始相信就没有问题了。在中央的财经负责人也说：没有什么，还是有办法解决的。譬如交通方面，几条大铁路津浦、陇海、京汉、粤汉都通了，南北东西的物资都可以交流无阻，生产工作，不管是工厂或农村，都在推行民主管理，工农生产的情绪都大大地提高。再加上明年的军队生产，更可补助军队本身的消耗了。所以说，财经也是没有什么了不起的问题的。 此外就是国际问题。中央人民政府宣布成立，首先得到伟大友邦苏联的承认。跟着东欧各新民主主义国家也相继承认。美英等资本主义国家还在观望中，还暂时抱着一种讨价还价的态度。有人说过：“他们要承认就是无条件的承认，要不承认就拉倒！”在目前看，英国可能先承认，其余跟在英国后面的各国是没有问题的。当然，英国的承认与否，对我们是没有多大关系的；如果他们愿意无条件的承认，我们当然也并不拒绝。当前的国际问题还不在此，是在现在世界上分成两大阵营：一个是以美、英为首的资本帝国主义的集团，一个是以苏联为首的和平民主的集团。这两大集团的对立，在世界人类中造成一种印象，就是战争，以美、苏为首的两大集团终不免出之一战。反动派方面就持这种看法，认为三次世界大战快要爆发，中国问题等到那时候就会解决，把所有希望寄托在世界战争上面，以为到那时还可以获得便宜，还可以卷土重来。这种看法不仅是幻想，并且是含有罪恶性的幻想，也是愚妄的、欺骗人民的拙劣宣传！对于三次世界大战问题，当有人问我的时候，我一贯的答复是： 靠不住，我们希望也许永远不会有；即使有，亦不是最近期间的事。现在国际的大势，不但不是趋向战争的道路，相反的，是走向和平的道路。换言之，世界情势的发展不是主张走向战争之路的人的胜利，而是主张和平的人的胜利。尤其是现在增加了一个强有力的因素，就是中华人民共和国的成立，使四万万七千五百万人民的巨大无比的力量投到和平民主阵营来了。这一因素，足以促进和保障世界的和平，是值得全世界和平民主人士重视的，亦是当人们估计世界大战问题所不能忽略的一个重要因素。 综合以上的分析，我们军事没有问题，政治没有问题，财经没有多大问题，国际问题也是没有什么严重和破裂动向的。所以就国内外情势来看，我们都是乐观的。但是不管情势如何，我们最要紧的要有准备，要有充分的准备，就是和平建设。我们太落后了，我们要经由新民主主义过渡到社会主义，必须先使中国从农业的国家推进到工业化的国家。今后在全国来说，就是在西北、在新疆来说，我们都需要和平建设，长时期的和平建设：把新疆和整个西北变成大工业区，把全中国变成大工业国，我们一切才有办法，才能使中国由新民主主义进入社会主义的阶段。我们相信，我们新中国是具有这样各种基本条件的，一定可以稳步有计划地达到我们全国人民所共同希望的目的。 （三）新疆和平解放的感想 再次，讲到新疆和平解放的感想。这次新疆所以能够避免流血牺牲和平解放，原因很多。首先当然是人民解放军全国性胜利的影响。这是一种不可否认的事实。以新疆部队的情形和解放前后的某些文武高级干部以及地方或民族领袖的人们的思想与观点来说，如果没有解放军全国性的胜利，具体地说，要不是解放大军解放兰州后直逼张掖、酒泉，要说是靠了陶峙岳将军及少数高级干部的策动就可以得到和平解放，当然是不可能的。其次是全省人民一致要求和平渴望和平的普遍心理。