Chapter 5 3. Charles de Gaulle-2

In 1962, after my unsuccessful bid for governor of California, my family and I traveled to Europe and stopped in Paris for a few days.To my great surprise, and to Ambassador Pollan's still greater surprise, de Gaulle invited Mrs. Nixon and I to lunch at the Élysée Palace, and also invited Pollan. After my two failed elections, neither I nor any American politician believes that I have a political future.De Gaulle's invitation therefore seemed a gesture of politeness and generosity.In his informal lunch toast, de Gaulle said that when he first met me three years ago, he instinctively felt that I would play a more important role in the leadership of the United States.He said he still maintains that view, and that he sees me taking on a role in a future "top job."

This is a very polite but sincere commendation.During my presidency and all my years at San Clemente, the visiting French officials who knew de Gaulle never forgot to tell me that, even before the American press hinted, he He predicted that I would be elected president. De Gaulle met me every time I traveled to Paris while I was in opposition, unless he was not in Paris, although he usually only met those who were in power.I don't mean to say that these meetings indicated that de Gaulle had a special appreciation for me, however, I personally think that our respect was mutual and gradually grew over the years.He is a keen observer of American politics and global affairs. I think he may have examined the American political arena, but he did not see many leaders who have a lot of understanding of world politics.He may also think that the times need leaders who understand world politics, so I may find an opportunity to return to power.So our meeting was an opportunity for him to cultivate a friendship with a potential future leader of his most important ally and to make his point understood.

Also, I think he transferred his affections to me because he saw me as another person who knew what it was like to be "in the wild." The adversity of de Gaulle's failure helped him develop a character that attracted his cult following.But de Gaulle wrote that a man of character also needs majesty to be an effective leader. "He must have lofty aims, insights, and courage in his actions, so that he can establish authority among ordinary people who are mediocre." If he is satisfied with ordinary things, he will be considered a good servant, but "by no means a person who can The master who shoulders the beliefs and ideals of mankind."

De Gaulle's cause was France.Nothing inspired him more than the symbols of French glory, and nothing grieved him more than her weakness and failure. "All my life I have had certain ideas about France," de Gaulle wrote at the beginning of his wartime memoirs.In the exciting passages that follow, he makes a fascinating point, not about the French nation-state, but about the French national soul.Emotionally, he thinks, he tends to imagine France as a country doomed to great success or great disaster. If the political intransigence of the US leader was infuriating. On one occasion, Churchill's words surpassed Roosevelt's ridicule of de Gaulle, saying: "Yes, de Gaulle did see himself as Joan of Arc, but I The goddamn bishops just won't let me burn him. "

Eisenhower, on the other hand, sincerely admired de Gaulle as a military and political leader.He deplored the negative prejudice against de Gaulle among many American diplomats: welcome to his return to power in 1958.He emphasized to me that, difficult as de Gaulle might have been, France could not have survived as a free country without his leadership.Years later, before my state visit to France in 1969, I visited Eisenhower at Walter Reed Hospital.He was seventy-eight years old, bedridden with illness, and probably had only a few weeks to live.But his mind was still sharp and his memory was strong.He mused: "In war, we were insensitive to de Gaulle."

Eisenhower held great respect for de Gaulle as president.He bestowed de Gaulle with the usual courtesies, and de Gaulle reciprocated with friendship, and the astonishing deterioration in French-American relations in the sixties was largely due to the failure of American policy makers to recognize a simple truth: respect for human beings. Sensitivity and courtesy are a small price to pay for good relations between nations. De Gaulle's greatest fear was that France would suffer the fate of those countries that had made history and now could only commemorate it. In 1969, when I was on a state visit to Paris, in my speech upon arrival, I recalled what Benjamin Franklin said: Every man is a citizen of two countries, he is a citizen of his own country and a citizen of France.If one stops to consider what France has contributed to modern civilization in art, literature, philosophy, science, and politics, then this maxim sounds right.De Gaulle made sure that this motto is interesting.Yet all his efforts to shore up national pride were largely successful.He insisted that France develop its own atomic weapons and nuclear forces.In the 1960s, successive US administrations neglected to consult with Charles de Gaulle before taking diplomatic action, and Charles de Gaulle withdrew France from NATO's integrated command structure.

In my discussions with de Gaulle in 1967, his fascination with France's global role was expressed both in the way he talked and in the positions he took on major foreign policy issues.We met in his office at the Élysée Palace, with only his interpreter around. Although de Gaulle never spoke English, I could tell he knew it well.I studied French at university and could notice that when our interpreter happened to miss the nuances of de Gaulle's speech, de Gaulle often re-expressed his thoughts in very precise language, emphasizing the meaning that had been misinterpreted.Since he likes extremely precise language, he may be reluctant to speak poor English.But I also realize that he only uses French because he thinks French should regain its former status as the language of international diplomacy.He also concedes that he has strategic advantages in speaking French.While waiting for the interpreter to translate my talk and questions, he can have double the time to think and answer.He obviously thought so, because he listened to me as carefully as he listened to the interpreter.

We met shortly after the outbreak of the Arab-Israeli war in 1967.De Gaulle called for a summit to discuss the Middle East and other disputed regions.During our meeting he told me that he believed that Russia, in a difficult situation because of developments in the Middle East, might be receptive to a solution that was fair to both Arabs and Israelis. I asked him if the Soviet Union supported Nasser's policy of aggression everywhere in the Middle East, could he not doubt their sincerity in seeking a just solution?He acknowledged that the Soviet Union had a policy of helping "socialist" countries such as Egypt, which often tried to use tensions in the Middle East to gain influence and leverage in the Arab world.However, he emphasized that the Soviet Union did not completely reject his proposed summit meeting.interest.Yet all his efforts to shore up national pride were largely successful.He insisted on the French

The end result is that the Russians have no interest in meeting Western leaders.I think that de Gaulle's desperate desire to make France a bigger international player gave rise to this rare lapse in judgment.As Italian President Salagat once said to me: "De Gaulle is an honest and good man, but he is like a woman looking in a mirror, who wants to look in the mirror but is afraid of what she will look like in the mirror." De Gaulle could not bear the fact that France, despite its great history as a great power in the world, was only a fraction of the economic and military power of the United States.He did not want the United States and the Soviet Union to make all key foreign policy decisions without consulting or involving France.He also believes that the long-term diplomatic experience of the French makes them capable of contributing to the improvement of East-West relations in various ways, which is impossible for the inexperienced and reckless Americans.

Although this example shows that he was wrong about the situation at hand, his analysis of the future of the Middle East was prescient.He believed that Israel would insist on very tough terms in return for the territories it occupied.When he talked about the Israelis as a group of extreme people, he said: "Look at their history recorded in the Bible". He pointed out that the Arabs are also the same extreme people."Both sides always want more than they deserve," he said. He said the United States and other nations should come together to make peace based on reconciliation, not retaliation.He believes that such a peace is in Israel's long-term interests. "Israel has won every war it has fought against the Arabs so far and will win the next one," he said, "but in the end they cannot survive in a sea of ​​hatred."

Unlike many Western leaders at the time, de Gaulle blamed both sides for the crisis in the Middle East.As a result some have unfairly labeled him an "anti-Semite". Pollan, a frequent critic of de Gaulle, disagreed, saying to me: "The problem is that he (referring to de Gaulle) felt that Jews in general were internationalists, whereas he was primarily a straight nationalist." I concluded this conversation by saying that in dealing with the Soviet Union, there needs to be more consultation among NATO countries.The United States should not rely solely on its bilateral relationship with the Soviet Union on major issues."I remember," he replied with a slight smile. He did. When I became president, de Gaulle and I healed the rift between France and the United States.Unlike some of my predecessors, I did not disdain de Gaulle's advice and advice, but welcomed it.For I know that I have much to gain from his experience and wisdom on world affairs.I believe this change in attitude alone has gone a long way in improving the relationship between our two countries. De Gaulle's teachings on leadership were both simple and to the point.The gist of it is outlined in his book The Blade.If a leader has mystique, character, and gravitas, he can gain fame.If he combines fame and charisma, he can gain authority.If there is foresight in addition to authority, he can become one of the few important leaders in history like de Gaulle. But there is a high price to be paid for the mystical solitude, the independent character and the detached gravitas.A leader, de Gaulle wrote, must choose between prestige and happiness.Because greatness and "vague melancholy" are inseparable. "The contentment, tranquility, and joy that are regarded as the content of happiness are not enjoyed by those in high positions." A leader must endure strict self-discipline, frequent adventures, and constant ideological struggle. De Gaulle wanted to restore the greatness of his country and would give it his all.His stern face, wrinkled with age and fatigue, gave him the melancholy air of a leader.His lips were tightly shut, as if he were forever dissatisfied.When he smiled, his lips parted, but the corners never turned up.His deep-set, frosty blue eyes, surrounded by black rings, seemed to express a hint of sadness.His left eye was always tilted slightly outward, giving the impression that he would not be attracted by women.He may have fantasies, but they will never be able to realize them. To maintain his personal aloofness, de Gaulle felt he had to shun the friendships of his colleagues.Not one of them had ever called him anything more affectionate than "my general."One biographer even said that he removed his longtime aides just to keep them from getting too close to him. But no one can be so gloomy and severe forever.De Gaulle's "human" side occasionally came to the surface, for example in his emphasis on traditional values ​​of family life.He can remember the names of the wives and children of his staff and often asks about them. In his usually serious demeanor there are occasional bursts of typically sarcastic French humor.Once, during his presidency, an aide, unable to get through because the Paris phone line was busy, slammed the receiver and shouted, "Death to all the fools!" Just walked into the room without being noticed by the aide De Gaulle, who arrived, said: "Ah! What a huge project, my friend!" General von der Kemp, the well-known director of the Palace of Giersey, told me another example. When Charles de Gaulle inspected the newly renovated State Guesthouse in the Grand Trianon Palace, someone said that Napoleon's bathtub For President Johnson it may be big or small.De Gaulle replied: "Maybe so, but it was about right for Nixon." De Gaulle wrote that a leader cannot enjoy the simple pleasures of pure friendship, but in social events he proved himself wrong.He was very affable, and at official dinners he did not dominate the conversation but tried to keep everyone in the conversation, including Mrs Nixon and Mrs de Gaulle.Of course, I knew he had always been a great officer, but after dealing with him directly, I knew he was also a well-mannered man. Many leaders are so engrossed in national affairs, or so preoccupied with themselves, that they do not talk to or express any interest in other guests at a dinner party.Not so with de Gaulle. At the banquet we threw for him in 1960, Mrs. Nixon went to great lengths to arrange some bright flowers around an artificial fountain surrounded by a horseshoe-shaped table.De Gaulle noticed the arrangement and politely praised the hostess for taking so much time to plan and arrange such an official banquet.Mrs. Nixon later pointed out that most of the visiting dignitaries either did not notice or bothered to compliment the hostess for it. "A mark of real politeness," she said, "is that he thinks and speaks of other people, not just himself." These public displays of enthusiasm are exceptions to the frosty official life.De Gaulle had affection for his family.He has mastered one of the most vexing challenges leaders face: the conflict between obligations to family and obligations to work.In this race, family often comes second to those who move into senior leadership—not because the leader doesn't like family very much, but because he knows thousands of families are waiting his decision.He has to spend a lot of time at work and has to live with an irregular schedule, so his family often feels left out.With cameras relentlessly stealing the spotlight, hordes of news reporters on their heels, and gossip-mongers everywhere, life is hard under these circumstances, and a father's support is all the more needed when the family is disturbed by these disturbances, yet, what he can draw Time is scarce. De Gaulle divided his life into separate parts, separating family and work.The Elysee Palace office is a few steps away from his residence, just across a hall, but it may be like crossing the European continent, because the two places belong to completely different worlds.His aides know.When he left the office at the end of the day, de Gaulle was almost impossible to find.Nobody came to him unless there was an emergency.The time he spends with his family is his time with his family.Similarly, when he is concentrating on state affairs, his family does not bother him, nor does he want to discuss anything with him. With this method of separating public and private, he maintains a balance, which few people can achieve—— Neither work nor family comes second; each is first in its own right. Typically, he returns to his residence at the Elysee Palace at 8 o'clock in the evening. After watching the TV news and having dinner quietly, he often relaxes with his family by reading books, listening to music or chatting.The de Gaulle family was not interested in any sports. Like Adenauer and Dai Gasberg, de Gaulle's only exercise was walking.His whole family are devout Catholics and never miss Sunday Mass. As the head of the family, de Gaulle enjoyed spending weekends with his children and grandchildren in La Boiseli.The whole family was always very supportive of de Gaulle and his policies. Family support is always important to a leader.A stern and aloof figurehead who separates official and private life needs a warm and supportive family more than anyone else.He needed a place to rest, and he needed to rest among the few he could trust, a place where he could take off the mask he wore in public and return to his true self.A general de Gaulle needs a place where Charles de Gaulle can live.Without close old friends, he needed his family more, as de Gaulle wrote in his memoirs: "For me, the harmony of this family is precious." De Gaulle's wife Yvonne ranks very high among the world's first ladies.She played a very different role from first ladies like Madam Chiang Kai-shek and Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt.They are celebrities themselves.Madame de Gaulle did not want to be famous, she avoided the opportunity of fame on the contrary, and Parisian celebrities were not happy with her refusal to wear the latest fashions and reluctance to show themselves in the social scene, but she did not care. As a great pianist accompanies a great singer, she both complements and obeys de Gaulle.The pianist must elevate his role to that of the singer.The greatness of a pianist is not measured by how well he plays, but by how well a singer can sing.Likewise, Madame de Gaulle sees her role solely as making him look perfect, rather than being obsessed with making herself look perfect. Yvonne de Gaulle is not coquettish, but she is a standard lady. Always dress like a lady, act like a lady, think like a lady.From my conversations with her, I can feel that her mission in life is to build a happy family for her husband and children.In her terse conversation, she boiled down her attitude to this: "The presidency is temporary, but the family is permanent." She provided de Gaulle with an austere, isolated family life, to his great satisfaction.I could see his deep love and respect for her.As a friend of the family once said: "Few people realize how much the general depended on Yvonne, and she held him up all these years." The de Gaulle couple had three children: Philip, Elizabeth and Anne.One cannot always judge a leader on the basis of family, but in the case of de Gaulle it could be.If a leader's children fail, it is often because they have not adjusted to the stressful life in the political goldfish bowl.If they succeed, it is usually because they were brought up imbued with the values ​​that keep leaders politically alive.His ancient chivalry, his Christian values, his great respect for women, and his love of family life are reflected in de Gaulle's wife and children.His family is one of his most touching legacies. Philippe de Gaulle, much like his father, fought heroically alongside the fighting French in World War II.He is now an admiral in the French Navy.When I met him in Paris in 1980, he accompanied me to visit his father's home when he was in the wild.I was impressed by the simplicity of the general's private office.There are no ornate furniture and exquisite oil paintings, only some tables and chairs that are falling apart, an old typewriter and a few souvenirs.Over the years, I've noticed that great leaders don't try to show off their spacious offices to their guests, whether it's a government, business, or any other leader.What is common is such a rule: the smaller the person, the more he insists on a big office. Admiral de Gaulle told me he had no interest in politics.His only ambition, he said, was to serve his country as a naval officer and to refrain from doing anything detrimental to the "general's" dignity.Married to an army officer, de Gaulle's daughter, Elisabeth, had her mother's austere, elegant features. In a conversation I had with Madame de Gaulle, she spoke movingly about the difficulty of politicians raising their children and enabling them to lead normal lives.Although she didn't mention it at the time, I got the sense that she was thinking about the pain they were going through with their third child.Anne was born with mental retardation and was only 19 years old when she died.Mrs. Nixon recalled that when Mrs. de Gaulle was in Washington, she was not interested in attending high society soirees or viewing historical sites. She only wanted to visit children's hospitals and foster homes to see how mentally retarded children were cared for. If there was any doubt as to whether de Gaulle lacked all human emotion, the fact of Anne's tragic life and death certainly dispelled it. Yvonne de Gaulle was hit by a car shortly before the birth of her third child, and she did not Injured, but probably in shock.After she gave birth to Anne, doctors told de Gaulle that their daughter would be mentally retarded and might never be able to speak.They are desperate.Mrs. de Gaulle once wrote in a letter to a friend: "As long as Anne can be like other normal little girls, Charles and I are willing to sacrifice everything: health, all our money, future, career." He loves Anne very much and does not want to be separated from her.When it was suggested that they put her in an foster home, de Gaulle replied: "She didn't ask to be born and we should do everything to make her happy." In Anne's short life, de Gaulle was the only person who could make her laugh.When he was with her, he dropped all dignity.A neighbor of Colombe recalled de Gaulle "walking around the yard with her hand in hand, stroking her and whispering to him things she could understand".According to biographer Joan Raymond Turnou, he often danced a little jig with her, performed short pantomime for her, and sang folk songs to her.He even let her play with his army cap, which made her eyes sparkle at the sight of it. When she was happy, she would make almost intelligible sounds and laugh like any other child."However, she was tired, but happy, and took her father's hand and went to sleep," Turnou wrote. De Gaulle tried his best to protect Anne from contact with inquisitive people and the press.During wartime in England, he forbade photojournalists to take pictures of his children at his country home.Because he knew that Anne's presence or absence would cause discussions.The other children tease her because she is different, her pain is complicated because she does not know why she is different. The de Gaulle family was afraid that no one would protect her after they died.So they set up an escrow fund to guarantee that Annie would be properly cared for.With their meager resources, they bought a castle on a piece of woodland near Miron-la-Chamber.The nuns of the Church of St. Agnes agreed to staff the home, which opened in 1946.Later, de Gaulle pledged to use most of his memoirs to maintain the solvency of the Anne de Gaulle fund. In 1947, Anne died of pneumonia shortly before her twentieth birthday.At the end of a brief private ceremony in the graveyard of the General Cemetery in Colombe, de Gaulle and Yvonne stood in tears, silent, and after a moment he took her by the hand and said: "Come on, now she Just like the other kids." It is rare in history to find a leader who combines all the admirable qualities of Charles de Gaulle.He is human and superhuman. In 1960 I had the honor of being invited by him to the Elysee Palace.The most memorable of my meetings with de Gaulle were the last ones, when we all met as presidents of our respective countries. On February 28, 1969, Air Force One landed at Orly Airport, France.This is the penultimate stop of my first foreign trip as president.I will never forget the spectacular welcome upon arrival - the huge red carpet, the majestic guard of honor, the newly decorated reception marquee.When de Gaulle stood beside the gangway in a cold climate with neither hat nor overcoat, he seemed taller than everyone else. At first, I thought he might have planned an impressive welcome because of the importance of the country I was representing.But Vermont Walters told me that de Gaulle insisted on giving the same grand reception to the visiting heads of small states.He respects the leaders of small countries as much as those of large ones.The policy may have stemmed from his bitterness, which saw him downgraded by the Allies during World War II.This policy is very wise, it helps to expand French influence in Africa and Latin America.Negligence and mistakes in diplomatic etiquette, whether intentional or not, affect the leaders of small and weak countries far more than the leaders of large countries. The grand state banquet at the Elysee Palace and the exquisite luncheon at the Palace of Versailles often remind people of the glory of France's past and present.But the best part of the visit was the ten hours of one-on-one sessions we had.During the talks, he not only expressed his views on the French and American issues, but also his views on the whole world.The wide range of our topics is like the well-organized and continuous garden that can be seen from the meeting place of the Grand Trianon Palace.With a graceful sweeping motion of his hand, he said: "Louis XIV ruled Europe from this room." In the splendor of Versailles, de Gaulle looked completely at home.He doesn't put on airs, but there is an aura of majesty and majesty exuding from him. In talks, his performance was -- and I don't use that word in a pejorative sense -- astonishing.He was eloquent and eloquent at times, calm and practical at other times, but always articulate—like MacArthur—and what he said was not always true, but he always believed in it. The first issue we discussed was Western policy towards the Soviet Union.Some of de Gaulle's detractors labeled him a stiff, right-wing visionary.But he's a calm, down-to-earth guy.He advocated a policy of appeasement toward the Russians, although he knew that the Soviet threat was a major fact of postwar European life.He believed that the Soviets were willing to improve relations.He explained that the traditional Soviet fear of Germany was now intensified by being entangled in China."They think about it in terms of a possible conflict with China, and they know they can't fight the West at the same time. So I believe they will ultimately choose a policy of reconciliation with the West," he said. He continued: "As for the West, what choice do we have? Unless you are ready to go to war or bring down the Berlin Wall, there is no other acceptable alternative policy. It makes sense to strive for détente: if you don't Prepare to start a war, then make peace!" We then turn to issues that have vexed since the founding of the North Atlantic Alliance and are still vexing today.I asked, "If the Russians took action, do you think they believed that the United States would respond with strategic nuclear weapons? Do the Europeans believe that we would respond to the Soviet Union with a massive conventional ground force attack or the threat of such an attack?" Attack?": "Louis XIV ruled Europe from this room." After my question was translated, he seemed to wait a minute before answering.Then he replied in carefully considered words: "I can only answer for the French. I believe that the Russians know that the United States will not allow them to conquer Europe. However, we also believe that if the Russians enter the army, you will not immediately Use nuclear weapons because that would mean doing everything possible so that everyone killed is the other person." If both the Russians and the US use tactical nukes.He continued, "Europe would be destroyed. Western Europe and Great Britain would be destroyed by Soviet tactical nuclear weapons, East Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary would be destroyed by American tactical nuclear weapons. The situation in Europe would indeed be tragic. Meanwhile, the United States and the Soviet Union will not suffer." Because of this thinking, de Gaulle apparently thought the problem was closed.But the next day, he deftly reopened the issue.We start talking about the disastrous consequences for most of Europe at the time of World War II.How many volumes of history he condensed into one sentence: "In the Second World War, all European countries perished, and two countries were defeated." About a year before his death, de Gaulle said to Malraux: "Stalin said to me only one truth: in the end, death is the only victor." Thinking of these two arguments, I think that in our talks, de Gaulle was telling me that if there was a nuclear war, it would not be possible. There will be winners, only losers. According to him, the only sensible East-West policy is one that combines deterrence and détente. When I asked him about Communist China, he said he was "disillusioned with their ideology."But persuading the US not to "leave them alone". In 1963, he expressed the same opinion to me again.He happened to think exactly like us.I told him that I might also "have a long-term view on China" when negotiating with the Russians.I went on to say: "Ten years later, when China has made considerable progress in thermonuclear, we will have no choice. We will have more exchanges with them than we do now, which is extremely important." De Gaulle agreed and commented Using a clever rhetorical device, he said: "It's better if you admit it before it increases enough to compel you to admit it." De Gaulle made little use of the United Nations, which he once contemptuously described to me as a "machine".Churchill's attitude towards the United Nations was remarkably similar to that of de Gaulle.The British leader once said to me: "No great country will allow other countries to make decisions on a problem involving its own survival." De Gaulle once said to Eisenhower: "You are very much in favor of the United Nations, yes Because you still control it, but it was you and the Soviet Union that caused the independence movement to bloom for completely different reasons, and it won't be long before you can no longer control it." He went on to say that the Soviet Union supported the anti-colonial movement to create and exploit There is a power vacuum, and America does the same because it lives under the illusion that "George Washington was an Indian chief who drove out the English landowners." He predicted to Eisenhower that, with the two most powerful nations in the world demanding an end to colonial rule, "you will lose control of the United Nations to the developing nations and the city-states, which inevitably are easily manipulated by the Soviet Union, but by the time At that time, you will make the United Nations an idol that everyone worships, and when the time comes when they order you to do things that are contrary to the common sense and interests of the United States, you will have to obey." The United Nations bowed its head and exaggerated, but it was a prophetic analysis of what was going to happen in the United Nations.When I asked him about Communist China, he said he was "disillusioned with their ideology." We spent a lot of time discussing Vietnam in 1967 and 1969. In 1967 he suggested to me that, as a presidential candidate, I should campaign on the promise of an early end to this war under the best possible conditions.Unlike Adenauer, de Gaulle believed that the Soviet Union demanded an end to the Indochina War.At one meeting, he told me, Kosygin lamented the problems the war had posed for the Soviet Union.He said the Soviet leader slammed his fist into the palm of his other hand and said, "You have no idea how much this war in Southeast Asia is messing with the Russian budget." I think de Gaulle's usually astute judgment was wrong on this point.He believed that one of the greatest responsibilities of a leader was to make the economy sound, inflation down, and the currency stable, and he seemed to think that the leaders of the Soviet Union would view their problems in a similar light.I didn't think so then, and I don't think so now.While budgetary issues were indeed a concern of the Soviet leadership, they placed more emphasis on pursuing expansionist goals than on domestic economic problems because they could turn a deaf ear to the complaints of the people. In a meeting I had with de Gaulle in 1969, he urged the US to withdraw from Vietnam, but not to take a sharp turn — not to "like a breakdown," as he put it.他看到撤退会给我在政治上带来困难。他说，他的"令人痛苦的"从阿尔及利亚——"法兰西的一部分"——撤走的决定，遇到的困难甚至更大。但又说这对他来说是唯一可走的道路。 他认为，为了与苏联成功地进行谈判，美国必须使自己从越南摆脱出来。在一定程度上戴高乐的看法是对的：要是没有越南这场战争，我们与苏联的关系本来不会有那么多的麻烦。 但是仅仅撤退能否改善谈判的气氛还是另一个问题。1972年第一次莫斯科最高级会议前不久，北越在南方发动了一场大规模的袭击。大多数专家劝告我说，美国采取任何一项有力的反措施都会破坏最高级会议。我拒绝了这个劝告，下令轰炸河内和对海防港布雷。这是俄国人能明白的语言，非但没有破坏最高级会议，我确信它促进了他们向前走的愿望。 尽管我并不总是同意戴高乐的意见，但他总是给我留下深刻的印象。在三天的会谈中，他讲话时，面前没有字条，身边没有顾问。我遇到过的领导人中没有一个人在讨论任何题目或世界任何一部分的问题时能够超过戴高乐的才干、智慧和不时表现出来的深刻洞察力。 在1962年2月，我们举行巴黎会议之后一个月，在他飞越大西洋吊唁他的朋友和战时盟友艾森豪威尔时，我又见到了他。 艾森豪威尔是三月二十八日去世的。我们在白宫会见一小时，讨论了当前国际形势的发展状况。 戴高乐再次劝说我采取步骤，尽可能快地结束越南战争。 另一方面，他认识到我们也不应该慌张地撤退，而应该有步骤地和有计划地撤退。他确信，一旦我们结束了这场战争，美国的力量和威信会大大提高，全世界对美国的信任会重新恢复。 我告诉了他我们提出的撤退计划，而且说我们已经在秘密地与北越人接触。并补充说，我们相信谈判只有在私下秘密进行才会成功。他说，北越已经向法国暗示，他们愿意进行私下秘密谈判，以试图结束战争。回顾起来，我认为这次会谈为基辛格秘密的巴黎之行奠定了基础，其结果是四年后签定了巴黎和平协议，结束了美国对越南的卷入。要是没有戴高乐的后继人蓬皮杜总统的帮助，没有法国政府的协助，谈判是不会取得最后胜利的。 戴高乐十分关心英国和德国关于用超级离心法生产浓缩铀的协议。我对他说，我认为法德和解是他任期中最伟大的成就之一；许多人认为这是不可能的，但他使之成为现实。 他很欣赏这一赞赏的话，但是他用实用主义的坦率口吻讲到，尽管总的来说他对德国是警惕的，但还是决定与阿登纳和解并合作。尽管他承认"德国人具有巨大的活力、干劲和能力"以及有某种"温顺"，他还是小心翼翼地进行和解，因为他深深地感到，归根结蒂德国人有一种脉冲式的野心，如果不经常加以扼制，必将使法国和别的国家遭受惨痛的经历。基于这一原因，法国人认定决不能让德国人有它自己的核武器。他说，他对英德协议极为关注是因为，假如你"有了浓缩铀并且你又是德国的话，凭着它的技术能力，高核武器的生产就不远了。" 他补充说，这是法国决不能接受的。 事过十三年后，从今天发展的情况来看他对苏美关系的看法是特别有趣的。我那时对苏联增加它的军事力量，特别是导弹能力和海军力量的巨大能力表示了关注。然而我们也看到表明苏联本来是愿意缓和东西方紧张局势的迹象。 我对他说，我个人并不认识克里姆林宫的统治者，愿意请教他对他们的评价，特别是他对关于鸽派和鹰派之间潜在的分裂的报道的看法，他表示了这样一个见解：尽管苏联有"极大的野心"，克里姆林宫的领导人并不是一心想进行那种古典意义上的征服的。相反，他们要使苏联变得坚不可摧，与任何国家，特别是美国相比，一点也不逊色。 他说，波德戈尔内是一位没有勃列日涅夫"那样魄力和热情的老头"，按照戴高乐的观点，勃列日涅夫是克里姆林宫的无可争辩的主人。他说柯西金是一位熟练的、努力工作的人，他在政府工作中度过了一生，比勃列日涅夫更灵活，而且根据法国获得的情报，他在1968年捷克人民起义后入侵捷克问题上的态度要比他的同事温和得多。 他说，尽管这些领导人可能在象捷克这样的事件上不一致，但他们认为捷克问题是件小事，而他们在大问题上是一致的，特别是在增强苏联的实力问题上。在与他们的谈话中，他发现他们几乎是直截了当地和坦率地回答问题，甚至很诚恳，但是他认识到在很大程度上这只是一种掩饰。他归结说："全世界都在等待着美国总统去和他们接触，或是等他们去和美国接触。"当我问他，是否认为这种直接接触是有益的，他的回答是绝对的："毫无疑问。" 会谈后当我陪他走向他的汽车时，他要我向艾森豪威尔夫人表示他的慰问和敬意。戴高乐不经常显露他的情感，但是从他谈话的方式我可以觉察到他对艾森豪威尔怀有深厚的爱慕和尊敬，对艾森豪威尔的逝世他极为悲痛。 我最后一次见到他是在艾森豪威尔的葬礼上和他的会见。 我们早已拟定他访问华盛顿的初步计划。1969年4月29日，他突然辞去总统职务退休。他并不是因为重大问题而辞职的，而是由于一个小问题，即在关于参议院和地区改革的公民投票中，他遭到败北。马尔罗后来问他为什么会为这样一个"荒唐可笑"的问题而辞职，他的回答正是人们预料会从戴高乐将军那儿得到的回答："正因为它是荒唐可笑的。" 戴高乐象邱吉尔和阿登纳一样，发现培养和造就一个后继人是困难的。邱吉尔定下了艾登：阿登纳定下了艾哈德：戴高乐定下了蓬皮杜。我把蓬皮社列为我所见到的较有能力的世界领导人之一。追随一个真正伟大的人是极大的困难。杜鲁门至少从历史观点来看没有能力接替罗斯福的位置，但他用自己的方式在历史上留下了他的脚却没有另一个人能继戴高乐的位。 只有蓬皮杜——世界经济专家中的佼佼者之一——是一位相称的继承人，他给我留下的特别深刻的印象是，在我们讨论外交政策时，他总是从全球观点出发而不是从地区观点出发来考虑问题的。 在戴高乐辞职后，我给他发了一封亲笔信，在信上我再次邀请他来华盛顿，并告诉他："我们的许多城市和州将为你在访问日程表里包括它们而感到荣幸。"在结束时我写道："坦率地说，在这世界上大部分地方都是由平庸的领导人领导的时代里——美国的精神需要你的光临。"维蒙·沃尔特斯把我的信交给了在科隆贝的戴高乐。戴高乐读完后说："他是一位真正的同志。"同一天他坐在书桌前写了这样一封亲笔信：亲爱的总统先生：承惠公函及您的极其热情的私人信件使我深为感动。这不仅因您身居美国总统高位，也因为这些信件来自于您——理查德·尼克松，而我对您有充分理由怀有无比真挚的尊敬、信任和友谊。 或许有一天我将有机会荣幸地再见到您。此时我向您表示发自肺腑的祝愿，祝您在完成您的重大的国内和国际事务中获得成功。 请向尊敬的尼克松夫人转达我的衷心的问候，我的妻子附笔表示热烈的祝愿。我亲爱的总统先生，请相信我对你的诚挚和忠实的友谊。 夏尔·戴高乐 这封信是戴高乐给我的最后一封信，1970年11月9日他去世了。我和全世界的领导人一起飞往巴黎吊唁。 夏尔·戴高乐一生中，在身材上高过常人，但是他的力量发白内部。蒜头鼻，略显浑圆的身材，柔软纤长的手掌，所有这些对他力量的形象既不能有所补益也不能有所减损。这是一种超越于形体的力量——它是一种由己及人的风纪，在它出现时令人肃然起敬。 戴高乐不谈怀疑，只谈坚信。有时他会出错，即使是他的错误，在历史上也变成了一股力量。 他想要振兴法国过去的美德，但不是要把它们奉为神圣。 用马尔罗的话说："他是一个比昨天还古旧，比明天还新颖的人。" 他是一个现时代天主教堂的建造者，他建造的天主教堂是一个概念、一种感觉——真实而又不真实；可见而又不可见，可以感触而又不可捉摸。这正是法兰西：不只是地理或政治观念上的法兰西，而是精神观念上的法兰西。 戴高乐向法国人提出一个法国可能变成的法国幻象，而且通过告诉他们这就是法国的过去，他帮助法国变成更接近幻象中的形象。 正如古老的中国人把中国看作是"中央王国"那样——是世界的中心，中心以外就是边缘——戴高乐也把法国看成是中央王国一类。世界其他部分只有在它影响法国时才有意义。在分析世界事务时，他目光冷静而远大，但是他的政策主要是为了促进或保护法国的利益。 他是法国的代言人、保护人、先知、良心、鞭策者和灵感。在一定意义上说，他就是法国。法国不是一个联邦，而是一个整体。他体现了法国，他不仅在世界上代表法国人，而且对法国人来说，也代表法国。 戴高乐不特别喜欢作为一个民族的美国人，由于这个原因。 他也不特别喜欢法国人，但这是风马牛不相干的事。他热爱他的家庭和法国。在他与别的国家的关系中，要紧的不是他是否喜欢这个国家的人民，而是这种关系能为法国做什么，或者是对法国可能有什么影响。他是一位政治家，但不是一位人道主义者。 戴高乐的一生都被卷入经常是针锋相对的争论中。但是，争论的结论是清楚的，要是没有戴高乐，法国就不可能在第二次世界大战战败的悲剧中幸存下来。没有戴高乐，法国就不可能从第二次世界大战的废墟中复苏。没有戴高乐，就不会取得法-德和解。没有戴高乐，法国就不会通过第五共和国宪法，就可能陷于政治、经济和社会的混乱之中。没有戴高乐，法兰西精神——许多世纪以来，它的振作、它的热情奔放、它的光芒，它那特殊性和普遍性独特结合的特点，都一直在鼓舞着全世界——可能已经消亡而不是象今天这样具有生命力和强大。 我对戴高乐和他生平的最生动的记忆之一是在法国巴黎圣母院悼念他的仪式即将结束时的情景。来自世界各地的显要人物开始鱼贯而出。许多人走到我面前，表示感谢我作为美国人民的代表前来参加仪式。然后，在我走近出口处时，教堂的大型管风琴开始奏出了激动人心的《马赛曲》。我停住了脚步，把一只手放在胸前，回到祭坛。就在这时，另一位外宾显然为音乐所感动，走过来握我的手问候，一个最富有戏剧性的时刻就此消失了。我经常想：正当这架管风琴演奏《马赛曲》时，来自世界各地的领导人一起转向祭坛，齐声高唱法国国歌的声音与琴声交织在一起，回荡在这座古老的大教堂里，没有什么能比此情此景更适于捕捉夏尔·戴高乐的精神了。