Chapter 60 Chapter 4 The Calm After the Storm

I had not yet left the police station, though I had been there two days, when Mr. Escambe sent for me.They sent two policemen to protect me, though it wasn't necessary to be so cautious at the time.On the day the yellow flag was lowered on board and we landed, a reporter from the Natal Advertiser came to interview me.He asked a lot of questions, and in my replies I refuted each and every one of the arguments against me.On the advice of Sir Ferozesha Mehta, the lectures I gave in India were all in transcripts and I carried with me along with copies of my other articles.I handed all these documents to this reporter and pointed out to him: what I said in India, I said in South Africa, and it was not as strong as what I said in South Africa.I also pointed out to him that I had nothing to do with the Golan and Nardelli passengers coming to South Africa.Many of them were old expatriates, and most of them were not planning to live in Natal, but were going to the Transvaal.At that time, the Transvaal offered far better prospects than Natal for those who came in search of wealth, so most Indians were willing to go there.

This conversation, and my refusal to accuse the troublemakers, made such an impression that the Europeans of Durban were ashamed of their behaviour.The newspapers declared me innocent and condemned the thugs.In this way, this persecution has finally become a compliment to me, that is, to our cause.It has enhanced the reputation of the Indian Diaspora in South Africa and made my job easier. After three or four days, I returned home, and soon I settled down again.This incident increased my legal practice. However, if the incident enhanced the reputation of the overseas Chinese group, it also fanned the flames of prejudice against the overseas Chinese group.Indians were considered a danger once it turned out that Indians too could engage in heroic struggle.Two bills have been proposed in the Natal Legislative Assembly, one which will have an adverse effect on Indian traders, and the other which will impose severe restrictions on the entry of Indians.Fortunately the struggle for suffrage finally produced a decision that no bills should be passed against Indians;The provisions of the above two Acts, though applicable to all, were undoubtedly intended to impose further restrictions upon the Indian inhabitants of Natal.

These two bills have greatly increased my public work and made the overseas Chinese community more active than ever in realizing their responsibilities.We translated these two bills into Hindi and gave sufficient explanations so that the Chinese community could fully understand their ingenious meaning.We appealed to the Colonial Secretary, but he refused to intervene, and the two Bills became law. Now public work is starting to take up most of my time.Mr. Mansukral Naza, whom I have spoken of before, has now come to Durban to live with me, and since he is doing public work full-time, my burden is somewhat relieved.

Adanji Miyahhansay, who acted in my place during my return, gained many members and added about £1,000 to the coffers of the Indian Congress of Natal.I used the awareness generated by the two bills and the demonstrations against the passengers of the two ships as an opportunity to attract members and raise funds, and it has achieved good results; now the number of members has increased, and the fund has 5, 000 pounds.My desire is to raise a permanent fund for the General Assembly, so that it may purchase its own property, and work thereafter on rent and interest.This is my first time running a public institution.I raised this opinion with my colleagues and it was welcomed by them.The properties purchased by the assembly were let out, and the rent received was sufficient for its daily expenses.The estate was entrusted to a strong trusteeship, which still exists to this day, but which has become a source of constant quarrels, so that the rents are now deposited in the courts.

This unfortunate situation developed only after I left South Africa, but long before this disagreement occurred, I think the method of maintaining public bodies on permanent funds had changed.I have by now had considerable experience in running many public bodies, and it is my firm belief that it is not good to maintain public bodies on a perpetual fund.The perpetual fund itself contains the seeds of the moral decline of the group.A public organization depends on the approval of the public and the support of the fund; once it loses the support of the public, it loses the right to exist.Societies, sustained by permanent funds, often ignore public opinion, and are often responsible for actions contrary to public opinion.In our country, this experience is present in every step we take.Some so-called religious trusteeships do not publish accounts at all, and the trustees become the owners instead, and they are not responsible to anyone.I don't doubt that the idea is to keep a body alive, like nature, without a day's rest.Groups without public support certainly have no right to exist.The annual dues a body receives are a test of its popularity and the integrity of its administration, and I think every body should be subjected to this test.However, I hope people don't misunderstand me.My opinion does not apply to groups which, by their very nature, cannot operate without a permanent home.

What I mean is that daily expenses should come from yearly voluntary dues.This perception has been borne out in the context of civil disobedience in South Africa.That grand campaign lasted for six years, and although there was no permanent fund, it required a fee of several hundred thousand rupees.I also remember that it was often the case that if there was no donation, one would not know what to do the next day.Yet I need not foretell future events.Readers will find that the above opinion is very reasonable from the subsequent narrative.