Chapter 17 4. Confrontation at the negotiating table

At 9:00 p.m. the next day, the delegation led by Zhang Zhizhong arrived at the venue of Qinzheng Hall in Zhongnanhai with heavy steps. Representatives of the CCP were already sitting there, and the atmosphere at that time seemed tense.This is a spacious and luxurious ancient palace-style house. There is a long table horizontally in the middle of the hall, and representatives from both sides sit at both ends.There are three small strip tables on the back side of both ends of the strip table, which are the seats for both parties to attend and record personnel.The layout is simple, but the atmosphere is very serious.

Zhou Enlai, who presided over the meeting, sat across from Zhang Zhizhong, looked at him and asked, "Can we start?" Zhang Zhizhong didn't speak, but just nodded, so Zhou Enlai announced the official start of the meeting.He looked at the representatives of the Nanking government and preached: "Let me explain a little first, and then everyone will express their opinions on the draft. This time, the delegation of the Nanjing Nationalist Government came to Peiping. After 12 days of informal negotiations, all parties exchanged opinions. From today, it has entered the formal stage. Negotiation stage. Before formal negotiations started, we had sent the "Draft Domestic Peace Agreement" to Mr. Zhang. The main ideas of the draft have been discussed and fully exchanged in the past 12 days of informal talks. In the process of exchanging opinions, there was a big gap at the beginning. After 12 days of discussions, many divergent opinions were agreed by the six representatives headed by Mr. Zhang Zhizhong, so we feel very happy. And The Nanjing delegation has stated that the eight propositions in the statement issued by Chairman Mao of the Communist Party of China on January 14 this year have been approved by Mr. Li Delin in a statement in Nanjing, agreeing to negotiate on the basis of these eight propositions, that is, The eight conditions are the basis for negotiations; at the same time, the Nanjing delegation has this statement that there is no specific answer to the eight basic conditions, and we are willing to propose a specific plan to realize the eight basic conditions. Therefore, the CCP delegation drafted this draft and sent it to the Nanjing delegation. This draft was based on the eight conditions proposed by Chairman Mao of the CCP on January 14.

"The two delegations each have a copy of the draft. I will not explain it in detail, but I must explain our principles for this draft. "First of all, in this draft agreement, we believe that the duty of history must come first. "Because otherwise, it will be impossible to let all the Chinese people and peace-loving people in the world know the basis on which we propose this agreement. "What must be explained now is that since the 35th year of the Republic of China, with the encouragement and help of U.S. imperialism, the Nanjing National Government has violated the will of the people, violated the armistice agreement and the decision of the Political Consultative Conference at that time, and in the name of opposing the CCP , to launch a nationwide reactionary war against the Chinese people and the Chinese People's Liberation Army.

"This kind of war has lasted for two years and nine and a half months. During such a long period of time, the people of the whole country have suffered unprecedented disasters; not only financial resources, material resources and lives have been greatly damaged, but the sovereignty of the country has also been greatly damaged. It also suffered losses. Because of this, the people of the whole country have aroused great dissatisfaction with the Nanjing National Government for betraying Mr. Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary Three People's Principles and Three Major Policies, that is, betraying Mr. Sun Yat-sen's final will. This situation, Not only has this been the case for the past three years, it has been the case since the Kuomintang came to power.

"Especially this unprecedented counter-revolutionary war that was opposed by the people of the whole country was also launched by the Nanjing Nationalist Government. But because of this, the people expressed even greater dissatisfaction with the various wrong and reactionary policies adopted by the Nationalist Government. From this point of view For this kind of mistake, the national government should be responsible. It has completely lost the trust of the people. "During this two-year and nine-and-a-half-month war, the army led by the Nationalist Government has been defeated by the army led by the Communist Party of China and also led by the Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Commission. This is now certain and beyond doubt. Because of the above-mentioned circumstances, the Nanjing Nationalist Government made a request to the Chinese Communist Party on January 1, 1938, the 38th year of the Republic of China, to stop the civil war and resume peace talks. We think the conditions mentioned in that document are unacceptable, but in a In the statement issued by Chairman Mao on April 14, we have agreed to the proposal of negotiating peace, so we put forward eight specific principled propositions, which are well known to everyone: punish war criminals, abolish the false constitution, abolish Pseudo-legal rule, reorganize all reactionary armies based on democratic principles, implement land reform, confiscate bureaucratic capital, abolish traitorous treaties, convene new political consultative conferences without reactionaries, establish a democratic coalition government, accept the Nanjing Kuomintang reactionary government and its subordinate levels at all levels All the powers of the government. After the publication of these eight propositions, the statement issued by the acting president of the National Government, Mr. Delin Li, agreed to use them as the basis for peace negotiations. Afterwards, we received the people's delegation from Nanjing, and also received the Shanghai side. Mr. Zhang Xingyan and Mr. Shao Lizi who are here today have participated in the people's delegation. It is a delegation in the name of a private person.

"Through the two receptions, thanks to the hard work of all of you, today's delegations from both sides started formal negotiations here." When Zhou Enlai came here, he stopped and looked at the representatives of the Kuomintang government opposite him. He found that the people present were depressed, some bowed their heads in thought, some bowed their heads to smoke, and only Zhang Zhizhong stared at Zhou Enlai very seriously.But his expression was also very strange, his brows were furrowed, and his hands on the table were a little unnatural.Zhou Enlai picked up his teacup calmly, took a sip, and continued:

Based on the above, we have to point out that the facts are very clear, and the Nanjing Nationalist Government should bear all the responsibility for the war.Because this is a historic agreement and a document to ensure domestic peace in the future, this responsibility must be clearly stated in the preceding text of the clause. Secondly, in this draft agreement, according to Chairman Mao's eight proposals, the items are listed separately. Now I intend to talk about the specific content of these items. When the Kuomintang representatives heard this, they all sat up straight and listened to Zhou Enlai's explanation.

The first is to punish war criminals.There are two parts: one is to stipulate that the main war criminals in this war must be punished.Under the principle of punishment, that is, under the principle recognized by Mr. Li Delin of the Nanjing Nationalist Government, under the principle of lenient measures repeatedly explained by the Nanjing delegation, and approved by Chairman Mao Zedong of the Communist Party of China, the two specific measures formulated, Each case shall be dealt with.On our side, that is, on the side of the CCP delegation, we think this is extremely lenient.Because this kind of regulation is only a very lenient proposal to the people of the whole country, and the majority of the people still do not know whether they agree to it.

As far as the various democratic parties are concerned, according to the feedback I have received, they all feel very lenient, and even feel dissatisfied, because the lenient here is not limited to anyone.Of course, although the measures are lenient, they must be strictly enforced; in principle, this rule cannot be changed.It means all war criminals, regardless of anyone, who can "recognize right from wrong, come to repentance, out of sincerity, and have real performance, which is conducive to the advancement of the cause of Chinese people's liberation and to the use of peaceful means to solve domestic problems." , in order to cancel the war crime charge and give leniency.Because otherwise, we will not be able to gain the understanding of people who have suffered war disasters and are dissatisfied with all the measures of the national government.Another regulation is: Don’t ask anyone, if you don’t abide by this regulation, and have the following circumstances, you will be persistent, hinder the advancement of the cause of people’s liberation, and will not be conducive to solving domestic problems by peaceful means or instigating rebellion , should be severely punished.After the signing of the agreement, if there is a rebellion led by the troops, the Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Committee should be responsible for negotiating peace.

The second paragraph is about Japanese war criminals.Regarding the treatment of Japanese war criminals, there have been agreements in the world, and there are other agreements on the surrender of Japan. China should abide by them, but the Nanjing Nationalist Government violated the treaty. After Mr. Li Delin agreed to use the eight propositions of the CCP as the basis for negotiations , within the sovereignty of the Nanjing Nationalist Government, let go of Neiji Okamura, the biggest war criminal in the Japanese war of aggression against China.This war criminal once implemented the "Three Alls" policy in North China, killing many lives, and was later promoted to the commander-in-chief of the Japanese invaders.As far as the areas under the jurisdiction of the national government are concerned, the Jianggui War was also initiated by him.They actually let this war criminal go, and even sent more than 260 people who had been identified as war criminals back to Japan.People across the country were outraged by this measure.Therefore, we must demand that after the agreement is signed, the government should come back and re-do it.In the two paragraphs of the first article, we think that they are extremely important issues, and we have tried our best to adopt the opinions of the gentlemen of the Nanjing delegation beforehand, which must be done.

The second is to abolish the false constitution, and the third is to abolish the false legal system.For these two items, we believe that under the principle of Chairman Mao Zedong's eight propositions that Mr. Li Delin has already agreed to, there is no longer any dispute, and there is no need for further explanation.Because this is not what the CCP advocates today. When the pseudo-National Congress was convened in violation of the resolution of the Political Consultative Conference, all the democratic parties have unanimously opposed it, and even some patriots of the Kuomintang also opposed it. Therefore, the resulting pseudo-constitution, Of course, the people of the whole country will not recognize it; the results of the elections thus produced, the people of the whole country have also expressed their disapproval.This non-recognition has already been expressed in various people's movements.Therefore, the abolition of the pseudo-constitution and pseudo-legal system is beyond doubt, and it should be clearly stipulated in the article. The fourth is to reorganize all reactionary armies on the basis of democratic principles.This point, in order to maintain the permanent peace of the whole country, we must be responsible for solving it, and we will do it carefully.The so-called responsible solution is to ensure that the mistakes of past history will not be repeated in the future.Leaving aside, as far as the modern history of the Republic of China is concerned, in the past thirty-eight years, there have been many reactionary wars that oppressed the people and caused great disasters to the people of the whole country. This is something that everyone has seen. If we all hope to obtain permanent peace today, we must eliminate this scourge.The reactionary army is the tool for oppressing the people and the source of the disaster.How to eliminate it? There are two ways: one is to use force to eliminate force. This is the revolutionary war that has been waged in the past and is currently being waged.In order to stop the reactionary war launched by the Nationalist government, we resisted with revolutionary armed force, and later turned from resistance to counter-offensive, and achieved today's victory through counter-offensive.Continuing in this way will undoubtedly lead to the complete annihilation of the reactionary army throughout the country.Another way is to reorganize all reactionary armies in a peaceful way so that the country will no longer suffer from war disasters.This method is adapted in a democratic way so that it becomes the army of the people, that is, the army of the country; extensive democracy is implemented in the army, and command is centralized on the basis of democracy; the army is owned by the people and no longer It should be privately owned, not owned by feudal forces, and should not be a tool of imperialist aggression.This kind of army is needed by the people of the whole country, because it is no longer factional, feudal, or comprador. On the contrary, it can protect the people and serve as a force for national defense, so that civil wars will no longer occur in the country. This is what we insist on, which is a principle that has been agreed by Mr. Li Delin in Nanjing. As for the implementation steps, we have put forward some opinions here.Because the Nanjing government still maintains a considerable army, including the navy, army, and air force, as well as military agencies, schools, factories, and logistics agencies.We hope to reorganize in a peaceful way instead of using military solutions; at the same time, we must give them a way out so that they will not feel like the so-called disarmament of the Nationalist Government in the past, the reduction and merger according to the factional point of view, or the slogan of demobilization and retirement. They are displaced.We are wrong to think that this is not the responsible attitude that will keep the country safe and secure in the long term.We must adopt a responsible attitude and proceed cautiously. We propose two phases for the reorganization plan: the first phase, as written in this agreement, will be divided into divisions and phases according to the conditions of each region, according to the original establishment, original number, The original number of people walked out of the centralized location and drove there to sort it out.The purpose of doing this is to keep them from turmoil and uneasiness, and to feel that they have a future and can get their own place.It is appropriate and necessary to use this responsible spirit to solve this problem.In the same spirit, work on partition adaptation, which is the second stage.Because different regions are far and near, and sooner or later the People's Liberation Army will take over differently, there must be a sequence of concentration, so there is a sequence of adaptation. When these armies are reorganized into the regular army of the People's Liberation Army, among them are old, weak and disabled soldiers who really need to be discharged from the army, or those who are willing to be discharged from the army, will be given the convenience of resettlement and returning home.The same is true for military officers. We don't use this part and don't use that part, like the method adopted by the Nanjing Nationalist Government in the past; we have to adopt the opposite method. Because of this, we must be responsible, otherwise we will not be able to achieve this task. .To reorganize such a large army is a daunting task and requires considerable time.We believe that this work must be carried out by an organization, so we advocate setting up a reorganization committee.In this reorganization committee, we are willing to cooperate with the national government, so both sides send people to participate in the organization.In this committee, members sent by the Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Committee account for the majority, serving as the chairman, and representatives sent by the Nationalist Government serve as deputy directors.Use this organization to carry out the above-mentioned reorganization work, because otherwise there will be no command, and this plan of centralized reorganization and regional reorganization will not be fully implemented.Reorganizing these considerable numbers of troops will definitely require a considerable amount of time, manpower, and tools, so that they will not cause turmoil, serve with peace of mind, and make them feel that they have a future.When these armies are reorganized, they are the power of the country and the people.They all come from the people, and our responsibility makes it necessary for people to transform it, otherwise riots may occur everywhere, and they will be instigated, destroyed, and used by reactionary groups, which will become a great disaster in the areas under the jurisdiction of the Nationalist Government today.This reorganization committee is necessary to carry out the work of this reorganization plan.Because otherwise there can be no reform.But to what institution is this organization accountable?The coalition government has not been established, and it is still under military control. It should be responsible to the Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Committee.This revolutionary military committee already existed during the Anti-Japanese War.During the war of resistance, the Kuomintang government violated the cooperation agreement between the two parties. After the New Fourth Army, which was willing to work hard for the war of resistance, was unilaterally declared an illegal force by the national government and was disbanded, all our troops fighting on the front lines were left alone. The committee, that is, the military committee under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, was created here.At the same time, the generals in charge of the New Fourth Army had no one to replace them for a while, so it was necessary to set up this committee.Since the establishment of this committee, the New Fourth Army has grown stronger under its command and has become a capable army in the enemy's rear. Looking at it now, things are very clear. Because we had this committee to assume the command and leadership of the army, we were able to defeat the counter-revolutionary Nationalist government in the two-year and nine-and-a-half-month war, and we have won the revolutionary war today!This institution and its achievements are recognized by the Liberated Areas and the people of the whole country.Before the democratic coalition government was established, no institution could take on this responsibility, so it naturally became the institution to command the reorganized army.After the signing of the peace agreement and during the reorganization plan, those who destroy should be punished, and those who rebel should be punished, this is of course. Who is responsible for this?Of course only by this committee. "Article 5 is the confiscation of bureaucratic capital. The spirit of this article was also written with the consent of the Nanjing delegation. Now it is more specifically pointed out that all bureaucratic capital was obtained during the Nanjing National Government's rule by relying on political privileges and powerful families. Only those obtained or seized will be confiscated. As for the small-scale enterprises that have been in production for a long time and are not harmful to the national economy and people's livelihood before the Nanjing Nationalist Government's rule, they will not be confiscated. This is where we are concerned about social production. However, if the property of bureaucratic capital enterprises recognized by the public meets the provisions of this article, it must be confiscated even if it is moved abroad. "Article 6 is to reform the land system. In this regard, we not only stipulate in principle that in the areas where the PLA arrives, first reduce rent and interest, and then divide the land; even in areas where the PLA has not yet arrived, we must also implement land reform. The local government affiliated to the Nanjing Nationalist Government is required to be responsible for the organization and activities of the peasant masses. When the People's Liberation Army arrives, it will also be carried out in stages. That is, first to reduce rent and interest, and then to distribute land. In the two paragraphs of this article, the provisions must be practical The reason why we stipulated that the local governments affiliated to the Nanjing Nationalist Government should protect the peasants' organizations and activities in areas where the PLA had not arrived is based on facts. It is not necessary to list such facts until recently, when the Nanjing delegation left Nanjing. However, under the rule of the Nanjing government, there were incidents of students being injured and killed; in the last two days there were also incidents of arresting members of the legislators of the Nanjing Nationalist Government. This is a clear fact and should be strictly prohibited. "Article 7 is the abolition of traitorous treaties. This article also has principles, so that in the future the coalition government will review all treaties during the rule of the National Government according to this principle, especially those that are not good for the country and the people and have the nature of betraying the rights of the country. Repeal, amend or reformulate. "Article 8 is the last one. Convening a Political Consultative Conference without the participation of reactionaries, establishing a democratic coalition government, and accepting all the powers of the Nanjing National Government and its subordinate governments. This article is a procedural issue and must be clearly stipulated. Because After the signing of the peace agreement, there is still a considerable period before a new Political Consultative Conference and the formation of a coalition government. It will be a few months, if not long. During this period, we cannot leave the country without a master, let alone The whole country fell into chaos, so we stipulated that after the signing of the peace agreement and before the establishment of the democratic coalition government, the Nanjing government should be temporarily maintained, especially its top parts-governments, courts, ministries, associations, etc., should be retained in the coalition. After the government is established, it will carry out an account and announce its own end. However, during the transition period, two types of things may happen: one is peaceful acceptance, and the other is rebellious crusade. "The so-called peaceful takeover means that the army affiliated to the Nationalist government must be concentrated in one area for consolidation. When the People's Liberation Army moves in from the original station, problems will arise in these places, such as taking over, military control, and establishing a democratic government. That is to say, we cannot bring everything to a standstill during the transition period; a standstill is tantamount to allowing the reactionary forces to take the opportunity to make trouble and split up. For the cause of China's peace, this is not allowed by us, nor by the people of the whole country. At the same time, if There are also people and reactionary groups who break the agreement, openly oppose and rebel, they must be punished, and they must be suppressed quickly, so that the disaster will not expand and the people's losses will be reduced as much as possible. We are responsible to the people, and we must have Only by taking action can it be stopped. If a rebellion occurs or is brewing, we must eliminate it. Because of this situation, the actions of the Nanjing National Government must be consistent with the interests of the people, that is, to obey the interests of the people, that is, to oppose the people's revolution The military committee is responsible. Only in this way can the suppression of the rebellion in the receiving area be resolved smoothly, and the coalition government after the new CPPCC will be organized in order without much loss. All the powers of the national government and the government to which it belongs must be taken over. Another important procedure. At the same time, during the reception process, and even in the future nationwide, we should be responsible to the vast number of public and educational personnel affiliated to the National Government, just as we are responsible to the officers and soldiers of the National Government. They must not be allowed to have state affairs It is not our irresponsible attitude to peacefully solve all the feelings of displacement, even making them feel that there is no way out. Therefore, we must stipulate that among these workers, patriots and useful people should be given democratic leadership and proper work post; except for the notorious reactionary who is opposed by the people and should be punished according to his crimes, we must take responsibility for the vast majority of public and religious personnel and solve their problems. The purpose of our peaceful settlement is to make this regime It is owned by the people; this regime owned by the people will take on all the responsibility of the country and carry out great production and construction. Therefore, the production institutions under the jurisdiction of the Nanjing National Government must be preserved and not destroyed. This is also the case. very important." Originally, Zhang Zhizhong tried to interrupt, but he couldn't interrupt at all, and could only listen. "If the above-mentioned peace clauses can be realized, we believe that there will be a permanent guarantee for domestic peace. The Nanjing government delegation and the patriotic elements in the Nanjing government will work hard for this cause of peace that the people of the whole country desire. Under such circumstances, the CCP delegation would like to make a guarantee here that when the new Political Consultative Conference is held and when it is preparing for the opening, it will accept the participation of Nanjing patriots and also participate in the Coalition government. This is not a conditional thing in the negotiations as rumored, but a conclusion that should be, reasonable, fair, and the people. We believe that this conclusion is in line with the will of the people. "According to our explanation, we have such a draft agreement, which must be approved by the Nanjing delegation. At the same time, during the 12 days of informal peace talks and personal contacts, we felt that the Nanjing delegation's opinions and There is a distance between us; but we all have the desire for peace, and because of this desire, when it is concretized, we can only reach the conclusion we have put forward. Only this kind of conclusion can convince the people of the whole country that there will be peace in the future. In order to ensure that the desired peace that the Nanjing delegation talked about in the past 12 days is really realized. Because we believe that before the signing of this peace agreement, both sides can cooperate and both sides can be responsible for its implementation Therefore, when we proposed it, we had great hopes for the delegation of the Nanjing Nationalist Government, and for the delegation headed by Mr. Zhang Wenbai, we hoped to accept this "Draft Domestic Peace Agreement", We believe that when this agreement becomes a formally signed document, the people of the whole country, the democratic parties, and all democratic forces will be delighted when they hear it. On the first day of official negotiations, we hope that our hopes will be given by representatives of Nanjing. The acceptance of the regiment has become a reality. I have finished my words, and now I want to hear Mr. Zhang Wenbai’s opinion.” Zhang Zhizhong finally had a chance to speak. He glanced at his representative members. People were all looking at him with complicated eyes. Countermeasures were spoken.He looked at Zhou Enlai: "After listening to Mr. Zhou Enlai's explanation just now, I feel very uneasy and full of emotions. The Nationalist Government sent our delegation to Beiping to conduct peaceful talks with the Chinese Communist Party. We are grateful to the Chinese Communist Party delegation headed by Mr. Zhou Enlai. We have exchanged views many times, especially thanks to the Chairman of the Communist Party of China, Mr. Mao, who exchanged views with our representatives individually. We are very excited. At the same time, the delegation has received your very considerate reception. We are not only grateful, but also sincerely grateful. I feel very disturbed, and first of all, on behalf of all my colleagues here, I would like to express my gratitude and respect to the Chinese Communist Party delegation.” Zhou Enlai took the lead in applauding, and the atmosphere in the venue gradually eased. Zhang Zhizhong went on to say: "Mr. Zhou handed us the "Draft of Domestic Peace Agreement". Because the time was too short, our delegation only did a general study. Now I would like to put forward some of our opinions on this draft. Come out, I wonder if Mr. Zhou agrees?" Zhou Enlai laughed, this was the first time he laughed, and he said to Zhang Zhizhong: "You can express your opinions if you have any opinions. Today we are talking about this issue!" Zhang Zhizhong seemed to have calmed down. He turned around and glanced at Shao Lizi who was sitting next to him. Shao Lizi motioned him to speak boldly, so he said again: "With regard to the previous paragraph of the "Draft Domestic Peace Agreement", we are well aware of the issue of responsibility for war in the past, and we understand the significance of the two points pointed out above. "First, when it comes to the fact that our Kuomintang betrayed the teachings and policies of our Prime Minister Mr. Zhongshan, I am a member of the Kuomintang. In our delegation, except for Mr. position, we frankly admit that this is a mistake of our party. The Kuomintang has been in power for more than 20 years, but it has not been able to earnestly follow the legacy of our prime minister, the great revolutionary leader Mr. Sun Yat-sen, and the policies he decided. It is really a mistake. An unfortunate mistake, which resulted in today's failed situation. "Secondly, in this civil war, the Nanjing government army was defeated by the People's Liberation Army. Admit it; we have the courage to admit our failures. Therefore, we will never make any cover-ups for our failures caused by mistakes as pointed out in the draft agreement. At the same time, it can also be said that the CCP specifically proposed our Prime Minister Mr. Sun Yat-sen. This great courtesy is also a very good show of friendship for our Kuomintang, and we are willing to accept it. However, there are some words in the previous article that are too provocative, and we hope to delete them in terms of spirit and content. As for how to delete , I don’t have to bring them up one by one at this moment.” Zhou Enlai interjected: "We can consider this opinion." Zhang Zhizhong said: "The first article is about the issue of war responsibility. During the many exchanges of opinions, I have repeatedly hoped that an article will not be made. When I met with Mr. Mao, Mr. Mao had already expressed a lot of concessions, but I still insist on this. It is best not to list one item in an article; if it is to be included in an article, it should only say: Anyone who supports peace in the future can be given lenient treatment, and those who betray peace should be investigated. Now the first article of the draft agreement lists Items one and two are generally in line with our opinions. Today, colleagues in our delegation do not want to be deadlocked over this issue. At the same time, we are also very aware of the concessions made to us by Mr. Zhou Enlai and the other five gentlemen, especially Mr. Mao. We have no opinion on the second paragraph, we can wait until the establishment of the democratic coalition government. "The second article on the constitutional issue and the third article on the legal order are related, and we don't have much different opinions, but we think that it may be appropriate to delete and modify the text. "To give an example, such as the third paragraph: 'Both sides confirm that the "Constitution of the Republic of China" passed by the National Congress of the National People's Congress held by the Nanjing National Government in November 35th of the Republic of China is against the will of the people and should be abolished." , we believe that "should be abolished" is the purpose, and "contrary to the will of the people" is the reason. According to the practice of the article, the reason does not need to be included. Another example is in the fourth paragraph "...the fundamental law that the Chinese state and people should abide by... The word ''fundamental law'' should be changed to the fundamental law, and stipulate that this fundamental law should be enacted by the new Political Consultative Conference and the democratic coalition government. Only in this way can the people know that our government still needs a new constitution in the future. "The fourth article is about the reorganization of the army. We have just heard Mr. Zhou Enlai's detailed explanation. We have also studied this article for a long time. According to the results of the research, we believe that in accordance with the provisions of the draft agreement, the reorganization of the army is divided into two stages, that is, two periods. , how to divide these two periods? Is it divided by year and month, or by facts? For example, the first period is one year or half a year, or the first period is before the establishment of the coalition government, and the first period is after the establishment of the coalition government. For the second period? We think about the division of stages, but there are always these two methods. No matter how it is divided, the reorganization of each period is a matter of stationing, that is, our army organizes itself after designating or agreeing on a station. For this principle Our opinion is not much different from it. The second period is the period of reorganization. Of course, the reorganization takes a long time, and it will certainly take a certain amount of time for the centralized reorganization. Regardless of the stage of reorganization and reorganization, there should be certain principles or attention Matters need to be formulated, but we feel that these principles or considerations do not need to be listed in many articles in the peace agreement, and can be proposed in other ways. "We think the most important thing is the issue of the reorganization committee. The first phase of the reorganization plan is to focus on reorganization, not reorganization. It is better for the responsible agency to use the name of the reorganization committee, or another name such as a supervisory committee or a supervisory, inspection, and supervisory committee. it is good? "The second phase starts with divisional reorganization, which can be done in the name of a reorganization committee or a military committee. "After the establishment of the coalition government, there will be military institutions. Of course, the issue of military reorganization will be discussed." Zhou Enlai said: "We can study your suggestion further. Do you have any other opinions? It is best to bring them up and discuss them calmly. We can seek common ground while reserving minor differences! This is what Chairman Mao meant." Zhang Zhizhong went on to say: "Mr. Zhou Enlai said just now that the reorganization committee should be established under the leadership of the People's Revolutionary Military Committee. We think this is worth considering. In the first period, before the establishment of the democratic coalition government, the centralized reorganization of the army was of course Our government in Nanjing is responsible and cooperates with the CCP to set up a committee in some name to supervise the implementation. We can all accept this, but in the second period, the coalition government should handle the work of reorganizing the army by divisions, and the subordinates of the coalition government will naturally have The military organization is in charge of this matter, and it is a uniform reorganization and reorganization of the national army. The People’s Revolutionary Military Committee was originally a military organization of the CCP, but it was not marked in the draft agreement, and it only said that it belonged to the people. organizations, this should be considered. "At the same time, the tenth clause of the draft agreement is too serious and irritating in terms of text, such as '...for those who resist and fail to implement the reorganization plan, the Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Committee has the right to order the Nanjing Nationalist Government to assist the People's Liberation Army in enforcing it... ...' In this way, the National Government will become an institution under the People's Revolutionary Military Committee. Although the old legal system is said to be abolished, the National Government has now accepted the eight articles, and before the coalition government is established, it still has to exercise its powers; if the National Government It has become an institution under the jurisdiction of the People's Revolutionary Military Committee, which has a bad impression on the country's system and the general people. I will say this frankly today, and I hope that Mr. Enlai and you gentlemen will consider it carefully. "Article 5 confiscates bureaucratic capital, Article 6 reforms the land system, and Article 7 abolishes traitorous treaties. We believe that some of these articles are too heavy in terms of words, and may conflict in meaning. We suggest that the text be amended and abridged. In principle We have nothing to disagree with. Confiscating bureaucratic capital and reforming the land system are things that our Kuomintang should have done long ago in power for more than 20 years. It will not be the situation it is today. Now that the CCP proposes such a clause, we can only feel ashamed and have no intention of opposing it. "Concerning the convening of the CPPCC meeting and the establishment of a democratic coalition government, this article is very important. We also understand the good intentions expressed by the CCP. However, some words are also too heavy, and some words are also too repetitive. For example, the second draft of the agreement Article 10: When the Nanjing National Government and its local governments at all levels and all their agencies are handing over, the People's Liberation Army, the local people's governments, and the China Democratic Coalition Government must pay attention to absorbing all patriots and useful talents among their staff, give them democratic education, and Give appropriate jobs. Except for reactionaries who do not want to repent and notorious corrupt elements, all other personnel should be given appropriate placements and not displaced.' Since patriots and useful talents must be given proper jobs It seems to be repeated. Because patriots are not reactionaries, the following paragraph of "suitable jobs" can be omitted, and only the last sentence "not to be displaced" is enough. Another example Everything stipulated in the 22nd paragraph is included in the 21st paragraph, and such repeated clauses can be deleted. “成问题的是，第十九款中有些提法不是很妥当，如'双方同意，在《国内和平协定》签字之后，民主联合政府成立之前，南京国民政府及其府、院、部、委、会等项机构，应暂予保留，向中国人民革命军事委员会负责，并接受其领导，除处理日常工作外，应协助人民解放军办理各地的接收和移交事项。待民主联合政府成立之后，南京国民政府即向民主联合政府移交，并宣告自己的结束。'我那天同毛先生谈到这一问题时，毛先生表示说今后联合政府不知哪天成立，也许要两个月或三四个月后都说不定。在这时期中，你们南京政府应照常行使职权。记得当时他还特别加重语调说：不要散掉了，要他们注意，不要大家都跑了，南京就散了。我认为他的意思非常明显，在联合政府没有成立以前，南京国民政府应该继续行使职权。因为江南还管辖有这样多省份，许许多多政务要经常处理，例如外交、经济、财政等事项。若是南京国民政府要向人民革命军事委员会负责并接受其领导，岂不是人民革命军事委员会成了南京的太上政府？这点我要重申刚才所提同样的理由，认为不相宜，请中共代表团诸位先生再加考虑。我认为的如'……等项机构应暂予保留……'句可改客气一点，改成'……应照常行使职权'，下面紧接'待民主联合政府成立后……移交并宣告结束。'删去'……向人民革命军事委员会负责……'一段，与原来主旨并没有多大出入。 “关于最后两款，可以看出是表现了你们中共方面的友谊和好意，我们当然了解，只是文字上觉得重了一点。我们以后参加政治协商会议和民主联合政府，都要由中国共产党代表团负责保举推荐，在诸位先生是好意，但是文字上是否不要这样表达？我们研究之后，虽然有具体修正的意见，却总希望能用其他比较更友好些的字句。” 周恩来说：“你讲到的一些具体问题，依我看有的地方可以改，有的地方就不好再改了，为了和平，我们共产党已做了很大的让步，但在一些原则性问题上，我们还得坚持自己的观点。不知在座的南京朋友还有什么要谈的没有，大家说嘛！不能老听我和张先生讲。” 南京代表还是没有人愿意发言，可以看出张治中是希望他们的人站出来说话的，他们的人不说，只好还是他说。 周恩来又问：“张先生还有什么意见没有？” 张治中说：“意见没有了，刚才已说过了，那我就说一点感想吧。刚才周恩来先生说，我们争取和平，一定要永久的和平。稍有国家观念、人民思想的人们，没有不同意这句话的。国民党政权领导的失败，我们希望能作大家的前车之鉴。今后任何一党来执政，应该不再走国民党的道路，一定要从根本上来铲除内战的因素，使我们国家真能从此获得永久的和平。在平常谈话时，我常表示这样的意见，认为中国实在太落后，尤其我们要由农业国家走向工业化国家道路上去，非努力建设、迎头赶上去，就不够资格在二十世纪五十年代立足于世界之上，成为一个独立自由的国家。对于这一层，没有比中共方面看得更确实更深刻的。从毛先生的文章和中共许多先生的言论中，我们可以得到这样一个认识。所以目前这一阶段，是国家走向进步大道的重要关键，是中华民国一个划时代的转变。在这划时代的转变中，我们要建立怎样一个国家？就是和平协定草案最后的一段话，也即是毛先生所讲的话：'为着中国人民的解放和中华民族的独立，为着早日结束战争，恢复和平，以利在全国范围内开始生产建设的伟大工作，使国家和人民稳步地进入富强康乐之境'。这几句话，可以说是今后历史上最宝贵的话，是全国同胞所一致拥护的话。我认为我们尤其要着重'稳步地'三个字上面。这次我们从事和平商谈，同仁没有别的意思，只希望国家经此划时代的转变后，能够避免再牺牲再破坏，能够很稳当地实在地达到富强康乐的目的。我曾经和许多朋友研究，一次战争中总有几十万人的牺牲，一个大的战役或战争遭受的破坏，不知要多少年才能再建设起来。所以战争是妨碍国家走向富强康乐之境的死敌，是建设的对头。我今天固然代表我们政府和中共商谈和平，同时个人一向也是中国共产党的朋友，这次中共在战争中的胜利，可说已到了一个圆满的地步，如果现在这个明智的和平政策能贯彻下去，那么，中共就不仅是军事的胜利者，而且是政治上的大大的成功者。我今天在中共代表团诸位先生面前，不想说什么恭维的话，但我愿唤起各位先生的注意，今后国家的责任，是落到了你们的肩膀上。国民党的政权当然是完了，今后的国民党或者再经过一番改造后，作中共一个友党。目前则我们以至诚至敬之心，希望中共能从此领导国家，达到独立、自由和民主的目标，并建设国家，致于富强康乐之境。这是我们代表团同仁向中共代表团同仁所想表示的一点小小意见和希望。至于和平协定草案，我们预备在明天提出一个对案——也不是对案，总之，就这原草案哪些地方要删，哪些地方要改，把我们的意见另外写出来。至于用什么方式来商量，我们没有成见。等到双方代表团能得到一致的意见，我们当派人回南京请求，这是今天特别附带声明的。 " 张治中讲完后，国共双方代表又交换了一会儿意见，最后决定将草案由中共方面修改过后再作会外协商，然后再举行第二次会议。 第二天，张治中和他的代表团成员继续研究修改草案。 张治中明确表示，说在修改草案时应力求语气和缓，避免刺眼的词句，同时对军队改编、联合政府两项也要进行一些修正。目的完全在希望南京方面或者能够接受，使和平不至于破坏。 当时国民党代表团认为国民党方面失败是肯定的，认为我们既然注定失败，何必还一定拖累国家和人民。中共必然会取得全面胜利，但如果能和谈成功，能够减少人民生命财产的损失，不是一件好事吗？但是他们也认为，即使修正案被中共方面接受了，南京、特别是溪口和广州方面也是不会接受的，他们还没有那种远见。 14日，张治中与周恩来进行了长谈，随后各代表又与中共代表分别交谈，都希望能够达成共识，但是在许多原则性问题上并没有取得什么进展。当天晚上，张治中将他们的修正案交给周恩来。 15日晚7时，周恩来又派人给南京代表团送去了《国内和平协定》最后修正案。9时第二次正式会议又开始了，地点仍是在中南海勤政殿。主持会议的还是周恩来，他首先发言说： “经过13日第一次正式会议后，14日一天我和张治中先生就《国内和平协定草案》全部内容要点再度具体交换了意见。昨天晚上文白先生在会谈后，也将南京国民政府代表团对这草案所提出的书面意见交给本席。我们根据这两天的交谈，参考各种材料，改订了中共代表团方面的和平协定最后稿件，就是今日下午七点钟送达南京代表团各位先生的本日所印出的《国内和平协定》文件。 “可以说在这几天的和谈中，我们中共代表团尽可能吸收南京政府代表团许多意见，就是说凡是与推进和平事业有利，与中国人民解放有利的意见，我们尽量采纳。换句话说，就是在某些大问题上，凡我们觉得应该求得妥协的，总尽量妥协，所以今日提出的这最后定稿，较上次的草案已有若干修正，须得向南京代表团全体朋友说明一下。 “在定稿中，最重要一个问题，是中国人民革命军事委员会的权力问题。文白先生和其他代表都希望能有变动。经过我们的考虑，觉得为使和平事业能实现，我们愿意让步，在联合政府成立前，双方成立的机构，还是用一种合作的办法，南京国民政府暂时行使职权，一直到自己宣告结束之时，也就是联合政府成立以后，同时与人民革命军事委员会合作协商，以解决过渡时期一切问题。在军事方面，成立整编委员会，依照定案上所规定情况办理，上面不再冠以人民革命军事委员会统率和指挥字样。这是我们一个重大让步，是为了使南京代表团向今日南京政府负责人李德邻先生、何敬之先生说服时有很多便利，使和平能早日实现。军事整编委员会双方合作、政权方面则互相协商解决。这样的重大让步，我想南京代表团方面也会体谅得到。另外，我们必须指出两点，是曾经讨论为我们所不能接受的，在这地方我要向南京代表团各位代表和顾问说明，就是关于军队改编程序和人民解放军开往江南接收一部分地方政权之事。 “第一，军队改编问题。在上次会议中已详细解释，南京代表团重复提出希望规定两个阶段的划分时期，以联合政府成立前后为界限。意思就是说，在联合政府成立前，国民政府所统率一切武装力量，由国民政府自己处理，联合政府成立后，再由整编委员会处理。我们认为国民党一切武装力量应即改编，上次已说明，用意在使中国国内从此得到永久和平。要达到此目的，必须全国军队编成名副其实的人民的部队，不可再敷衍，有如过去部队的编遣，陡然贻害地方，使人民受到极大痛苦和损失。对于这点，南京代表团的意思和我们的精神上是相同的；假如还让原有机构负责整理、甚至提出复员口号——复员名词当然很好听，实际却难免流于敷衍，不可能使社会安定无事。因为在复员口号下，做起来会产生两种现象：一种是不负责任的裁兵，结果士兵或回到农村，或漂泊城市流落街头，形成严重的社会问题；另一种是借此把武力暂时埋伏起来，藏起枪支武器，将来再来进行破坏革命勾当。对于这种人，我们虽然有办法，在人民觉悟以后，土地改革实施，他们就无藏身之地，但这样一定要经过很大波动，所以我们觉得冒昧提出复员颇不适宜，应该在和平协定签字后成立整编委员会，双方合作来解决这一问题，不必分联合政府成立前一段时期和后一段时期，而是一道来，搞的办法我们非常慎重，上次我已讲了，今日有必要再解释。譬如说集中整理和战区分期办法，其目的在使大家各得其所，安心听候改编，保证集中在好的地方的先集中，不能集中在好地方的按情形缓办，时间给以很宽的限制，如长江以南人民解放军易于到达的地点，集中的时间比较早，苏、浙、皖、湘、鄂、赣与陕西、陇东等地属之。其他远的地方如西南、西北（兰州到迪化）乃至台湾等地，那就不可能在三五个月集中，不妨由原来的南京国民政府暂时维持，等联合政府成立后再来加以规定。实际上维持的时间，比南京代表团所提方案还要长，甚至长到一年。因为集中整理后，必然要筹划给养、驻地等，还要予以各种保证，不然就会发生乱子，整编委员会要负责，也就是人民革命军事委员会要负责，同样南京国民政府也要负责，故此我们这样规定，完全是负责和谨慎从事的态度。 “转到第二阶段，分区改编，也不是一下全国都改编，弄得到处没有安定，而是有秩序地集中整理，筹划好了，还要进行教育，使大家觉得改编有利，不是打击谁，淘汰谁。负责这种工作的整编委员会将来双方都要参加，都要负责，完全是站在一家人地位来办理。 “我曾以此跟文白先生特别说明，认为这种责任不能逃避，要为人民办好。那样的改编，士兵也才心安理得，明白这不是排挤倾轧，打击派系，因而无所恐惧，只觉得这是走向正道。他们愿意学习为人民服务技能的便加学习，愿意回家的给他回家，但也决不勉强他回家。像这样的改编计划，是我们方案中很重要的一点，我想双方都会了解。打这么久内战，国民党凭的什么？武力。武力现在已失败，就应好好地教育，不使其流离失所，而是各得其所。这件事做得好，才能保证中国永无内战。所以对于协定第四条，我们曾考虑再三。在我们方面也有同仁这样想：裁军可使人民减少负担，我同文白先生亦曾这样说过，但是后来一想，冒昧地裁军将形成社会的动乱，增加人民的苦痛，将来各方面都会责备我们。所以我们提出这些办法，务求做到合理适当。现在我们坚持这部分，而且确信这种意见一定可得到全国人民的赞同。我们也曾在各民主党派会议上征询他们的意见，他们都一致赞成，希望南京代表团能同意我们这个办法，说服南京当政的几位先生。今日南京当政的几位原都是军人，李德邻先生，何敬之先生，白健生先生和顾墨三先生等，当年都带过兵，只要他们能为人民着想，这个问题就可迎刃而解，其他问题更是如此。 “关于大家关注的第二个问题，就是人民解放军接收地方政权问题。在这个问题上也必须加以说明的。协定中我们规定人民解放军在已到达和接收的地区，实行军事管制，接收当地政权。为什么要如此？这是革命过程中必须经过的阶段。在座的双方都是经过辛亥革命的前辈，其他各位则都经过了北伐大革命，这两种历史就给我们以证明。辛亥革命时，先成立都督府、军政府（各地都是如此），然后才有临时政府，从辛亥革命到第二年成立临时政府，经过相当长的时间。上次北伐大革命更是证明如此。从广东北伐到南京，都是以总司令部下的政务委员会行使政权，革命军到哪里就行使到哪里，革命军就是政权的先锋队。根据这两个例子，我们这次的解放战争，人民革命也是用这样方式。所以在联合政府还没有成立以前这一段时间，人民解放军必然要接收一些地区，才能保障地方秩序的建立，才能使该地的国民党所统辖的部队能交出来集中整理，才能使和平有确实保障。这是当然的道理，也非此不可。 “以上两点我们决不能让步，若让步就失掉了毛泽东主席所提八项条款的基本精神。对于这种重大关键，我们不会使双方代表团有任何不了解，否则我们就不是真正坦白的谈判。人民解放军要接收一部分地方政权和改编国民政府所统率的军队，这两者不可分。至于划分时期我们不会急躁，急躁反会发生错误，招致乱子，所以我们对军队改编要分期而且分区，初期设想只能在江、浙、皖、湘、鄂、赣、陕、陇东这些地区先接收，其他地区则后一步。联合政府大概可在接收中或接收后成立，或还早一点，只要不出别的乱子。这是我们必须坚持的不能让步的最主要的两点。 “其次，关于重要事项方面，文白先生领导的南京代表团提出的对协定草案的修正意见，凡是我们能接受的都接受了，譬如前文有些带刺激性的字眼像'反动分子'等形容词，我们通通去掉了，'背叛'改成'违背'，以便能使过去错误部分不写，我们认为这与贯彻后面八条相关，所以不能不保留，而在第二、第三条规定宪法和法统性质有相互关联的两处，我们同意去掉。又如八条题目文白先生认为无须再提，我们也同意。第一条内容很重要，曾经为此在谈判初期争执很久，初稿已把战犯名单去掉，'元凶巨恶'不提起，这次文白先生再要求把'首要次要'字样也去掉，我们考虑'元凶巨恶'既可不提，这点当然再让步，接受文白先生的意见，这样南京方面也好接受些。第二、第三条刚才已说过，已把对宪法和法统性质的解释勾去，文字上'根本法律'四字去掉一个'律'字。第四条把人民革命军事委员会统率和指挥整编委员会这点也去掉了。国民政府一切武力改编为人民解放军，也不由人民革命军事委员会统率指挥。实际上改编为人民解放军是联合政府成立后的事，应有一个时间，但我们也可以不写。第四条的最后一段，我们把'人民革命军事委员会'去掉，改成'国民政府协助人民解放军强制执行以保证改编计划的彻底实施'。第五、第六、第七条南京代表团所提。只是文字上的修正意见，没有什么重要性，而且原来规定也比较切实，因此没有接纳修改，只是把题目去掉。第八条主要的修改在同意文白先生提出的国民政府暂时行使职权的意见，但必须与人民革命军事委员会协商处理。第十款中文字上反面意思不提了，合成一句，去掉了'反动分子'、'贪污分子'等字眼。第二十一款属于技术性质，文字多的地方也去掉一些。第二十二款，关于接收国民政府所管辖地方一切权力，改为由当地军事管制委员会与地方政府负责。这是依照北平的接收情形来定的。最后，在双方代表团一段声明中，也依照了文白先生的意思，加上独立与自由等字。总括《国内和平协定》全文的修改，我们总是尽量求取原则上的同意，与实施技术上的合理，以便利和平事业的推行，也便利南京代表团好说服南京政府，使协定能很快签字。 “当然这个《国内和平协定》是中共代表团最后的定案，现在提交南京国民政府代表团，我们期待南京代表团同意这个协定，接受这个协定，签字在协定上，全国人民看着我们，全世界爱好和平的人士看着我们，我相信南京代表团诸位先生也和我们具有同样的认识。南京政府负责人不是主战的人，是主和的人，尤其章行严先生不是南京的人，以事外之身，也热心来参加和平大业；我们面对着中国人民，面对着历史，应有很好的交代，更不能让某些反动的私人集团来破坏。对于反动好战分子，我们有什么办法来感动他们？他们的破坏是必然的，他们的阻挠也是必然的。帝国主义也一定要来破坏我们的和平，我们脑子里不想他们；如果要想，想的是对付他们，打击他们的阴谋。相信在南京政府辖区下，也有千千万万愿意和平、热心和平的人士，和平能早实现，他们都有生路，不再担负战争的责任，不会流离失所。诸位来到北平已经半月，在这半月中间，江南一带物价又有了多次飞涨，较之去年'八一九'，指数高达一两万倍。在这种情形下，我们可能延误浪费了半月时间，使人们多吃了半月苦痛，现在实应把这神圣伟大的和平事业加速达成。昨天文白先生已说过，要把我们提出的最后稿子带回南京，说服南京当局，但愿能如此，不然我们解放军就会向前推进，因为他们正在等待着向江南推进的命令。因此，我必须在这个协定的本文以外，关于人民解放军渡江接收的问题，还要提出几点。刚才已经和文白说过，我想归纳成五点来说。 “第一点，人民解放军没有宣布过停战。南京国民政府曾经要求停战议和，我们没有同意；我们只同意这个协定签订之后永无内战，也就是在和平协定签字之日，就对全国人民宣告永远不再有内战。我们双方代表团应该有这个勇气，以全权代表的资格，宣布不容许再有内战。至于我们中共代表团，是有这个信心、有这个勇气、有这个力量的，只要这个协定签字，我们愿意忠实执行，并且保证：任何人要破坏这个协定，我们一定制止他。我们认为和平谈判的本身，就可以产生一个不会有内战的中国。所以我们只说在协定签字之后，永远不再有内战，而不是说在协定签字之前，就可以宣布停战。但是有一个临时的情况，就是因为南京代表回到了北平，而代表团诸位也是在南京政府中主和的人士，热心和平的人士，这是我们素来知道的，为了使谈判更顺利，所以我们愿意在谈判进行期间，命令人民解放军暂不渡江。这一个约束，我们不仅是在南京代表团到北平以后才这样说，就是以前对李德邻先生、白健生先生的私人代表，也同样的告诉过他们。李任潮先生派到南京去的两位代表朱蕴山、李民欣，我们也托他们这样转达过。但是我们不能无限期的受到约束，所以我们今天正式地告诉文白先生，请南京代表团回去向南京转告李德邻先生和何敬之先生，我们只能约束到本月二十日为止，到那时还不能获得协议签字，那我们就只有渡江，不能再拖延到二十日以后了。再重复说一遍，我们并没有承认停战，但是为了达成和平协定，使中国成为永无内战的国家，我们在协定签字后，应该向全国宣布：我们不能容许再有内战，而在和谈进行中，我们愿意受这个约束，就是暂时不渡江。不过约束是有限期的，最初我们设想到本月十五日可以完成协商，但是经努力后现在不可能了，所以才推到二十日为止，这是特别要提出来的第一点。 “第二点，为了保证协定签字以后有效实施，我们必须渡江接收。如何叫有效实施，就是在协定签字之后，要使存心破坏者不敢破坏；如果到时还有敢于称兵作乱的，要很快地把他们讨平。为了达到这个要求，我们于协定签字之后，必须渡江接收江南地区，来保证这一个和平