Chapter 16 8. New leaders in a new era of world change-3

Georges Pompidou once described Golda Meir in front of me as "a difficult woman".She does, and more than that.She had the strongest personality of any man or woman I have ever met in thirty-five years of public and private travel, here and abroad.If David Ben Gurion is a fundamental force driving history, then Golda Meir is a fundamental force representing nature. Every good leader has a strong sense of protecting his country. But Meir's awareness of Israel goes beyond the usual range.This feeling in hers was passionate, instinctive, even as strong as a mother's feeling for her child.To her, Israel represented not only her homeland, but a cause that transcended national boundaries.

Some leaders are masters of intrigue and deception.They will make suggestions that are mistaken for promises by careless people, often or compelled to play tricks, perfunctory, or engage in plots and tricks.It is his second nature to be ashamed of Lin Qia himself.Franklin Tirano Roosevelt was an old hand at this.For many people, intrigue is the knack of state affairs, the most effective, and sometimes the only, way around the perilous shoal of conflict of interest, and bring it to an end.Not so with Golda Meir.She is very upright and doesn't beat around the bush.The inevitable result is that she cannot change her mind.A stance on Golda Meir.There was never any doubt about her purpose and intention.Depending on the circumstances, she can be an unstoppable force or an unshakable target for others.As a target of attack, she is unshakable: as a force against others, she is unstoppable.

Golda, Meir has the face of a woman who has worked her whole life.Excessive physical labor left traces on her body, and the shadow of excessive brain and mental burden appeared on her face.But there was also a passion in her face that photographs often fail to capture.Although a stubborn negotiator, she is also emotional, revealing, and forthright.Brezhnev may have been emotional too, and his emotions seemed to flow spontaneously in tearful gestures of friendship.But as far as he was concerned, he was sometimes a different person, and after a few hours, he would return to the state of roaring and drawing swords.Golda Meir was consistent.Her fragile feelings and unshakable determination flow from the same source.She is tenacious in negotiations because she focuses deeply on what she is trying to defend in negotiations.

Her enthusiasm flowed spontaneously in the usual human way.I also vividly remember her first visit to the White House as Prime Minister in 1969.This visit is of special significance to her.Meir first came to the United States from Russia at the age of eight as a poor immigrant.She grew up in the United States and taught in Milwaukee until her move to Palestine in 1921.So at the state dinner we threw for her, tears welled up in her eyes when the Marine Corps band played the Israeli national anthem and then "The Star-Spangled Banner."After the banquet, we specially arranged for her theatrical performances by Isaac Steth and Leonard Berthstein.She sat between my wife and me, listening intently.At the end of the performance, she couldn't help standing up, walking forward, and hugging the two musicians.

One of the most painful episodes of her tenure was the Yom Kippur War in 1973.When Israel faced the threat of defeat, I ordered that "every means of transport capable of flying" be used to air supplies to Israel on a large scale and urgently.She later wrote: "The value of this airlift was immeasurable. It not only boosted our morale, but also made it clear to the Soviet Union that the United States stood. There was no doubt that it also made our victory possible. When I When I heard that the (transport) planes were landing in Lida, I cried for the first time since the beginning of the war... ".

She later told me that, in her opinion, my actions—including the airlift and the US declaring its armed forces around the world on alert when the Soviet Union threatened to send troops to the region—saved Israel.In January of the following year, when the agreement to disengage Egyptian-Israeli forces was announced, I called Mrs. Meir.At the time, the Watergate crisis was making headlines across the United States.At the end of the call, she said, "Please take care and rest." It touched me deeply. If being strong and unyielding in times of crisis was one of Golda Meir's hallmarks, then motherly kindness was another.

Among the people of Israel, she is known by the nickname "Gorda Sheranu", or "Our Golda".She moves freely and unfettered among her people.As her cabinet members gathered around her kitchen table, or paced back and forth near the stove, she cooked soup and coffee for them while discussing matters of state with them.She is such a prime minister. Even in her early seventies, she drove herself relentlessly until the wee hours of the morning.She keeps her focus on both the biggest problems and the tiniest minutiae of government.Whether it was routine or not, she did not sign any letter that she had not personally seen.She personally went to the airport to greet batch after batch of immigrants, often shedding tears of joy upon seeing them.During and after the Yom Kippur War, she was physically broken by letters from farmers blaming her government for the deaths of their children.Every soldier killed was a personal blow to her.When Nasser was engaged in a war of attrition in the Sinai, she ordered that whenever an Israeli soldier was killed, day or night, she should be notified immediately.The people took her instructions so seriously that on one occasion the loss of twenty-five sheep woke her up too.

Many leaders rose to the top leadership positions through personal ambition.They seek power only because they want power in their hands.Not so with Golda Meir. She had only one job in her life, and no matter what the job, she devoted all her energy and dedication to it. She moved to Israel in 1921 because she was determined to realize the Zionist dream.She hopes to be helpful and beneficial to people.She was seventy years old when she became Israel's fourth prime minister. When Levi Eshiko died suddenly of a heart attack, other leaders of the Labor Party immediately turned to the universally respected figure who could succeed him without triggering a divisive struggle Ko's position.At first she objected, but later agreed.She wrote afterwards: "I became Prime Minister because that's what being Prime Minister is like. My milkman became the commander of a stronghold on Mount Hermon. The two of us have nothing special about this position. However, both of us try our best to do our jobs well.": Mrs. Fan thinks that people pay too much attention to a woman like her holding a high-ranking public office.For her, being a woman means working more.Especially in the early years of raising children, she had to be busy with official duties and housework.When my daughter, Julie Eisenhower, interviewed Mrs. Meir for her book Special Someone, she asked Mrs. Meir how she felt when she was appointed the first female Foreign Secretary in 1956.Mrs Meir's reply was unique.She smiled and said, "I don't know. I was never a male minister."

In 1971, I held talks with French President Pompi in the Azores.At one point, Secretary of State Rogers lightened the conversation by saying that two of the most eventful places in the world—South Asia and the Middle East—happen to have women as prime ministers, "Indira Gandhi in India, and another in Israel." A Woman - Golda Meir".Pompidou grinned and said, "Oh, really?" Pompidou said this not with contempt, but with a strange admiration.The implication, of course, was that Golda Meir, as a female chancellor, was almost indistinguishable from a man in the way she behaved.Golda Meir and Indira Gandhi have a similarity: Both were too assertive when negotiating with the opposite sex.However, when I dealt with these two people, I found that they negotiated very differently.Both of them have a woman's temperament.Indira Gandhi exploited this temperament; Golda Meir did not.Mrs. Gandhi expected to be treated as a woman and behaved herself with the ruthlessness of a man; Golda Meir expected to be treated as a man and behaved like a man.She doesn't ask people to forgive her because she is a woman.Nor does she forgive others.

She dresses plainly and never makes up.She pulled her hair back as far as she could and tied it into a bun.She admits that she grew her hair long because her husband and son liked it that way.She was always gracious in her conversations with my wife, and her genuine interest in our children and our private affairs was evident.But generally speaking, her way of dealing with people is to start a meeting with a perfunctory "I know you" or something to ease the atmosphere, and then go straight to the big problem at hand.When we first met in the Oval Office, photographers snapped snaps, and we chatted away as usual.Once the reporters had been dismissed, she crossed her legs, lit a cigarette, and went to work, scurrying through the list of equipment she had requested for her armed forces. : Once Mrs. Fan is treated improperly, she will not forgive the other party or forget the matter, but will be full of resentment.She has not condoned de Gaulle's critical remarks after the 1967 war; nor the Holocaust Germans, or even their new postwar leaders.She has also consistently shown no mercy to Arab terrorists who shed innocent blood, and to the Arab countries that support them.Mrs Meir also resented Ben Gurion for a long time after he split from the ruling Labor Party in the sixties.

She was particularly distrustful of the Soviet Union.Although she is a conscientious socialist, she has a clear understanding of the dictatorship of the Soviet Union and its threat to Israel. As long as she can remember, the one thing she remembers most clearly is that her father nailed planks to the door of their house in Kyiv to protect the family from the frequent incidents of persecution.In those days, mobs armed with clubs and knives raided and persecuted the Jews.She also told me that drunk cops would come knocking on her door on Saturday nights and beat her father because he was Jewish.It terrified her.Her memories of her early years in Russia were few and far between, and most of them were cold, hunger, poverty, and fear—especially fear.In her view, the persecution of Jews in Tsarist Russia was continuing in Soviet Russia in a different form.Nasser had vowed to destroy Israel.Mrs. Meir believed that the Soviet support for Nasser was a further insult to the Jews. : When Mrs. Fan once visited Washington, she once said to me: She thought that many leaders in Europe adopted a policy of détente towards the Soviet Union, which was a naive approach. She is also concerned about the steps.I explained to her that our approach to détente was very different from theirs; nor were we under any illusions about Soviet motives.I said that with regard to international relations, our guiding principle is slightly different from the guiding principle in the New Testament, which is "treat as others treat as others treat". At this point, Henry Kissinger chimed in to agree, saying, "Ten percent more." : Mrs. Fan smiled and agreed, and said: "As long as you adopt this approach, we don't have to worry about it." Sometimes, she can easily deal with the problems that are most serious to her. She repeatedly told me that none of Israel's Arab neighbors could be trusted. As part of my efforts to promote peace in the Middle East, I tried to build good relations between the United States and several major Arab countries.I pointed out to her that, from Israel's own perspective, it would be far better for the United States to be a friend of Israel's neighbor than to have that role played by another country that is hostile to Israel.She acknowledged this, but insisted that, when dealing with Arab states, we should not trust agreements but actions.Once, at the end of one of these meetings, I presented everyone present with small gift boxes containing gold shirt cuff links with the presidential seal.Everyone opened their boxes, only to find that one of them was empty.Mrs. Meir laughed and said, "Look, now you understand what I mean by trust!" After Henry Kissinger was nominated to be Secretary of State, I said to her that now we A Jew as foreign minister.She exudes a relaxed and happy look.Referring to Kissinger's German accent, she echoed: "My foreign minister, however, speaks English." Internationally, Golda Meir is well known.She was a statesman of great courage, talent and resilience.She is brilliant, upright, and tenacious.She is endowed with abilities that would place her in the top leadership of any great power.But it may be only in Israel that she has this ability, for she has an unusually strong affection for the country whose cause has propelled her to the top.She did not seek power as a privilege, but exercised it as a duty—for Israel. Americans put Mrs. Meir high on their lists of the women they most admire. To the people of Israel, she was a beloved grandmotherly protector, a strong and dependable woman.She carried the burden of Israel on her shoulders; but she also found time to serve soup to her assistants at the kitchen table. In 1969, I said in my eulogy at the memorial ceremony for President Eisenhower: Great statesmen have always been loved at home and respected abroad. But only a few statesmen like Eisenhower are truly loved at home and abroad.Golda Meir was also one of those few.Like Eisenhower, it was not just for what she did, but obviously for who she was that people at home and abroad loved her so genuinely. I last saw her in June 1974, twelve days after she left the job. She left after a long dispute over Israel's preparations for the October 1973 war.We visit her in her modest apartment in Jerusalem.She thanked me again for America's support for Israel in that war.I could see the pain on her face as she struggled to get up from her chair to welcome us.I found out afterward that she had the same phlebitis as I did.In addition, she had cancer of the lymph glands.She kept this a secret for several years.Later, at a state dinner in the Knesset, I decided to break with precedent and give a special, additional toast before toasting the head of state.I said: Among the leaders I have met, there is no one who has shown more courage, intelligence, tenacity and determination than Golda Meir, and her dedication to the country is beyond the reach of others.I said, "Because I worked with her, I guess I've become her friend; she's always been my friend. So I have the honor of asking you all to join me in toasting the former prime minister. Let's Cheers to Chancellor Golda Meir! Cheers to Golda!" It was an exciting time for her; it was an exciting time for me.That toast was truly heartfelt.What I meant was, "Let's drink to Golda with all our love." I thought she would understand, and that's exactly what I meant. The new leader of the old country: Nasser, Sadat, Shah of Iran, Faisal Whether as the center of stories and legends, or as a strategic crossroads, few places on earth can match the Middle East.It has a long history. For thousands of years, not only dynasties rose and fell, but also various civilizations rose and fell there.The wind is still eroding the eternal desert like it was thousands of years ago: the bones are still gradually turning white in the sun... However, in the short period after the Second World War, this ancient land suddenly disappeared. Chaos arose.The creation of Israel was but one of several developments that disrupted old patterns and brought about new conflicts. When Iran was suddenly drawn back to the Middle Ages, the West learned a harsh lesson in how fragile the shell of modern society can be in this new world, and how strained their relationship is when old and new collide. serious.Someone reminded us that there is no traditional concept in the Middle East of "If you want to live, let others live".There passions tend to come more violently; men are less disciplined, less restrained, judgments are more severe, and vengeance is more swift.Traditions here are older than elsewhere, and those who are determined to preserve them cling to them desperately. In the Middle East and elsewhere, however, change is coming. What we've seen in the Middle East in recent decades has been volcanic political upheaval.The eruptions of these volcanoes formed huge mountain ranges, as well as continents and oceans.Although these particular issues and forms of struggle apply only to the Middle East, they reflect the problems and struggles facing the world when changes that would have taken centuries are now compressed into a few decades. challenge.Today, during the course of one's life, a person may have to adapt to evolutions that previously required many generations.The process is volatile, and potentially explosive, for individuals and nations. These processes can be seen dramatically in the lives of the following four leaders.The paths they took varied, but the goals were always very similar.These four leaders were Gamal Abdul Nasser and Anwar al-Sadat of Egypt, King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, and the Shah of Iran.Of the four, the Shah of Iran was overthrown and died in exile.Faisal and Sadat were knocked down by the assassin's bullets.Only Nasser died of natural causes while still a hero.Had he not died suddenly of a heart attack at the age of fifty-two, his fate might have been very different. All four were reformers.They are all trying to restore the self-respect of their people.For this reason, Nasser, Sadat and the Shah of Iran all consciously went back to the ancient cultural source of their country thousands of years ago, in order to restore the noble symbol of the nation and make it flourish.Nasser and Sadat returned to the time of the Pharaohs; the Shah of Iran returned to the Persian Empire of Cyrus; Faisal did not need to return to any era, because his country was the homeland of Muhammad and the holiest place for Muslims.Muslims all over the world pray in the direction of Saudi Arabia every day when they pray for the waves. In 1963, I met Nasser for the first time.But I feel like we've known each other for a long time. Nasser, along with his co-conspirator Anwar Sadat, planned and led a coup in 1952 that replaced the corrupt regime of King Farouk.He was an unknown officer at the time.At first, he used the well-known general Mohammad Najib as his front man.But two years later, in 1954, Nasser, who was pure and irascible, killed him and became prime minister. In 1956, he made himself president-elect. Nasser's leadership was pompous.He streaked across the sky of the Middle East like a shooting star. He wanted to be not only the leader of Egypt, but also the leader of the Arab world.He forcibly interfered in the affairs of other Arab countries, launched coups, planned assassinations, and has been trying to establish a pan-Arab federation headed by him. He not only made firm and reliable friends, but also established sworn enemies.Therefore, the people around him are rarely neutral. The clamor of his propaganda has often spread to all corners of the Arab world.When I visited the Middle East in 1957, although I didn't stop in Egypt, I could hear his voice on the radio wherever I went.In the markets and streets of cities in Libya, Sudan, Tunisia and Morocco, I saw young and old, rich and poor, listening almost ecstatically to his voice.He preached on the radio and television with great skill.He mobilized some of the best performers in the Arab world to write hits like "How We Built the Aswan Dam." One of Nasser's obsessive dreams was the construction of the Aswan Dam.For centuries, Egypt has looked to the waters of the Nile to bring life to its deserts. Now, Nasser would take advantage of the cheap electricity those rivers would have provided and add 1.5 million acres of arable land.However, this dream was also stranded by his adventures abroad.Nasser's flirtation with Moscow led him to an arms agreement with the Eastern Bloc.As a result, the United States dropped the project of aiding the construction of the dam.When he heard the news, according to Yun once said: "Americans, suppress your anger!" He retaliated by nationalizing the Suez Canal.Israel, Britain, and France sent troops against Egypt; but the United States persuaded its allies to help broker a UN ceasefire that gave Egypt control of the Upper Suez Canal. One of the main reasons Eisenhower intervened: Russian tanks rumbled through the streets of Budapest, brutally suppressing the Hungarians, as Israel, Britain, and France acted.A valiant attempt to gain freedom. It is indeed difficult to acquiesce in the use of force by Israel, Britain and France after the outcry against the use of force by the Soviet Union.But for all these reasons, Eisenhower saved Egypt from defeat at great cost to the North Atlantic Alliance.In retrospect, I think this decision was wrong. Later, Nasser expressed his gratitude in private, but at the time he only showed contempt. As a result, Nasser mortgaged his state to Moscow for arms and for aid over the Aswan dam.At the same time, as Sadat later wrote, Nasser was also "preoccupied with the myth that he was a hero who defeated the armies of the British and French empires. Nasser simply ignored the real role played by Eisenhower to achieve this end." role - he turned Nasser's military defeat into a political victory. He was the first to believe he had won". Nasser was erratic, impatient and authoritarian.He is obsessed with grandiose ambitions.This made him unable to care about the actual needs of the people.Although most Egyptians lived in extreme poverty, he misused the country's meager resources on foreign adventures.His irrepressible belligerence toward Israel strengthened his standing in the Arab world, but also cost his troops a crushing defeat in the Six-Day War in 1967.In Yemen, he has imposed a costly five-year war to overthrow the Saudi-backed Imam and create an Egyptian protectorate.As a result, he was also defeated there.At home, he instituted massive land reforms and raised too high hopes for new prosperity and freedom.However, when his death brought his rule to an end, the people of Egypt were as poor as ever, and the prisons were full of political prisoners. Even so, when he died suddenly in 1970, the world was stirred up in an outpouring of grief like never before.To attend his funeral, five million people crowded the streets of Cairo. Some climbed trees and telephone poles, weeping hysterically; .Many Egyptians were so distraught that they committed suicide."One hundred million people - Arabs - have been orphaned," said Le Journal, a French-language newspaper published in Beirut. All that Nasser did was to restore the soul, spirit and pride of his people.The son of a post office clerk, he grew up with a deep hatred of British colonialism.It was characteristic of the time that a young man was considered inferior if his first language was Arabic instead of French.After Nasser came to power, he was not only eager to end the monarchy, but also to clean up the remnants of past colonialism.After Britain and France withdrew from the Middle East, Nasser hurried to fill the vacuum with his voice.He has repeatedly insisted on a pan-Arabism that is at once pro-personal, anti-colonial and often anti-Western. In a sense, what matters to the people of the Arab countries is not how much he has achieved on the international stage, as he has done, but to poke his finger in the eye of the West, and that is enough .People love this.The more flashy he is and the more he can do whatever he wants, the more people like him.If he pretends to be a big shot, then his people seem to be big shots too.This spiritual upliftment is often more important than the comfort of life to those who are least materially needy. Nasser, though a demagogue in public, was affable and reasonable in private. In 1963, my wife, our two daughters, and I took a private vacation trip to Europe and the Middle East.Nasser invited us to his home.At the time, he was still living in the same humble bungalow on the outskirts of Cairo where he had lived as an army officer. He was six feet tall, slender and handsome, with an upright soldierly demeanor and a striking figure.His hospitality comes from the heart.He introduced us to his family and showed us the Lincoln books in his library. Nasser expressed his great respect for Eisenhower and expressed his gratitude for all the efforts he had made to save Egypt in 1956.He was well-spoken, dignified, and appeared to have wit and knowledge.He talked deeply about his desire to improve the lives of the Egyptian people, and asked me how to estimate the attitude and intention of the Soviet leaders at that time, and listened intently.Although Egypt was heavily dependent on the Soviet Union at that time, he obviously did not like the idea that the Soviet Union dominated everything, and expressed his desire to further improve relations with the United States.He really wanted us to visit the Aswan Dam.As a further token of his hospitality, he repeatedly asked us to take a tour in his private jet.On the way, his pilot gave us a low-altitude view of the pyramids and the valley where the kings are buried. Our visit to the dam was a daunting experience as daytime temperatures exceeded 100 degrees Fahrenheit.We descended to the dam excavation area in the middle of the night.Nasser once told me that the construction of the dam was actually undertaken by the Egyptians.But as we watched the big bulldozers digging under the strong lights, my wife keenly noticed that none of the operators were Egyptians, but all Russians. During the 1960s, Nasser continued to intervene in other countries on the international stage. He has fomented revolutions in other Arab countries and has become increasingly mired in Yemen's civil war.At home, he continues to ignore Egypt's economic problems and continues to repress politically.Despite his open admission of his fear of Soviet dominance, his dependence on Russian economic and military aid continued unabated. Nasser, the revolutionary, ignored the fact that the moment of revolution was over and the moment of consolidating gains had arrived.Literally, his pan-Arabism is beneficial.Through this movement, he created a new sense of commonality and pride among the Arab people.Yet the main tenets of this movement—hatred of Israel and mistrust of the West—are harmful rather than constructive.As a result, his policies inevitably led to an escalation of hostilities between Israelis and Arabs, and made Egypt deformedly dependent on the enemy of the West, the Soviet Union. In September 1970, I was watching a U.S. Sixth Fleet exercise from an aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean when we learned that Nasser had died suddenly of a heart attack.I thought about going to Cairo for the funeral, but then decided it was not wise.Because at that time the Egyptian government still maintained close ties with the Soviets and was extremely hostile to the United States.If Nasser's successors want to improve the relationship between Egypt and the United States, I think they should take the first step.So instead I sent a delegation to Cairo on my behalf. By the time of Nasser's death, Sadat had waited in the background for nearly two decades and had not been victimized by Nasser's extreme jealousy because he seemed to have little personal ambition.He was happy to take on any errand Nasser gave him.Some called him: "Nasser's pug": others said that the mark on his forehead was not made by prostrating five times a day on the ground in prayer - as all devout Muslims do - but It was left because Nasser used to poke him in the face at cabinet meetings to make him pay attention to what others were saying. For eighteen years, Anwar Sadat has been watching and listening.He served time in prison before the revolution, when the British were in charge of Egypt, and learned how to endure and the value of patience.He knew that Nasser was very jealous, so he was always careful not to show signs of fighting for power for himself.Beyond that, Sadat was a man one could count on, a man who valued friendships and kept his promises seriously. However, when he visited abroad on behalf of Nasser, he also made other friends, including Crown Prince Faisal of Saudi Arabia.After he became president, he told Faisal privately that Nasser's Arab socialism and his dependence on the Soviet Union had failed. When Sadat came to power after Nasser's death in 1970, many observers believed his government would surely last only a few weeks because he lacked Nasser's evocative charisma.They fail to realize that there are all sorts of charms, and that it is only after a man is in power that it is possible to judge whether he possesses this elusive quality.Sadat did not want to follow the old path of Nasser.He left his mark on history.He deftly prevented others from taking power from the start, and threw his opponents into prison.After a while, there was no doubt about his authority. Sadat acted swiftly, breaking the shackles that bound Egypt to the Soviets.After Nasser's death, he sent representatives to the world to pay tribute to all countries.His envoy met Zhou Enlai in Beijing.During the conversation, the Chinese Premier asked, "Do you know who killed the 52-year-old Nasser?" The special envoy was stunned and did not answer.Zhou Silai said, "It's Russian." His words were metaphorical and should not be understood on the surface.But Egypt's dependence on the Soviet Union, and its frosty relations with most of its Arab neighbors, as well as the United States, were indeed Nasser's legacy.Nasser was a very proud and independent man.Egypt's isolation weighed heavily on him as he lay dying.According to Sadat, this was what made his mental and health worse. Shortly after Sadat took office, we began to receive hints that Sadat wanted to thaw relations between Egypt and the United States.His eleven years in power have been characterized by a penchant for a series of dramatic initiatives.The first of these actions was the sudden expulsion of 16,000 Soviet military advisers in 1972.What prompted him to do this was that, in his judgment, the Russians were unreliable, and that he had an instinctive dislike for the Russians. When I visited Cairo in 1974, I told him that I thought one of the reasons for the Sino-Soviet split was that the Chinese felt they were more civilized than the Russians.Sadat smiled and replied, "You know, that's exactly how we feel. We Egyptians are more civilized than Russians." Nasser was a man of great energy.He is always busy with government affairs, and often stays in the office all night long in order to review the backlog of documents. Sadat is more lonely and brooding.他经常撇开他的部长们，在午饭后到尼罗河边散步，独自作出各种决定。他每天起床都比较晚，也不一天到晚都工作，而且讨厌琐事。他的政府的日常工作是拖拉的、效率不高的，但是，重大的决策——萨达特把这些决策都留给他自己来做——却总是惊人的、高明的，有些决策，诸如驱逐苏联人和1977年他的耶路撒冷之行，从根本地变了中东政治的格局。很少有人象他那样，对过眼烟云似的国际关系花费那么多传统的智慧和才识。 全世界将缅怀纳赛尔和萨达特在外交事务中所起的作用。 他们两人都试图恢复阿拉伯人被损伤的自豪感。萨达特1973年发动赎罪日战争的部分原因，就是为了矫正1967年以色列的胜利所引起的心理上的不平衡状态。但萨达特还有进一步的意图。苏伊士运河事件后，以色列人和阿拉伯人之间的敌对状态仍象过去那样严重。从萨达特看来，在赎罪日战争中显示一下阿拉伯的强大力量，实际上是走向和平的一步。这样，他可以从实力地位出发，采取高屋建瓶的姿态来谋求和平；从软弱的地位出发是无法这样做的。 萨达特讲究实际的程度与纳赛尔轻率的程度相似：他的小心谨慎与纳赛尔的冲动妄为从程度上看来，也是不相上下的。 他的一些主动行动，都是为了达到某一目标而精心安排的，而且事先全面考虑了可能造成的后果。萨达特感到必须结束埃及在经济上的孤立状态。与以色列实现和平，则意味着开展新的贸易，从苏伊士石油中增加新的收入，以及从苏伊士运河的航运中源源不断地得到收益。纳赛尔的对外政策几乎没有为解决埃及的国内问题带来什么好处。从某种意义上说，它只不过是转移人民的视线，使他们忽略国内问题的一种办法。萨达特的对外政策，则是朝着解决这些问题的方向所迈出的一步。 在纳赛尔失误之处，萨达特却取得了成功。因为他把增进埃及这个国家的福利、而不是"阿拉伯民族"的福利视为自己的第一职责。比起纳赛尔来，他对推动世界前进的各种力量具有更为广泛和正确的了解。他在世界舞台上发挥着积极的作用，同时，又精心地把在国外所做的一切与在国内改善人民生活条件的目标联系在一起。 我最后一次见到萨达特，是在1981年8月他访问美国之时，他邀我到纽约的埃及代表团驻地晤面。他那黝黑的、出众的相貌和彬彬有礼的举止，再次给我留下了深刻的印象。萨达特的心脏病过去发作过两次，所以他很注意保养。但我也有这样的印象：他把全部精力都投入到脑力劳动中去了。他很少摆出不必要的或夸张的架势，也很少说废话。他的含蓄和善于节制自己的能力是十分突出的。 在最后一次会见时，我发现他对里根政府持乐观态度。他说，他确信里根在中东的交易中将会是直率的；在反对苏联冒险主义方面也将会是坚定的。关于美苏关系问题，他说，美国人在前四年中已丢失了大量地盘，"西方决不能再放弃一寸土地了"。他还说，他预料苏联会在波兰采取行动：西方不应直接作出反应，而应把苏联的干预作为一种借口，在其他地区，如古巴、安哥拉或利比亚采取行动。他说："应该在我们选择的地方、而不是在他们选择的地方与他们进行斗争。" 在此之前两个月，以色列对伊拉克的一个核反应堆发动了一次先发制人的攻击。我告诉萨达特，我感到以色列总理梅纳赫姆·贝京做事不负责任，行为乖戾。他脱口而出道："嗯，他疯了。"接着又说："他也许象狐狸一样疯了。"我说，尽管我理解以色列必须保护自己，使其免受敌人进攻，但是，贝京在这个过程中的做法也是不明智的。他将使他的朋友，诸如萨达特和里根感到为难。萨达特同意我的看法。 但是，当我提到如果贝京不再掌权、中东可能会取得更多的进展时，萨达特又表示异议，说："我还是愿意与他打交道。" "他很强硬；不过，他能够达成其他人不一定能够达成的协议。以色列需要一项协议。我深信，在贝京、里根和我之间，可以取得比卡特政府期间所取得的更大、更持久的进展。" 在我们谈话结束时，萨达特邀我在以后几个月内的某个时候到他在阿斯旺的冬宫和他再次柏会。他说，届时他将与我进行一次愉快的长谈。 但是，我们永远也不会进行这样的长谈了。我虽然又到埃及去，但却是为了参加他的葬礼。那年十月，萨达特在开罗检阅军事队伍时，被一帮刺客用枪击倒了。里根总统请三位前任总统代表他参加葬礼。去开罗途中，福特总统、卡特总统和我一起追怀萨达特的往事。我们对他的勇气、他的远见、他的才能和他的锐敏，都持有一致的看法。不过，当我们抵达埃及时，街上却几乎是空荡荡的，与十一年前纳赛尔去世时突然发生的狂乱景象形成鲜明的对照。萨达特的继承者胡斯尼·穆巴拉克告诉我们，他的人民可能仍然处于一种震惊的状态之中，不想在公开场合表示哀痛。 我认为，埃及人对萨达特的矛盾态度还有更深一层的原因。纳赛尔具有普通人的风度，尽管他拥有绝对的权力，但从不爱好奢华，与纳赛尔相比，萨达特生活很讲究。他有十个总统官邸，还有一位精干世故、口齿伶俐和修饰得无可挑剔的妻子。他穿着昂贵的西服，抽着进口的烟丝。 尽管萨达特从来忘记他的农民出身，但并没有打算使人民相信他是"他们中的一分子"。事实上，取得成功的领导人中也很少有人如此。从理性上而言，萨达特对他的人民有深厚的感情；但象戴高乐对法国人的态度一样，他对人民缺乏深厚的个人感情。不过，他们在许多方面仍然应该感谢萨达特。在他去世时，并没有一个埃及士兵在作战；埃及的经济虽然还很脆弱，但埃及人比十年前要富裕得多。萨达特还采取了减少新闻检查、让人民享有更多的公民自由、控制秘密警察的活动等措施，朝着拆毁纳赛尔的警察国家的方向，走过了一段漫长的路。 纳赛尔是一位易动感情的人；萨达特则是一位善于思索的领导人。纳赛尔能够看到人民的心灵；萨达特则把他的眼光从人民的头顶投向远方。由于他与人民疏远，他受到的尊敬多于热爱。此外，正是他的深居简出、冥思苦想，使他能够把中东问题推向一个新的、更高的阶段，使问题变得似乎不是完全不能解决了。 萨达特的葬礼并没有那种过分激动的场面，这是可以预料到的。只可能有一个纳赛尔。人们为他激动，因为他是第一位总统，是缔造者，独一无二的缔造者。人们本能地知道，象他这样的人绝不会再出现了。没有人能够取代他。他们把埃及的一切归功于纳赛尔。不过，他们自己也喜爱历史的痉挛、骤然激发出来的自豪感、以及在一个民族的生命长河中仅有一次的遽变。 对纳赛尔来说，萨达特是一副解毒剂。他从前任的成就的基础上前进；在必要时，又能够修正前任的错误。现在，穆已拉克总统也有类似的机会，做萨达特做过的同样的事情。参加萨达特的葬礼后，我到其他几个中东和北非国家首都去旅行，和他们的领导人进行私人会晤。由于萨达特签订了戴维营协议，他们对他持批评态度，抱怨萨达特对巴勒斯坦人的境况不予重视。他们中的许多人，由于长期蒙受纳赛尔的干预之害，起初把萨达特看作一位盟友。后来，由于萨达特与以色列单独媾和，他们又深感失望。当他们拒绝附合萨达特的和平战略时，他把他们称为"猴子和嘶嘶作响的蝮蛇"。这使他们极为愤慨。我能理解他们的感情，但我也理解萨达特的感情。埃及终于有了一位把自己的人民放在首位的领袖。与其他中东国家相比，埃及人民为巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯事业所流的血更多。现在，萨达特有理由认为是采用一种新的做法的时候了。 萨达特是一位无畏的革新者。在中东，他采取了走向和平的最大的、最勇敢的步骤。现在是他的继承者完成他开创的进程，并修补埃及与其保守的阿拉伯邻国的篱笆的时候了。从某个意义上来说，埃及在1981年就已准备转入一个新的阶段了，就象他们1969年所做的一样。这种转变虽然可能是在一种令人可怕的境况之下进行的，但由于萨达特具有一种神秘的气质和相信先天受命，因此我相信他本人也是会接受这种概念的。 一位领导人的最伟大的贡献，常常在他去世之后才能显露出来。到了那个时候，他的后继者将会沿着他所奠定的基础向前迈进。 萨达特是被旧世界的势力杀害的。这种势力钻进了新世界，把他打倒了。因为他寻求和平而不是寻求圣战，所以他的行刺者说他抛弃了伊斯兰教。在许多方面，埃及比它在中东的许多邻国更为现代化、更具有世界性。纳赛尔虽然是一个虔诚的穆斯林，但在沙特阿拉伯仍然禁止电视的时候，他就通过流行歌曲来宣传他的革命了。然而，埃及和沙特阿拉伯及伊朗一样，也有很多好斗的伊斯兰信徒。萨达特迈向和平的每一步，同时也是走近个人险境的一步。因为在他的敌人中，有许多人对和平毫无兴趣。中东的领导人在跨越新旧世界的前沿地区时，总是冒着极大的危险：萨达特象伊朗国王和费萨尔一样，越过了这些疆界，最后也为之献出了生命。 在萨达特去世前十四个月，我和他一起在埃及加入了另一个送葬行列，悼念伊朗国王穆罕默德·礼萨·巴列维。伊朗国王死于癌症：萨达特则死于行刺者的枪弹。但他们两人都是中东爆炸性紧张局势的牺牲品。伊朗国王是逃出他国家的流亡者，孤寂地死去了。在各国领导人中，萨达特是唯一有勇气给他以庇护的人。因此，巴列维总算在某种体面的、不失身份的情况下，度过了他的最后几天。在伊朗国王当政时奉承过他的其他一些领导人，看到他既已倒台，却都避而远之。 我抵达开罗以后，在送葬曲奏起之前见到了萨达特。他伸出手向我走来，说："您能来参加，实在太好了。"我对他说，在美国拒绝伊朗国玉居留之后，他竟能给他以庇护权，这需要很大的勇气。他对此表示怀疑，答："嗯，勇气？不，支持一位朋友并不需要勇气。我不外是做了我认为正确的事。"从这件事可以看到，萨达特作为一个人和一位领导人所具有的品质。他既忠于有权势的朋友，也忠于那些软弱无权的朋友。送葬那天，我在亚历山大他的行宫中拜访他时，他也表现了同样的品质。 我们讨论了即将来临的美国大眩他知道我支持里根，也知道卡特的威望正在不知不觉地消失。但是，他一次也没有对被他亲呢地称为"我的朋友吉米·卡特"的这个人说过一句轻蔑的话。∫晾使醵晕蠢吹睦硐耄湍扇睦硐胍谎晡埃凰挠栌谌嗣竦南Ｍ?象纳赛尔一样强烈。这两个人中，伊朗国王是一位比较好的国务活动家，·纳赛尔则是一位比较好的政治家。我相信，伊朗国王是中东最有才能的领导人之一。但是，他因为到了很晚的时候还低估他的敌人的力量，终于被他们坏倒了。由于二十世纪的人们迷恋于浪漫的革命，伊朗国王在世界上的大多数朋友——包括美国在内——在伊朗革命之后，又把他看作一个被遗弃的人，因此，他几乎受到了普遍的中伤。 追根溯源，伊朗的革命只不过是宗教界上层人士争夺权力的表现。在此之前，由于伊朗国王进行了自由改革，使他们在政治、文化和社会领域方面失去了权力。反叛者们由于高喊着"左"的词句，新闻界、特别是电视界就把他们浪漫化了：阿亚图拉则为那些容易上当的人们布下了罗网。不久，伊朗国王终于失去西方对他的支持，最后失去了他的国家：伊朗则失去了它的自由、它的繁荣、以及在伊朗国王和他的父亲执政时所取得的进步。伊朗国王去世前夕，是一个潦倒的、痛苦的人一不仅为他本人而痛苦，而且为他的人民而痛苦。 1979年，当他居留于墨西哥、过着长期飘泊的流亡生活之时，我去拜访了他。我们已经是二十六年的朋友了。1953年我第一次见到他时，他才三十四岁，他那文静、庄重的举止和好学的态度，给我留下了深刻的印象。当时他虽已当朝为王，但来真正理政：政治权力操在极有才干的首相法索拉·萨赫第将军的手里——他的儿子阿第希尔是我任职期间的晾首っ大使。不?，当这?国王询问了一些探索性的、精辟的问题之后，我立即相信，他一旦开始亲自领导这个国家，将是一位天才的领导人。 四分之一世纪以后，伊朗国王仍然保持着王室的尊严，但他那青年时代的热忱已不复存在了。代之而来的，几乎是一种极端的失意情绪。他的权力已被那个运动的领导人从他手中寺走了，他们立誓要把他所做的一切颠倒过来，把伊朗拉回到中世纪的黑暗中去。看来，阿亚图拉对他人民所犯下的罪行，也使伊朗国王本人深为痛苦。他是一位受到冤枉、误解和不正当对待的人。据了解，这一切象他肉体上的病痛一样，同时啮啃着他，把他毁灭了。据悉，大批曾与他共事过的人也惨遭同样的命运。 在最后的那次会晤中，尽管他在精神上和肉体上都深感痛楚，但他还是很和蔼、亲切。在招待我用午餐时，他自豪他说，桌上的沙拉是他的儿子礼萨王储亲手制作的。我深深为之感动。我们不仅谈到伊朗，还谈到了广泛的世界性问题，象通常一样，从谈话中可以看到，他对国际舞台上所发生的事件有着渊博的知识。 有的领导人需要权力，是为了使他们的生活具有目标：有的领导人则是为了一个目标而活着。他们实现这个目标的要求是那样强烈，以至于渴望得到权力，以便实现它。∫晾使跏俏怂墓叶钭诺摹Ｋ炎约汉他的国家视为一体——不仅是现代的伊朗，而且是泽克西斯、大流士和塞鲁士的古老的波斯这个一度包括世界许多地区的帝国。象这些古代的皇帝一样，他生活奢华，拥有帝国各种显赫的服饰。 但奢华并不是他紧紧抱住孔雀御座的原因。对他来说，他之所以这样做，是因为孔雀御座代表着伊朗，代表着使伊朗人民过上较好的生活的希望。在他父亲所奠定的基础上，他利用他的权力，通过扫除文盲，解放妇女，推行农业革命及建立薪的工业等做法，使他的国家与中世纪决裂，脐身于现代世界之林。 那些抱怨他的秘密警察过多的人，忘记了他在彻底改造伊朗的过程中树立了多少敌人。毛拉们、因袭的商人们、占有土地的贵族们、顽固的官僚们，贵族出身的社会名流们及共产党人，都鄙视他。令人啼笑皆非的是，他的死敌中还包括年青的知识分子——他们当中许多人是他派到国外去学习的。这些人回国以后，要求实行的改革比伊朗国王愿意实行的改革更多、更急迫。被他解放的妇女们也举行示威游行反对他。这些不耐烦的伊朗人，不知不觉地变成了毛拉们发动政变的弹药。他们廖集在"伊朗革命"后面，以为自己正在推动伊朗国王以更快的速度开展现代化和自由化的运动。殊不知正好相反，他们帮了那些怀有野心的教士们的忙，使这个运动走向了反面。 为了免于树敌，伊朗国王本来可以什么都不干。他可以继续管辖一个穷困、落后的波斯，依靠王室财产的收入，过着优越的生活，并在损害无权者的情况下，与权贵们建立一种相安无事的关系。但是，伊朗国王宁愿有所作为，而不愿无所事事。正如他在墨西哥时对我说的，他可能是做得过分了。他要把伊朗变成一个人民受过教育、农民占有土地的、经济上和军事上的大国。许多见过伊朗国王显赫地坐在珠宝宝座上的照片的西方人，如果了解情况，当会大吃一惊：在大部分时间里，他穿着工作服，在他那相当简朴的办公室中批阅文件。他在迎接来访者时，也是站起来的，并和他们握手。他不太相信顾问们，并拒绝授予他们大多的权力，宁愿自己一天工作十五个小时，竭尽全力工作。 、他的头脑中装满了伊朗经济发展的最微小的细节。在他的领导下，伊朗的国民生产总值和人均收入引人注目地增长着。 到革命前夕，三分之二的人有了自己的住家。 在美国的帮助下，伊朗国王建立了一支强大的军事力量，成为美国在中东的主要盟国和从地中海到阿富汗的一支稳定力量。七十年代后期，当他在国内的困难逐步增加时，美国对他的支持转麝用亮。许多人把他对美国的依赖看成是一个致命的弱点。其实，这些批评者把是非颠倒了。如果没有大国的支持，当代较小的国家很少能够挤进世界的前列。美日安全协定就是这种联盟的榜样。在伊朗问题上，致命的弱点是美国的软弱，在战后的岁月中，如果美国对日本刚一冒头的动乱犹豫不决的话，那么，其后果将与伊朗相似，同样是灾难性的。在伊朗，当一位朋友最需要我们帮助的时候，我们却撒手不管了。 对一位领导人匆忙作出的结论，常常会被现实向历史这个高级法院提出的上诉所推翻。有的人在离开舞台之后，其形象逐渐缩小了，有的人却逐渐增大了。有一些人在去世时被封为圣徒，但他们的缺点随着时间的推移却变得越来越明显。智利的阿连德、埃及的纳赛尔和中国的毛泽东就是例证。伊朗国王则是在一片争论声中去世的。但我确信，随着岁月的流逝，他将属于那些形象会变得越来越高大的人中的一员。 正在实行现代化的君主们会面临着一个异常困难的平衡问题，因为他试图改变的习俗，也正是支撑着他的、使他有权统治的那些传统。为了取得成功，他必须体察人民的脉搏；他的改革必须是稳健的，而不是突如其来的。但是，在实行改革和现代化的过程中，如果丧失东西最多的人真的起来反对他的话，那他就必须迅速地、充分地行使他的权力。一旦他选定了他将要遵循的道路，在向批评看作出让步时，就必须非常小心谨慎。如果让步过多，自己必将无路可走。 与广为流传的神话相反，伊朗国王的垮台并不是因为他是一个没有良心的暴君，事实刚巧相反，他垮台的原因之一是缺乏耐心。他可能是做得太多、太快了。原因之二是他在遏制那些威胁他的国家的稳定的人们时，还不够残酷无情。这也是很重要的原因。对他的敌人及时地进行镇压，本应是伊朗国王为了把伊朗从黑暗中拯救出来的最好措施。然而，黑暗终于把晾吞噬了。一如我们当初就不幸地看到的那样，伊朗国王的敌人，也就是伊朗人民的自由和进步的敌人。