Chapter 16 13 Political Science

friend of the japanese During the entire war years, Pauling's only concern was science when he was not with his family for a short time.However, after the war, Pauling's economic conditions improved, his academic status reached its peak, and he began to have time to attend to others. At this time, Eva Helen's influence on him began to show. Eva's activities during the war gradually took on a political overtone.After Pearl Harbor, she watched with horror as an anti-Japanese hysteria gripped California.She read in the newspapers that Japanese-American families were threatened, their windows were smashed, their walls were painted with insulting words, and their children were spurned.The U.S. government planned to drive all the Japanese citizens and Japanese-Americans in the coastal areas to the concentration camps built on the island, although there is no evidence that these people are Japanese spies or have done anything bad.Eva believes that this government policy is downright racist.The matter became the central topic at the Paulings' dinner table.Eva tells the children how ruthless a country's government can become during a war.Pauling had no interest in it at first.Eva recalled: "He was too busy to know the developments around him." However, Eva's persistence and passion finally infected Pauling, and he quickly recognized the essence of American policy.The goal, the U.S. government said, was to protect sensitive areas from Japanese sabotage, but also to protect Japanese-Americans loyal to the U.S. government from angry white neighbors.However, Pauling, like Eva, believed that the government's approach was entirely due to the different skin colors of the Japanese."It's unbelievable that something like this could happen in the United States that is completely unconstitutional," Eva said.

Eva threw herself into the campaign against the detention order.She volunteered with her local ACLU, printing letters, distributing mail, agitating friends and family, and working to raise public awareness.But her efforts were in vain, and by 1942, the detention order was finally officially enacted.Japanese-Americans on the West Coast were deported to internment camps on the islands. What made Pauling feel the seriousness of the situation was what happened to one of his Japanese-American graduate students named Ikeda.Ikeda participated in Pauling's immunology research, is an expert in making artificial antigens, and one of the most talented people in Pauling's laboratory.He didn't want to spend his time in the barracks behind the barbed wire, so he asked Pauling to help him leave the coastal exclusion zone to continue his work and school. For a whole year in 1942, Pauling contacted everywhere to help Ikeda find a position in the East. "Ikeda is a pleasing young man, fully American," Pauling wrote in a letter of recommendation to a colleague at Columbia, "as I believe any Japanese born in America, I have as much respect for him." There is no doubt about his loyalty.” With the United States at war with Japan at the time, finding a school willing to accept Ikeda was even more difficult.In the end, however, he found a job for Ikeda on the East Coast, saving him from detention.But Pauling paid a price for this: he had to use Caltech funds to pay the young man's salary.

Pauling judges people by their knowledge and ability, not by the color of their skin.Therefore, when he sees manifestations of racial discrimination, especially when he sees that the government is also promoting this kind of policy, he is particularly disturbed.However, despite his wife Eva's active work volunteering for the ACLU during the war and his own dedicated scientific research, in March 1945, his family suffered an act of retaliation for caring for a Japanese-American After the attack, Pauling's attitude began to change.When the Los Angeles chapter of the Civil Liberties Association asked Eva if she could provide a short-term job for a few days to a Japanese-American who had just been released from a concentration camp and was drafted into the Shell Bay Corps, Eva said she would be happy to help. Someone came to the house to be a gardener for two days.So this shy young man of Japanese descent came to the Pauling mansion in Medel Hill with gratitude to do some trimming and cleaning in the yard.He only stayed for two days, Friday and Saturday, and then went to the barracks.

Unexpectedly, something happened on Monday morning.Pauling's 14-year-old son Peter ran into the house, panting and shouting to his parents: "Go out and see, the garage has been painted in a mess!" Pauling went out and couldn't believe everything in front of him. Scribbled on the garage door: "Americans be damned, we love the Japanese, the Japanese work here. Pauling." A Japanese flag was scribbled on top, and the word "Japanese" was scrawled on the mailbox . Pauling quickly checked the scene, immediately called the police, and informed the news reporter.He told reporters: "I don't know who did something so disrespectful to Americans. However, I suspect that there are some unscrupulous people who think that American citizens should also be persecuted in the same way that German Jews were persecuted by the Nazis. I think This scandal was committed by such people."

After newspapers published Pauling's comparison of Pasadi to the Nazis, the Pauling family began to receive threatening letters and phone calls, threatening them to "get rid of that Japanese immediately."Pauling ignored them all.Soon, a very poorly typed text message was sent to Pauling's office: "Unless you get rid of that Japanese immediately, we will burn your house and settle your body! ... The Japanese killed my father , It's a pity that they didn't rape your relatives. If you dare to publicize this matter in the newspapers, we will immediately clean up your signature "a neighbor" at the end of Guangxin.

Pauling was preparing to go to the capital Washington for a routine visit.After learning of the threatening letter, Eva felt that he could not be left undefended while he was away from home, so she called the local sheriff's officer for protection.The official who answered the phone replied: "Well, regarding this matter, this is the result of you hiring Japanese people." Eva was outraged, and she immediately called her friends at the ACLU to discuss countermeasures.Under pressure from lawyers, the Sheriff's Department sent an armed sentry to Pauling's home and promised to send the threatening letter to the FBI for investigation.Just as Pauling was about to leave home, the Bureau of Investigation sent special agents.They asked a furious Eva who she thought might have written the threatening letter.Eva delivered an indignant tirade to them, indicting the government's internment camp policy and the threat it posed to civil liberties.The agents listened patiently and took note of her concluding observations: "The whole legal system is pretty fragile." When it was Pauling's turn to speak, he calmly listed those who might know that his family employed a Japanese gardener. the name of the person.

Nothing more happened after that.Two weeks later, the armed post was dismantled.The FBI has never been able to identify the author of the threatening letter, and the police department has not thoroughly investigated the perpetrators of the defacement of Pauling's garage. Although the matter passed in this way, its impact was very far-reaching.During Pauling's stay in the east, he worried all day for the safety of his wife and children.It is highly unusual in the United States to have an armed sentry standing on duty outside a home; the response from local sheriff's officials has been even more discouraging.Pauling was raised to believe that government officials would do the right thing, but the reality was that lawyers had to be present to uphold the law.In addition, Pauling learned an important lesson: Some things can be accomplished through external pressure through voluntary organizations like the ACLU.

Most importantly, if he thought Eva's politics were a little extreme in the past, that's not the case now.The real extremists are those who threaten his family out of intolerance and prejudice. It was an experience that "radicalized" Pauling, to use a term that came to be used.And, this is just the beginning. Children's Crusade Five months later, with the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by atomic bombs, Pauling's sense of social justice took a step further.Pauling was interested in the advent of the atomic bomb in two ways.In the beginning, he was eager to understand the physics and mechanics of atomic bomb explosions.He figured it out by reading general introductory articles and an informal government report called Atomic Energy for Military Purposes, and using his intuition.He was surprised to find that the atomic bomb was relatively simple, at least in theory. '

At that time, many Americans were eager to understand the technical principles of the atomic bomb like Pauling.As a new weapon hundreds of times more powerful than any weapon in the past, the atomic bomb also ignited a fireball of public interest.Everyone wants to know how scientists made it.A few weeks after the Hiroshima bombing, a person who knew Pauling's interests invited him to give a popular science lecture on the atomic bomb at the luncheon of the Rotary Club, asking him to explain the explosion mechanism of the atomic bomb in a language that foreigners could understand.Pauling was neither an atomic physicist nor one of the many people who actually worked on the Manhattan Project, so he was a little surprised that he had been asked to give a talk on it, but he felt he knew enough to do it well.Aside from the State of America lecture series he has given in the past, he has rarely spoken to non-technical workers.He thought it best to bring some teaching aids.

Pauling sawed a wooden ball in half, hollowed it out, and slapped them together with great force, making a loud noise.This teaching aid works!During the report, Pauling used the blackboard to explain the process of nuclear fission with pictures and texts.The nuclei of some unstable large atoms such as uranium and benzium contain a large number of protons and neutrons.When these unstable atoms are bombarded by neutrons, they split, releasing enormous amounts of energy and freeing more neutrons.These freed neutrons split more atoms, creating a chain reaction.Pauling told the audience that if the reaction process could be controlled and the reaction speed slowed down, the enormous heat generated by atomic energy could be used to drive a gas turbine.This is the theoretical basis for cheap and inexhaustible atomic energy.

If the reaction goes fast and uncontrolled, the result is a bomb.At the center of the bomb was a few pounds of an isotope of uranium or benzium, shaped as a hollow sphere, like the wooden model he had brought with him.The key technology is how to start nuclear chain fission, so that almost all nuclei split at the same time.The engineers of the Manhattan Project managed to solve this problem.They placed conventional explosives around the center of the bomb, which, when ignited, rapidly compressed the hollow sphere in all directions.Pauling slapped the two wooden hemispheres together vigorously, and a chain reaction started, and huge energy was released at once—boom! The lecture left a deep impression on the members of the Rotary Club.The news spread instantly: here is a scholar who gave a good report.He was invited everywhere to give lectures on atomic energy, and Pauling became one of the most popular speakers in Southern California. But before long, his interest in the technical aspects of the atomic bomb was quickly replaced by other, more important concerns.Long before the atomic bomb hit Hiroshima, researchers at atomic bomb laboratories in places like Chicago, Los Alamos, and Oakridge, Tennessee, had formed discussion groups to discuss the social and political implications of their work.These atomic scientists knew better than anyone the actual power of the atomic bomb.They knew full well that American control of this powerful weapon would alter the geopolitical balance of the world.After the Hiroshima explosion, other universities and government laboratories also organized discussion groups one after another. The huge damage caused by the atomic bomb and the horrific scenes of burned women and children aroused widespread hatred and righteous indignation.Scientists add a special sense of responsibility for creating "this bomb."Together they discuss the responsibilities of scientists and discuss how to harness this new source of energy in the years to come. With the deepening of the discussion, Pauling became more and more aware that in the new era of atomic energy, scientists bear unprecedented social and political responsibilities.He wrote a letter to a friend more than a month after the Hiroshima bombing, in which he wrote: "There is no doubt that the problems brought to the world by the huge destructive power of atomic energy are overwhelming. In addition to professional research, it is also necessary to let the world understand the political implications of scientific activities." In Pasadena, a group with some members from Caltech, Huntington Library, and Mount Wilson Observatory also began to discuss the aftermath of the atomic bomb.Pauling was a member, as was Oppenheimer, who had just returned to the Polytechnic after his retirement at Millikan.Oppenheimer had brought the atomic bomb to the world, and now he was concerned with controlling the weapon.After discussion, the group members reached a consensus: the advent of the atomic bomb changed the nature of war to unimaginable consequences; and the only feasible way to control this weapon was to establish some form of global government.In a letter to Hutchins, President of the University of Chicago, Pauling wrote that protection of the world from the "unimaginable devastation" of atomic warfare "depends on the establishment of a democratic world government - the peoples of the world themselves government, like the government of the United States of America." The same consensus has been reached to a considerable extent in dozens of discussion groups of scientists organized automatically across the United States.This phenomenon is unprecedented in a scientific community traditionally detached from politics.These scientists and their assistants suddenly began to talk about politics. They gathered in twos and threes in the living room and the teachers' club, sat at the conference table and the dining table, dissected the political meaning of the atomic bomb, and searched for the appropriate method with guilt. Ensure that their inventions can benefit rather than destroy mankind.Almost overnight, these young scientists, mostly young and idealistic, discovered a shared social responsibility that they hadn't been aware of before.They also prescribed the same remedy for the atomic bomb problem.Scientists are children of the Enlightenment.They all, like Pauling, believed in human reason, progress and good nature, believed in the value of scientific method, and believed in democracy.Their own life experiences testify to the value of these things.In the first few years after the war, scientists reached a high degree of consensus about the atomic bomb.This fact shows that any sane person, given the proper education, can come to the same conclusions as they did. Therefore, the next important task is to educate people outside the scientific and technological circles, so that they can understand the various new problems brought about by the atomic bomb, and let the public understand that only rational thinking is the best way to correctly deal with the atomic bomb problem.The Pasadena Discussion Group plans to write a book that will "guide knowledgeable people outside the tech world to the current situation, explaining to them where the problem is and how it can be solved."The book will highlight the importance of the scientific method: "A mind armed with science can ward off the assaults of deceitful propaganda," and free men from "the narrowness and prejudice, the hypocrisy and utopianism," the human flaws that are at the root of war.The book also emphasizes the importance of international monitoring of atomic energy.The part Pauling was assigned to write was to expound on the importance of achieving world peace, showing that in a world without war scientists would be free to create a vast array of new medicines and labor-saving machinery of all kinds.They also plan to hold a series of lectures to spread the "gospel of peace" after the book is officially published. Once scientists wake up from political hibernation, once they realize they share a common belief, they seek to spread their ideas in order to change the world.The atomic bomb, the supreme symbol of technological evil, seemed to offer scientists an opportunity to promote another side of things—the supreme blessings of scientific thinking. Sadly, however, they were completely out of touch with the political realities of the time.Even as scientists preach about sharing the secrets of atomic technology, the government and military worry about Communist expansionism.Strangely, scientists don't seem to have the slightest concern about this problem.In this regard Pauling is still a typical.Pauling was not a member of an organization like the Popular Front. He did not believe that the Great Depression had to emulate the Soviet Union to save the working class of the world; but at the same time he did not think that communism was the embodiment of evil.He believed that the Soviet Union was an important ally in defeating Hitler, but it was also an autocratic country with internal strife; the best way to transform the Soviet Union was to instill new ideas in it. In the middle of World War II, Pauling was with some other famous people, such as Einstein.Dean Compton of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Eddie Lotley of the Guggenheim Foundation and others participated in the National Committee for Friendship between the United States and the Soviet Union, an organization dedicated to promoting scientific and technological exchanges between the two countries. "Let us look forward to such a bright prospect: a large number of American scientists will go to Soviet laboratories to give lectures and work, American students will study in Soviet universities, and an equal number of Soviet scientists and students will also come to the United States. Teach each other," Pauling wrote in a 1943 letter to the group's scientific congress.However, the prospect envisaged by Pauling can only be realized in a peaceful environment, and this kind of peace must be established on the basis of comprehensive cooperation and open communication worldwide, which is a kind of peace based on reason in the minds of scientists. Pauling's vision of peace is naive. At the beginning of 1945, he was nominated to join the National Security Research Committee composed of 20 civilians and 20 senior military officers, and went to the capital Washington to discuss the post-war world situation.Pauling took this as his great honor.He attended the first meeting of the committee with a sense of urgency, and hoped that both the military and the civilians could learn from each other and achieve important results during the meeting. However, there were uneasy developments from the beginning of the meeting.Loritzen, head of the Caltech rocket program, suggested to the generals that we must understand how wars break out and how to avoid wars, and that the committee should support research in this regard.The military reacted to the suggestion with an awkward silence, with one of their representatives pointing out that peace was not on the committee's agenda.Pauling stood up and seconded Loritzen. He said: "Mr. Chairman, this is an extremely important issue. It is very unwise for us to decide now" to exclude this issue from the scope of the committee's responsibilities. Pauling thought his words were important, so he wrote them down in his notebook when the meeting was over. It was clear that soldiers and scientists were not on the same page, and the meeting failed to produce any significant results.The different attitudes of the two sides reflect the differences in guiding ideology.In the eyes of the generals, the atomic bomb is a weapon whose development is led by the military, its secrets are controlled by the military, and its use serves military purposes.The Soviet Red Army is the largest army in the world, and it will never give up those Eastern European countries liberated from the Germans.In the face of Soviet aggression, it was impossible for countries around the world to share atomic secrets.The world may be heading towards another war—the war between capitalism and communism. It is foolish to understand the significance of the atomic bomb out of this context.In the eyes of scientists, the power of the atomic bomb is a major achievement of scientists applying new technology. If this technology can be made public and shared by all countries, it will benefit mankind.What disturbed them most through discussions was that the military would continue to have sole control over the atomic bomb and its related technologies, and would continue to maintain strict secrecy over the research work, which completely stifled any possibility of sharing technology for the benefit of mankind. The stage was set for a dispute over control of atomic technology. While the nation was still celebrating its victory over Japan, the irascible General Groves—head of the Army's engineering department, who oversaw the construction of the Pentagon and the implementation of the Manhattan Project—had set out to give the military control Atomic bomb technology is legislated.He drafted a well-crafted bill for the Department of Defense that would satisfy both the military and the tech community.The bill proposes the creation of a nine-person panel, including military personnel, to manage the development of atomic energy, and that the panel report to a permanent full-time minister.On the face of it, this bill provides an organizational structure for military-civilian joint control of atomic energy, and its content is moderate. Therefore, it has won the support of a large number of influential scientists, including Oppenheimer, some heads of the Bush Science Research and Development Agency, and participants. Some important figures of the Manhattan Project.The Hay-Johnson Act, named after its sponsor, was introduced to Parliament on October 4, 1945. Five days later, without prior notice, a brief and perfunctory hearing was held before the parliament's Armed Services Committee.The speakers all spoke in the affirmative. The apparent eagerness of some parties to pass the May-Johnson bill quickly reverberated through the tech community.Discussion groups everywhere have pointed out that the bill was drafted by the Department of Defense alone and has the full support of the military.While proponents pay lip service to non-military control, the Army and Navy could, if not more easily, exercise effective control over the proposed nine-member panel under the bill, and it appears Groves himself has targeted the minister's approach duty.Within a few weeks, though, discussion groups everywhere began to rally against the May-Johnson bill. The activity of the discussion group consisting of Caltech students and postdocs was representative.They began meeting in the basement of the Faculty Club of the college, known as the Temple of Athena, to discuss the effects and control of atomic technology, and soon formed an organization called the Pasadena Society of Scientists.The purpose of the association is to "better shoulder the increasing responsibilities of scientific and technological workers in promoting human welfare and maintaining world peace." The chairman, vice-chairman and some initiators of the association are all from Pauling's laboratory. — Johnson Act. An event at the end of November 1945 gave new impetus to the activities of the opposition.A group of American soldiers entered the occupied Japanese Atomic Energy Laboratory, dismantled five research cyclotrons, and threw the parts into the sea.It was later learned that the accelerators were strictly for non-military purposes, and although Groves was quick to apologize publicly, the Japanese scientist's call for anguish resonated widely in the American tech community.This incident clearly shows that the military does not understand the basics of pure scientific research, so it is clear that the control of American atomic energy research should not be placed in their hands. So, in the fall of 1945, dozens of energetic young scientists came to the capital, Washington, DC. Among them was Pauling's former student, Coyer, who resigned from his job at the Oakridge Atomic Energy Laboratory, and made every effort to oppose the May- The Johnson Act fight.Discussion groups from all over joined together to form a national organization, the Federation of Atomic Scientists, and rented a room with a typewriter in a walk-up building near Capitol Hill.They engaged in man-to-man lobbying of congressmen, mailed mimeographed representations to congressional committees, and published news in newspapers with vehement language.A radical leader in the United Front against the May-Johnson Act, Nobel laureate in chemistry Harold Urey called it "the first dictator's bill ever written by Congress, you may call it Communist Act, or Nazi Act, or any other bad term you can imagine." The men then came up with their own amendments. In December 1945, Democratic Senator McMahon introduced a bill that incorporated input from the Union of Atomic Scientists.The bill proposes creating an Atomic Energy Commission that would be headed by a task force of field scientists appointed by the president; it also proposes ensuring the independence of research and appointing a non-military minister.That takes the military out of the equation. ①Urey (Harold Clayton Urey, 1893-1981), an American chemist, won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1934 for the discovery of neon (deuterium), and later studied geochemistry and astrophysics, and had a great impact on the development of atomic bombs and the earth and other planets Origin theory has made important contributions. The debate over the May-Johnson and McMahon bills has publicly exposed deep divisions within the tech community.Those who support the May-Johnson Act are those senior managers responsible for coordinating research projects in the military and scientific circles during the war years. They believe that sharing the decision-making power of atomic energy research with the military is the most realistic approach. Bush and Harvard President Conant ① et al. predict that most scientists will support the May-Johnson Act.Standing with them are thousands of supporters from all over the country.Supporters believe the bill would give scientists outside the military adequate representation while ensuring that atomic energy research takes priority.For example, Millikan submitted a signed open letter to Congress with about 200 "civilians" inside and outside Caltech, urging Congress to pass the bill. ①Conant (James Bryant Conant, 1893-1978), an American educator, scientist, and president of Harvard University (1933-1953), was the central figure in organizing American science to serve the war during the Second World War. Understanding Science", "Education and Liberty", etc. In addition to the young rioters of the Federation of Scientists, members of the anti-May-Johnson Act front included some well-respected and famous scientists, such as the director of Bell Laboratories and the president of the American Academy of Sciences, Jewett, the atomic bomb developer. Mi ① and Silat, and of course Pauling.Pauling himself was a member of both the Pasadena Society of Scientists and the Federation of Atomic Scientists, and personally wrote a letter in support of the McMahon Act. ①Enrico Fermi (Enrico Fermi, 1901-1954), an Italian-American physicist, studied artificially induced atomic decay by slow neutrons, and was the first to realize controlled chain nuclear reactions. He won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1938 and went to the United States in 1939. In 1942, he presided over the establishment of the world's first nuclear reactor. The outcome of the great debate began to favor the opposition to the May-Johnson bill.By the spring of 1946, membership in the Union of Atomic Scientists had grown to several thousand, in part because of the Union's opposition to the May-Johnson Act.The increase in membership enhanced the federation's status as a lobby group.By then McMahon's supporters had won the support of some politicians, including President Truman.After listening to them carefully, Truman, sensing the mood of postwar voters, decided to support non-military control of atomic technology, and the Secretary of Defense soon followed suit.By July, the McMahon Act had passed Congress after some amendments and giving the military a seat on the proposed Atomic Energy Commission. It was a big win that came a little out of the blue.To Pauling and others at the Union of Atomic Scientists, it was a triumph of reason, a sign that the military could no longer dominate in peacetime.Truman and his ministers began talking about sharing atomic secrets with the Soviet Union and others, and international relations warmed.It is hoped that through struggle, the world will be able to shake off the shadow of war and achieve lasting peace. However, this trend was soon interrupted. Hollywood As the McMahon Act passed and the Hiroshima shock wave faded, many scientists refocused themselves on work and family, yet Pauling remained politically active.The public was still eager to learn more about the atomic bomb, and invitations to his presentations continued to flow.Now when he explains the technical principles of the atomic bomb, he occasionally inserts the discussion of Einstein and others about achieving civilian control, openly exchanging scientific information, and establishing a world government.The problem is, the more he talks about social and political issues, the more his report pales. Eva Helen witnessed this happening.She accompanied Pauling almost every time he gave a report and sat in the front row to listen carefully.She pays attention to the reactions of the audience around her, observes which places are effective and which places are not effective, and makes comments after the meeting.She sees Pauling's problem as a lack of confidence.Whenever Pauling talked about political issues, he was not sure about his own knowledge, and he was unreasonable and out of breath when he spoke.For example, when it comes to the control of atomic energy technology, he always obeys a higher authority, citing the conclusions of other scientists or politicians without expressing his own opinions.The speech lacked the sense of humor that he used to give scientific reports, and seemed unreal due to the lack of first-hand information, so it sounded dry.After a poorly delivered presentation, Eva told Pauling: "You lack self-confidence. The audience gets the impression that you're not sure about what you're saying." Pauling has always taken Eva's comments seriously.He realized that he must strive to become an expert in the politics of atomic energy, just as he had stepped into new fields such as immunology and biochemistry and became an expert in these disciplines.He began studying politics, history, economics and international relations.Read about books, government reports, newspapers from the Louisiana Times to the New York Times, magazines including The National, The New Yorker, and Time Magazine, as well as articles by the Atomic A new journal called the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists published by the Federation of Scientists. Pauling discovered that the politics of atomic energy is much simpler than quantum mechanics.In addition, there are relatively few competitors to influence the decision-making, nothing more than government, industry, military, scientific and technological circles, and the public.Each side has its own plans and hot spots of concern, and it's not difficult to sort these things out.He found that it was not difficult to understand the different discourses on the atomic bomb issue as long as the motives and actions of each side were figured out.A few months later, he announced: "I can report the results of my research." However, his speech attracted trouble. One of the first groups to invite Pauling to speak was a political action group called the Independent Citizens' Committee for the Arts, Sciences and Professionals.Founded after the war, this organization is a lobby group representing the legislative interests of artists and intellectuals, similar in nature to trade unions or associations of industrialists.The organization's political stance leans to the left, and its Hollywood chapter is composed mainly of liberal Democrats, with a small number of socialists and communists mixed in, and most of its members come from the film industry.Trilling1 says of Roosevelt's New Deal supporters that they "doubt or even deny the profit-driven principle and believe in progress. Science, social legislation, planned economy, and international cooperation, especially with the Soviet Union," these comments by Trilling Mainly for this organization. ①Trilling (Lionel Trilling, 1905-1975), American literary critic, Columbia University professor (1931-1975), author of "Freud and Our Cultural Crisis", "Beyond Culture: Essays on Literature and Learning" ", "Sincerity and Authenticity" and so on. Pauling's first speech to the organization was well received.During the question-and-answer period that followed, he was asked how many atomic bombs were in the U.S. arsenal.When Pauling replied, he made a bold guess: there may be 100 to 200 atomic bombs, and there is a potential to manufacture 500 atomic bombs in the next year.Pauling's estimate greatly exceeded the actual number-there were less than 10 atomic bombs in the US arsenal that could be used in actual combat.A reporter reported Pauling's estimate, and it quickly spread in the media.General Groves, who was still trying to get the May-Johnson Act passed, was of course unhappy and informed Pauling of his displeasure. "What I said on the atomic bomb question has been misquoted," Pauling wrote in a letter to a friend in February 1946, "and my rough estimates have been misinterpreted by journalists and circulated throughout the country. General Roves thought it was no joke." The military's displeasure with his remarks did not worry Pauling, however.He wrote: "As you know, I have nothing to do with the atomic bomb project and am a complete outsider, so I am free to speculate." Through their association with independent citizens' committees of the arts, sciences, and professionals, the Paulings had acquainted with a high-profile group of social activists who seemed to believe in what Pauling called "a fairly liberal political ".So they both joined the organization.For the Paulings, who are from a small town and love watching movies very much, being able to associate with Hollywood stars is an exciting thing.The head of the Hollywood chapter is Cromwell, director of the films "Lincoln in Illinois" and "Zanda Prisoner."分会成员包括凯克纳、罗宾逊、哈佛兰、威尔士和马奇等。鲍林夫妇由于这层关系得以出入制片厂，观看拍电影，在制品人的豪宅里品尝鸡尾酒，在私人放映厅里观看新片预映。他们还与卓别麟聊天，在拉夫顿和兰彻斯特的好莱坞别墅里谈笑风生，还在布朗德比与当时还只是一个自由派演员的里根一起推敲委员会的政策声明。 鲍林对原子科学家联合会的工作并不积极，只投入很少一点时间；而对艺术、科学和专业人士独立公民委员会的事却非常投入。他按时参加例会，协助起草行动目标和政策。他很快就被任命为好莱坞分会科学部的副主任，并与弗朗克·锡纳特拉、曼①、埃灵顿②罗斯福夫人③等一起成为该组织的全国董事会的成员。 ①曼（Thomas Mann，1875—1955），德国小说家，作品揭露资本主义社会的腐朽衰败，代表作有长篇小说、等，因抨击纳粹政策被迫流亡国外（1933），加入美国籍（1944），获1929年诺贝尔文学奖。 ②埃灵顿（Duke Ellington 1899—1974），美国爵士乐作曲家、钢琴家、乐队指挥，20年代在纽约自建乐队，对乐队爵士乐进行许多革新，著名大型作品有《黑色、棕色和米色》、《跟上时代的回忆》。 ③罗斯福夫人（Eleanor Roosevelt，1884—1962），美国第三十二任总统罗斯福的夫人，社会活动家，曾任美国驻联合国代表（1945；1949—l952；1961），联合国人权委员会主席（1946－1951），对世界人权宣言（1948）的起草和通过起了重要作用。 爱娃·海伦觉得，与加州理工学院的教授和他们的穿着随意的夫人们相比，这些名流有趣得多，因此她乐于与他们交往。然而鲍林却不一样。经过一段短暂的兴奋之后，他感到多数好莱坞人知识浅薄，发现这些人对什么事都有兴趣，唯独对科学兴味索然。尽管这个组织的名称中包含“科学”这个词，但它从未能吸引很多科学工作者加入。这也许是由于该组织不久便被贴上了共产党阵线的标签，也许是由于出现了原子科学家联合会这个政治性的科学家组织。鲍林是艺术、科学和专业人士独立公民委员会在理工学院的唯一会员，由此造成的结果是可想而知的。一位成员回忆说，有一次，在某个董事家中花园里举行野餐会，鲍林夫妇应邀参加。他看到爱娃在餐桌旁与其他来宾谈笑风生，而鲍林则独自一人远远坐在游泳池的另一端。来宾们似乎都怕与这位大科学家交谈。鲍林与客人进行的仅有的一次热烈讨论发生在他和另一位来宾的十几岁的孩子之间，讨论的题目是高中化学。 深入社区广场 1946年10月初，尤里打电话给鲍林，询问他是否愿意参加原子科学家紧急委员会，由此把鲍林的政治活动又向前推进了一步。鲍林知道，这个委员会由从原子科学家联合会成员中遴选出来的精英组成，包括西拉德、尤里这些著名科学家，并由爱因斯坦亲自领导。爱因斯坦关于公开分享原子技术的雄辩讲话在争取公众支持麦克马洪法案中发挥过重要作用。委员会的任务并不是为政府制订政策，而是向老百姓说明原子弹所带来的各种新问题，正如紧急委员会的成立声明所表明：“我们的世界正面临危机，而那些掌握决策权的政要们却尚未意识到这一点。被释放的原子能已经改变了一切，唯独我们的思维方式仍原封不动。人类由此正面临一场空前的灾难……人类如要继续生存并走向繁荣，确立新的思维方式已刻不容缓。” 委员会偶尔就军备竞赛的危险性，控制原子武器的国际协定的必要性等问题发表一些声明，这些声明借助爱因斯坦的崇高声誉而受到媒体的广泛重视。除此以外，委员会的主要工作就是筹集经费以支持公众教育的各种刊物，诸如《原子科学家通报》等杂 鲍林把委员会的邀请视为巨大的荣耀，欣然接受了。他十分敬佩爱因斯坦。与少数几个科学家而不是与一个大型组织共同工作也很合他的心意。而且，参加紧急委员会也不致过于分散从事科研的精力。尤里向鲍林保证，并没有多少事情要做，只需每年到爱因斯坦家附近的普林斯顿开几次会，商议公开声明的内容以及确定筹措和分配经费的策略。 但是，加州遥远的距离，日益繁忙的工作日程，再加上喜欢独自工作这一也许是与生俱来的本性，使鲍林后来基本上没有参加过这类会议。他偶尔作为委员会的发言人到西海岸巡回演讲——一次他与西拉德一起冒险乘坐颠簸的小飞机沿哥伦比亚河谷上行，到达斯波坎市向该地区的电气工人大会发表演说。但是在各次委员会会议上，即使在重要的记者招待会上，他经常是唯一缺席的委员。多年以后，其他委员甚至回忆不起来是否见到过他。 对鲍林来说，比参加会议重要得多的是有了与爱因斯坦单独谈话的机会。鲍林认为爱因斯坦是与牛顿和达尔文并列的人类历史上最伟大的科学家之一，是自成一格的思想家。爱因斯坦在创立崭新的物理理论方面领先于同代人的距离要以光年计量。鲍林还发现，爱因斯坦有关和平问题的论述也比其他科学家的话更能抓住人心，发人深省。 在鲍林应邀参加紧急委员会前几个星期，爱因斯坦对《纽约时报》发表讲话说：“原子弹已经深刻改变了我们熟悉的世界的性质，因此人类必须改变思维方式以适应新的栖息环境……在可预见的未来，人类不会拥有防卫原子弹袭击的方法……美国的核武库虽然占有暂时的优势，但我们肯定不可能永远独占秘密。一部分人率先发现的自然界秘密，总有一天会被另一部分人掌握，只要这些人保持耐心，坚持探求。”与鲍林一样，爱因斯坦也认为需要建立一个世界政府，这个政府能够惩罚任何战争发动者。爱因斯坦同意这样的观点，即科学家在教育民众认清核战争危险方面负有特殊的责任。“决定美国政策的将不是联合国会议桌上的讨论，而是普通老百姓在社区广场通过的决议。我国在纽约、巴黎和莫斯科的代表将最终根据这类决议去行事。”他还说：“我们必须到社区广场宣传原子能技术的真相，从那里将能听到美国人民的声音。” 在加入紧急委员会之前，鲍林与爱因斯坦只在社交场合有过寥寥数语的交谈；但在此之后，鲍林只要来到普林斯顿，就会应邀前去拜访爱因斯坦。爱娃通常陪同前往。爱因斯坦总是站在默塞街的老式住宅的门口迎接他们，然后陪同他们走进二楼的书房进行交谈。谈话一般延续一个多小时，内容很少涉及到科学问题，主要话题还是世界大事、公众舆论、原子弹的残忍以及战争与和平问题。爱娃谈话时充满活力，才智焕发，爱因斯坦和她交谈特别投机。鲍林回忆说，爱因斯坦非常幽默，他们三人经常说些轶事和笑话。私下与这一伟人交谈，鲍林受到了深刻的影响，他对政治问题的认识得到了深化和澄清。爱因斯坦曾经鼓励罗斯福研制原子弹作为击败希特勒的武器。而现在妖精已从魔瓶中释放出来，他就感到负有特别的责任促使人们能理智地使用这一种武器。与众多的科学家相比，爱因斯坦是从更加广阔的背景来观察美国的原子弹政策的，他批评当时存在的滥用原子弹的巨大威力谋取政治和经济利益的倾向。他认为，真正的罪恶是民族主义，它带来狂妄和自傲，带来强烈的竞争和战争的欲望。为了克服这一种倾向，唯一的途径就是宣传和发动民众，使他们认识成立世界政府的必要性。爱因斯坦告诉鲍林，现在已经出现了实现这个目标的可能性，因为原子弹的产生引入了一个新的时代，这一可怕的技术产物将驱使人类实现某种形式的全球合作，这是世界历史上前所未有的大好时机。科学家理应促进这一目标的实现，否则人类将面临灾难。 大多数科学家认为，在分析原子弹政策的时候，应该限于在自己的专业范围内进行，只谈那些可以弄清和评估的情况。由物理学家来告知人类学家怎样开展工作是荒谬的，更不要说政治家了。不同领域的工作需要有不同的专业知识去指导。然而爱因斯坦却不受这种观念的束缚。他曾在30年代亲眼见到了德国的魔鬼希特勒，并且毫无畏惧地点名批评。当爱因斯坦谈及原子弹问题的时候，他不是谈论千吨①核查体制，而是谈论那些想“驱使我们生活在全面恐怖气氛中”的政府官员的“军国主义和帝国主义毒瘤”，谈论美国“被胜利冲昏了头脑”。他说：“使人改变罪恶的思想，比使钅不元素改变性质还要困难。”他说这一切的时候做到了直抒心声。 ①千吨是原子弹或氢弹当量的单位，等于1000吨梯恩梯炸药的爆炸力。 于是鲍林也开始直抒心声了。鲍林将爱因斯坦作为自己的楷模：一个科学家在战后就应该像他那样凭良知采取行动。鲍林后来说道：“正是爱因斯坦的榜样使我和我的妻子下决心为这一事业贡献我们的力量。” 火烧的烟味 然而，在苏联东进和美国政治的共同作用下，紧急委员会和原子科学家联合会为争取制订合理的原子弹政策的努力很快就付诸东流了。 战争刚一结束，斯大林就把苏联“解放”的东欧国家统统封闭起来，从而导致丘吉尔在1946年的秋天发表了关于“铁幕”的著名讲话，这个讲话为反共分子创造了在其后40年里流行全国的通用词语。在全世界人口最多的国家里，中国共产党也对国民党政府构成了危险。自俄国革命以来，美国一些政界人物经常将共产党征服世界的危险作为口实来吸引选票并取得很好的效果，现在这一武器又再次被抬起来加以使用。 共和党人利用这个题材攻击民主党。当时存在于苏联和世界各国之间唯一悬而未决的问题就是原子弹问题。共和党人宣称：民主党内充斥着共产党同情者、绥靖主义者以及主张世界大一统和共享原子弹秘密的人。华盛顿的民主党政府对国家安全采取了不负责任的态度。1946年度共和党全国委员会主席断言：美国人民必须在共产主义和共和党主义之间作出选择。 很多选民相信这个说法。在那一年的中期选举中，共和党人在国会中新增了几十个席位，这个结果是公众舆论反共倾向抬头的明显信号，也是给杜鲁门和他的民主党人敲的一次警钟。 杜鲁门是一个老练的政客，当然不会不看到形势发展的方向。他的讲话调子突然明显右转，再也不谈与俄国人共享原子技术了。他还采取实际步骤使民主党人表现得与共和党人一样反共，其中之一就是发布了9835号行政命令，该命令规定自1947年3月起实行忠诚和安全审查制度，禁止联邦工作人员参加任何被司法部长认定的法西斯极权主义组织、共产党组织或者颠覆性组织，甚至也不准对任何这样的组织有“同情的表示”。这一措施的真实目的是清除政府雇员中的共产党人和共产党同情者。杜鲁门这一后来被人们称为“效忠制度”的行政命令，成为各州政府公职人员的忠诚检查和宣誓制度。司法部长手中的黑名单，以及随后不久由各州急于媚上的一些委员会所确定的其他黑名单，对于那些被认定为非常左倾的政治组织来说，实际上成了死刑判决书。 这种效忠制度在随后的五年中如毒蘑菇那样迅速蔓延开来，成了一种对联邦政府和州政府中可疑分子进行法外调查的机制。众议院非美活动调查委员会、联邦调查局以及各种州级委员会开始对几百万美国人建立档案，这些人的唯一罪行也许就是参加过某一特定的政治组织。这是建立所谓国内安全秩序的序曲。 鲍林以一种日益提高的警觉注视着这场全国性的政治论战。1946年选举以后，论战离开了控制原子能的主题而变成了对共产党人的搜捕。加州的反共热潮甚嚣尘上，其速度和规模超过了其他各州。早在1947年，洛杉矶官员就命令各县图书馆从书架上撤走所有共产党书籍。加州搜寻赤色分子的领头人物是州参议员杰克·特尼，此人早先是一名歌词作者，此时正领导加州非美活动调查委员会（该委员会很快就被人称为特尼委员会）与众议院非美活动调查委员会展开了一场狂热的反共竞赛。特尼委员会总能领先一步，特尼的大名也由此频频出现于报纸的大标题中。特尼委员会公布了自己确定的加州“共产党阵线”的名单。所谓的“共产党阵线”，是指那些“与莫斯科并无正式联系却做着同样事情的组织”，包括艺术、科学和专业人士独立公民委员会好莱坞分会和一些其他的组织，这些组织政治态度温和，还不够资格列入司法部长的黑名单。特尼委员会的做法确实要比众议院非美活动调查委员会更胜一筹。 特尼最早的攻击目标之一是好莱坞社区广播电台，这是艺术。科学和专业人士独立公民委员会的一个分支机构，其宗旨是在广播中提供左翼“平民社区节目”。鲍林是该电台的董事会成员。1946年年底，联邦通讯委员会审批该电台的开业执照申请，特尼把审批听证会变成了一个政治竞技场。他把拟议中的电台称为“斯大林的查理·麦卡锡”，并在证词中指控电台的许多组织者是“共产党阵线”组织，特别是艺术、科学和专业人士独立公民委员会的成员。鲍林代表电台在听证会上作证。后来当赫斯特报业集团的报纸“错误地”把电台称为“好莱坞共产党广播电台”时，鲍林成功地迫使报纸刊登了更正启事。 特尼委员会随即开始搜集鲍林的档案材料。 甚至在科学家中间，这场公开论战的重点实际上也从原子弹政策转向了反共鼓噪。艺术、科学和专业人士独立公民委员会在鲍林的帮助下争取更多的科学家加入该组织，这一行动促使《化学通报》刊登了一篇反对文章，文章称该组织“由亲共分子领导”。鲍林撰文答辩，他概略地叙述了个人对该组织宗旨的看法。“我注意到委员会（好莱坞分会）的官员们有一个共同特点，”他写道，“那就是他们每个人都深切关心美国和世界的未来，真诚地关注人的福利，而不管他们的种族、肤色和宗教信仰。他们都具有高度的社会责任心。”鲍林无疑是在说他自己。虽然鲍林也认为委员会的有些成员对“苏联领导人镇压个人自由的残暴政策”批评得不够严厉，但他向自己的同行保证：“我确信这个组织没有被共产党人操纵。” 然而，其他化学家却不像鲍林那样自信。美国化学学会会刊《化学和工程新闻》刊出社论指责艺术、科学和专业人士独立公民委员会，从而引来了许许多多观点对立的读者来信。有些读者一味抱怨“共产主义已经侵人我们这个学会的机体”，鲍林则在一封致编辑的信中重提他的学者式信仰：知识分子应该承担更大的社会责任。“世界面临的问题十分重大、严峻而又难以解决，化学家和其他科学家理应比普通公民承担更重的社会责任，”他写道。“我希望越来越多的化学家除了开展作为化学学会会员的本职工作外，还能同时投入自己的时间和精力解决社会和政治问题。” 尽管鲍林设法做了许多说服工作，还是很少有科学家愿意加入艺术、科学和专业人士独立公民委员会。这一组织的寿命已经不长了。1947年春季，众议院非美活动调查委员会的工作人员在洛杉肌的旅馆租了一个套间作为办公室，“对电影界的共产党活动进行秘密调查”。1947年10月份，当一长串电影明星、制片人、剧作家和导演接受调查委员会的盘问时，美国人纷纷被好莱坞庭审的奇观所吸引，密切注视着整个调查的过程。坚定的和平主义者、鲍林在独立公民委员会内的朋友达尔顿·特朗勃——鲍林认为他是好莱坞最有才华的剧作家之——决心对这些搞政治迫害的人采取不合作态度。他在准备接受盘问时，写了一篇雄辩的开场陈述词。他说，政客们的反共调查使得首都华盛顿“充满了恐怖和高压'的气氛……在这个城市里，老朋友在公共场所见面不敢相认，那些对你们的正统观念稍持不同意见的人只能在行进的汽车里或在野外私下交谈，华盛顿变成了又一个国会纵火案前夕的柏林。每一个记得1932年秋季德国历史的人都能从我们今天所在的这个房间里闻到火烧的烟味”。 当特朗勃试图朗读他的陈述时，主持者用木槌猛击桌子，打断他的发言。他和其他九个采取不合作态度的人被集中起来接受进一步的司法审查。后来这十个人被人称为“好莱坞十君子”。 对众议院非美活动调查委员会的那些人来说，在电影界举行的听证会不但是一个个人表演的舞台，而且也是扩大自身知名度的大好机会。调查委员会主席托马斯和其他一些野心勃勃的政客发现，通过反共可以把自己打扮成保卫美国的爱国者，在报上大出风头。他们的攻击目标不仅限于电影明星和联邦政府雇员。托马斯写道：“我们的科学家尽管在各自的专业领域里很内行，但对共产党的策略和阴谋活动的历史却一无所知。他们很容易上当受骗去出席会议，签名呼吁，组织或参加各种打着'自由'和'进步'招牌的团体，实际上这些团体都属于共产党的统一阵线。” 众议院非美活动调查委员会开始密切注视科学家的活动。毕竞科学家是原子弹秘密的知情者，如果他们把机密泄露给俄国人，那就会改变世界力量的对比。尽管大多数科学家都认为，不管是否通过间谍手段，俄国人迟早会掌握原子弹的秘密——正如爱因斯坦所说：一部分人率先发现的自然界秘密，不久总会被其他人所掌握，但科学家的这种看法并不能左右调查委员会的立场。托马斯认为，确保科学家的忠诚对国家安全至关重要，而9835号行政命令为此提供了必要的机制。当时对科学的资助正转变为由联邦政府拨款——越来越多的科学家或者作为政府实验室和特种机构的雇员而领取薪金，或者从原子能委员会和军方取得资助——从而使得成千上万名科学家变成了临时性的政府雇员，必需接受杜鲁门的忠诚检查制度的审查。他们中许多人在不断的安全检查和联邦调查局的现场调查中，被取消了接受资助的资格。 物理学家康顿成为众所周知的第一个牺牲品。康顿是一位受人尊敬的科学家，美国物理学会的前任主席和国家标准局的现任局长。他性格开朗，机智幽默，讨人喜欢，在国家标准局的工作也无可挑剔，一般说来他不应成为攻击的目标。但是由于他曾经公开领导了反对梅—约翰逊法案的行动，一些右派政客就把他当作动乱分子。1947年，非美活动调查委员会有意向新闻界透露了一些有关康顿的诽谤性材料。这些材料都是些无法查证的传闻和社会关系。比方说，称康顿曾经说过，洛斯阿拉莫斯的安全检查制度是“病态压抑性”的，并因此退出了曼哈顿计划；他曾经建议让世界各国共享原子技术；他在联邦政府的职位是由左倾的前副总统华莱士推荐的，等等，然而根据这些材料已足够给他贴上“我国安全体系中最薄弱的环节之一”的标签了。康顿的私人生活被报纸连篇累胶地披露出来，社会关系也被公开，他的名声遭到了玷污。但是康顿拒绝屈服。包括美国科学促进会、原子科学家联合会和一些有威望的科学家（其中也有鲍林）在内的科学界群起为康顿辩护。第二年，匆忙组织起来的一个联邦调查小组正式宣告，他是清白无辜的。 这件事情算是过去了，但整个科技界却心有余悸。如果说，康顿横遭迫害的唯一罪名是他直言不讳，那么，下一个将轮到谁呢？