Chapter 14 Chapter Fourteen Tiananmen Square

1984-1989 On October 1, 1984, accompanied by the sound of rumbling drums, the celebration of the 35th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China was held in Beijing. In the 1950s, on May 1st and October 1st every year, Mao Zedong and his comrades in arms inspected the parade that passed through Tiananmen Square from east to west on the Tiananmen Gate Tower.Following this practice, Deng Xiaoping and his close colleagues also inspected the parade crowd in Tiananmen Square that day.The parade lasted three hours.In front of the parade is a phalanx of men and women of different arms, and at the end is a truck loaded with ballistic missiles. In the middle is a team composed of representatives of workers, farmers, students and intellectuals.The teams were big and small, and most of the people surrounded the vividly shaped floats and walked slowly through the square.The military band composed of more than 200 people played the national anthem, followed by the revolutionary march.On the square, various patterns were repeatedly displayed in a square formed by young people, and some slogans at that time were displayed by the pattern structure.At the end of the parade, thousands of balloons were launched into the sky.The entire parade process was very standardized and orderly, far exceeding the scene in the 1950s.In Beijing that day, the sky was clear.The order and color of the entire procession, combined with the breathtaking voice, deeply touched the hearts of foreign tourists, giving people the impression that China in Deng Xiaoping's era was flourishing day by day.

Like Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping gave a brief speech before the parade began.Afterwards, he broke the routine and drove out of Tiananmen Square in an open car to review the troops waiting in the square.Dressed in casual clothes, Deng Xiaoping raised his hand to each small square formation, and the voices of "Hello, Chief" kept ringing out in the troops.Deng Xiaoping, who had just passed his 80th birthday for six weeks, stood on the slow-moving car with handrails for about fifteen minutes.His energy and boldness, like many things that happened here later, leave the visitor with a lifetime.

In his speech, Deng Xiaoping's tone was full of confidence, or the confidence to win.Regarding the situation in China, he said: Thirty-five years ago, Chairman Mao Zedong, the great leader of the people of all nationalities in our country, solemnly announced the founding of the People's Republic of China here.He declared: We Chinese have stood up since then.In the past thirty-five years, our country has not only completely ended the dark history of the old age, established a socialist society, but also changed the course of human history.Especially since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, since the perverse actions of the "Gang of Four" counter-revolutionary group have been completely corrected, Comrade Mao Zedong's ideological method of seeking truth from facts has been restored and developed, and a series of major policies suitable for the new situation have been implemented successively. The appearance is even more brand new.On the basis of achieving stability, unity, democracy and the rule of law throughout the country, we put the socialist modernization drive at the top of all tasks.Our country's economy has achieved unprecedented prosperity, and other jobs have also received recognized achievements.Today, people all over the country are excited and proud.

Talking about the future, Deng Xiaoping firmly said: The Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China proposed that by the year 2000, the total annual output value of my country's industry and agriculture should quadruple that of 1980.The situation in recent years shows that this ambitious goal can be achieved.The main task now is to carry out systematic reforms of the current economic system that hinders our progress.At the same time, it is necessary to carry out planned technological transformation of existing enterprises across the country.It is necessary to greatly intensify scientific and technological research work, greatly intensify educational work at all levels, as well as the educational work of all workers and cadres.The whole party and the whole society must truly respect knowledge and truly play the role of intellectuals.In this way, we will surely realize modernization step by step. ①Deng Xiaoping was pleased that he talked about the achievements he had made in the negotiations with Britain on the Hong Kong issue.He said: "We advocate the peaceful reunification of Taiwan, our sacred territory."but.He also reminded: "The current international situation is seriously deteriorating," and called on all officers and fighters of the Chinese People's Liberation Army to "be vigilant at all times, constantly improve their military and political quality, and strive to master the knowledge and ability to deal with modern warfare."He also said that the policy of peaceful reunification is well known and will not change, "and is going deep into the hearts of all Chinese descendants"②.This last sentence fully demonstrates Deng Xiaoping's feelings for the country and the nation, which is more prominent than what he said on any occasion before.

Deng Xiaoping's self-confidence is justified. In 1984, a large area of ​​grain was harvested, with a total output of more than 400 million tons, setting a record high.Domestic industrial output exceeds any year since 1978, and retail prices are rising slowly, but at a slower rate than in the 1970s.There is no apparent political trouble in society, nor is there any discontent.Although Deng Xiaoping also raised the grim international situation, people were not worried that China would be attacked by the Soviet Union or other countries.Over the past two years, many overseas comments and articles have pointed out that China, which accounts for a large proportion of the world's population, is already a country full of hope.The publication of the Sino-British Joint Statement on the Hong Kong Question and the signing of the Sino-British Agreement have been widely praised at home and abroad.Deng Xiaoping reiterated that China advocates the use of negotiations to resolve international disputes, and China means what it says.This is also what must be done in order to dispel doubts about the future of the more than five million residents living in the territory of Hong Kong.

Deng Xiaoping himself seems to be more loved by the people.During the parade, when a group of college students passed Tiananmen Square, they suddenly opened a self-made banner, which read: "Hello, Xiaoping" in big characters.In this simple way, the college students expressed their feelings and recognition to Deng to a certain extent.This kind of thing never happened in Mao Zedong's era.A lot of people think through this that if the students are satisfied, it is unlikely that there will be dissatisfaction in society as a whole. The grand celebration of the 35th anniversary of the National Day is a climax for China and its leaders.Less than a year after this, there were clear signs of trouble in society.Some veteran cadres became dissatisfied with some of the consequences of economic reforms, the loss of control over writers, artists, and publishing houses, and again student demonstrations took place.A series of scandals have been made public, pointing to widespread corruption among senior cadres.The new phase of economic reform has also led to overheating of the national economy.

Those who hold a negative attitude towards the results of the reform criticize that the state unified purchase system should not be abolished in the countryside, saying that due to the abolition of the unified purchase system, many farmers have shifted from grain production to cash crop production. It asserts that socialism needs to put the planned economy first.Others expressed disquiet at the negative attitude towards socialist ways and values ​​that appeared in the liberal intelligentsia.However, Deng Xiaoping did not give a direct answer to the numerous criticisms.However, he made it clear in his speech that reforms will not stop, let alone reverse.This shows that Deng Xiaoping has the ability and strong will to deal with complex issues.He said: "Of course, in the process of reform, it is inevitable that some negative things will be brought about at the same time. As long as we face up to these things and take targeted and resolute steps, the problem will not be difficult to solve." ③

In the same month as the party congress, a student demonstration took place in Beijing.Although small and not spread beyond campus, what happened shows that students are still interested in politics.Since the "Cultural Revolution", the campus, which has always been peaceful, has become uneasy again.The students complained about their living conditions and prospects, saying they were forced to study and live in cramped and uncomfortable conditions.In addition, according to the traditional distribution method, many of them will go to work in places with low income after graduation and where they cannot give full play to their talents.They also complained about the economic invasion by foreigners, especially the Japanese, the special treatment enjoyed by senior cadres and their families, and their extensive corruption.

Corruption is indeed a widespread malady. In the first half of 1985, officials published an editorial expressing concern about this ill.This article may be supported by some leaders.The editorial disclosed several major typical cases in detail.Most of these typical cases occurred in Hainan.Hainan is an island off of Guangdong where many officials are involved in a reselling of foreign imports.They resell imported products included in the national plan to inland officials, and then inland officials resell them to users, making huge profits from it.They use the official foreign exchange rationing to obtain a large amount of foreign exchange income.The amount of money involved and the number of products involved is enormous. The total number of imported cars between January 1984 and May 1985 was 90,000, 120,000 motorcycles, nearly 3 million televisions, and 250,000 stereo radios, with a total value of about 600 million US dollars.In the end, the vast majority of these imports ended up inland.The discovery of such scandals in the upper echelons of the party had an extremely adverse effect on the concept of the SAR economy.However, what most displeased the common people is that the government's punishment for leaders involved in such cases is not so severe, at most it is only a demotion.

At the end of 1985, inflation hit the hearts of urban residents.As a result, this issue is talked about all the time, even surpassing the issue of corruption.Due to the major adjustment of the agricultural product purchase system in 1984, the retail prices of urban commodities rose rapidly in 1985.The official final published retail price is subject to an inflation rate of 9%.But actual commodity prices, including meat and vegetables, rose at a much higher rate than officially reported.How to curb inflation was a political issue at the time.Some domestic and foreign scholars suggest that a fixed price system should be adopted to twist and control domestic economic operations.

In 1986 there were more political troubles.Hu Yaobang and his supporters in the party leadership launched a campaign to accelerate economic reform and comprehensive opening up, which aroused dissatisfaction among some in the party and society.To understand what prompted Hu Yaobang to accelerate economic reforms.And it's not easy to figure out exactly what kind of controversy is going on within the party.Because the accelerated reforms ended in Hu's fall from favor, his speeches over the year have not been included in official documents.But as time went on, something became clear.For a while, Hu advocated a certain degree of liberalism in political life.For this point, among the candidates promoted by Deng Xiaoping, no one has ever held such a special opinion. From the beginning of 1986, the central government began to discuss the drafting of a resolution on the field of thought and culture, and Hu tried to make this resolution show a taste of freedom in tone.However, the document passed in September was a mixture of liberal and restrictive provisions.It makes the reader wonder how far to put it.Whether it is possible to promote non-Marxist ideas, and later launched a heated discussion on the issue of China's development.In academic seminars, symposiums, and newspapers and magazines, some people in the party discussed whether the principles of western economics can be well applied to analyze China's economic problems, and believed that those who believed that the introduction of western technology would affect the integrity of the country The system is meaningless.They also proposed that the boundaries between art and political propaganda should be clearly drawn, and art should be allowed to follow its own independent path. Liu Binyan and Wang Ruowang, two writers labeled as rightists in 1957 (who had exposed the psychological trauma suffered by the victims of the "Cultural Revolution"), now argued that the portrayal of real life in literature and art was not the same as the so-called social The principle of realism is irrelevant. then.Fang Lizhi, an astronomer and vice president of the University of Science and Technology of China in Hefei, Anhui, reacted boldly politically.He began to instill human rights ideas in college students.His speeches were made into tapes and played in loops at various universities.He believes that human beings are born with inalienable rights, including the right to enjoy democracy.Political power is given to the government by the people, not the other way around.This is an explosive thought. Deng Xiaoping reacted in two ways to such rhetoric.On the one hand, he repeatedly emphasized the line implemented since 1985, repeatedly emphasizing that the biggest threat to China's political unity and social stability comes from the right - bourgeois liberalization.The second is left dogmatism and sectarianism. In September, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Twelfth Central Committee of the Party, when talking about cultural and ideological issues, he sharply criticized the trend of bourgeois liberalization.He said: Against bourgeois liberalization, I have spoken the most, and I have been the most persistent.Why?First, there is a trend of thought among the masses and young people, and this trend of thought is liberalization.Second, there are those who are playing the drums there, such as some comments in Hong Kong and Taiwan, all of which are against our four basic principles, advocating that we take over the entire system of capitalism, as if this is the only way to truly modernize .What is liberalization?In fact, it is to guide our current policy in China to take the road of capitalism.Representatives of this trend of thought want to lead us in the direction of capitalism.Therefore, I have explained many times that our four modernizations have a name, which is the four modernizations of socialism.We implement an open policy and absorb some beneficial things from capitalist society as a supplement to the development of productive forces in socialist society. ④On the other hand, Deng Xiaoping made a speech on the reform of the political system. He focused on the reform of the political system, but rarely touched on issues of democracy and law. In June 1986, in a speech at a formal meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee, he talked about the old issue of the relationship between the party and the government.He said that issues that fall within the scope of the law must be resolved by the rule of law, and it is not appropriate for the party to directly manage them.The issue of legal norms should be managed by the state and the government.The party must be good at leadership and cannot intervene too much. It should start from the center.Such a mention will not weaken the leadership of the party.Intervene too much, and it might weaken the party's leadership. In November, he devised a plan for reforming the political system. In early November, when he met with Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, he said that the reform of the political system should be carried out towards three goals: the first goal is to always maintain the vitality of the party and the country.The vitality mentioned here mainly refers to the rejuvenation of leading cadres; the second goal is to overcome bureaucracy and improve work efficiency.The third goal is to mobilize the enthusiasm of the grassroots and workers, farmers, and intellectuals.After thinking about it throughout the summer and autumn, he emphasized that the purpose of the reform is to strengthen and improve the party's leadership, not to weaken it. In September, when he talked with some leading party cadres, he made it clear that he would not consider the Western model.He said: "In the process of reform, we cannot copy Western practices, and we cannot engage in liberalization." Regarding Deng Xiaoping's viewpoints and discussions on the issue of insisting on reform and opposing liberalization, the official has never made more public reports.This is very puzzling.As a result, at least some people will have the impression that no matter what the Party Central Committee’s resolution on ideology and culture says, in the implementation of the policy, it is to loosen the Party’s control over political and cultural life.Many people believe or hope that the Party no longer adheres to the Four Cardinal Principles. In the winter of 1983-1984, the rapid run-down of the anti-"spiritual pollution" showed that the old revolutionary propagandists had become an ineffective political force. In such a political atmosphere, college students once again became active.First, demonstrations broke out at Fang Lizhi's university in Hefei, and soon, twenty universities in Shanghai, Beijing and other places responded.Most of their demands are related to their own interests.But there are also many demands related to politics.They expressed strong dissatisfaction that the student representatives they elected through democratic elections were discriminated against by their superiors and rejected when entering the local people's congress.Soon, many students began using big-character posters (now illegal) to express their grievances.And in the big-character posters and small-character posters, the official hostility to the democratic election life adopted by the people was exposed, and it was believed that this practice was against true democracy. Deng Xiaoping didn't say anything about the student demonstration at first.Three weeks later, on December 30, Deng Xiaoping made it clear that he disapproved of the student demonstrations.At a meeting attended by central leaders, he proposed that the new regulations on demonstrations should be strictly enforced, and advocated the expulsion of Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan, and Wang Ruowang from the party ("They are extremely arrogant and want to change the Communist Party, what do they have? Qualified to be a member of the Communist Party?").Deng Xiaoping once again criticized bourgeois liberalization.He said: "It will take at least 20 years to oppose bourgeois liberalization. Democracy can only develop gradually, and we cannot copy the Western style. If we want to copy that style, there must be chaos. Our socialist construction must be in the Under the conditions of stability and unity, there is leadership and orderly progress. I especially emphasize ideals and discipline. If hundreds of millions of people do not have a center to gather, the party will lose its combat effectiveness, and such a party is not even as good as a mass organization, so how can it lead the people in construction?"⑤ In public, parades were banned.Wherever the marchers went, they were surrounded by the police, and as soon as they gave a speech, they were sent back to the campus. At the beginning of January 1987, the students abandoned their inflammatory activities, achieving no purpose.Some of their leaders ended up being arrested for interrogation or punishment.All the students who took to the streets to participate in the parade left their hearts in pain.Fang, Liu, and Wang were expelled from the party in the normal way.Fang Lizhi left Hefei and was transferred to work in a technical department of the Beijing Astronomical Observatory. From a political point of view, the result of this demonstration led to the resignation of Hu Yaobang.Deng Xiaoping and other leaders of the older generation criticized him for not taking effective measures against the incident.Hu was forced to conduct self-examination, and at an enlarged Politburo meeting in mid-January, he voluntarily asked to resign as the party's general secretary.The original text of Hu's speech has not been released, but other documents show that he admitted to making a series of mistakes that he himself asserted.The meeting agreed that he would continue to serve as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee.Since then, Hu has disappeared in public and stopped contacting foreigners.According to rumors in 1989, he moved from his office and residence in Zhongnanhai to a courtyard outside.There, he spent most of his time researching the history of China's late Qing Dynasty.Perhaps it was Deng Xiaoping's signal, or perhaps Deng's support, Zhao Ziyang was elected as the party's general secretary, replacing Hu Yaobang's position. Hu Yaobang's resignation disrupted Deng Xiaoping's personnel arrangements after him.Since the Twelfth Congress of the Communist Party of China in September 1982, people at home and abroad generally believed that Hu Yaobang would remain as General Secretary, while Deng Xiaoping and some other veterans would gradually reduce their political activities.Now Deng Xiaoping has to look for a new successor. However, there are not many suitable candidates. The old ones are too old, and the young ones, like Zhao Ziyang, have little experience as the leader of the Party Central Committee. Moreover, he once worked with Hu Yaobang However, it is likely that they will not gain the trust of the older generation of leaders.Li Peng, as vice premier, is less than 60 years old. Although his political performance is outstanding, he lacks the qualifications to work in the party. Deng Xiaoping often talked to foreign visitors about China's economic reforms, political reforms, and each reform goal and the relationship between them from various angles. His tone of speech was firm and confident, and he did not have any signs of mental decline. Signs, on the contrary, he has achieved a new breakthrough in terms of thought and theory, which is rare in the past few years.The eighty-two-year-old Deng Xiaoping was at ease in front of the visitors, which left a deep impression on them. Deng Xiaoping's main thought was that reforms should not shrink back or slide downhill.He believes that the reason why political reform is necessary is to clear the way for economic reform; the reason why economic reform is necessary is to accelerate the development of China's productive forces; the reason why developing productive forces is necessary is to eradicate poverty, which is the goal of socialism.When expounding this idea, Deng Xiaoping did not forget to criticize capitalism. In April 1987, when he met Guerra, a member of the Socialist Workers Party of Spain, he said: Once China is completely westernized and capitalism is adopted, the four modernizations will definitely not be realized.China needs to solve the poverty problem of one billion people and the development problem of one billion people.If capitalism is implemented in China, a small number of people may become rich, but a large number of people will be in a state of poverty for a long time, and then there will be revolutions in China.China's modernization can only rely on socialism, not capitalism⑥. Deng Xiaoping expounded his views on Western democracy. His main argument was that if China adopts Western-style democracy, then China will produce many unnecessary and radical political movements. He did not use an orthodox Marxist point of view to analyze , saying that if the Western style of people's presence is adopted, it means "the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie."He fully expressed his point of view in his conversation with Koroshetz, a member of the Central Presidium of the Yugoslav Communist League.He said: Democracy in capitalist society is the democracy of the bourgeoisie, but in fact it is the democracy of monopoly capital. It is nothing more than multi-party elections, three powers, and a bicameral system.Our system is the people's congress system, the people's democratic system under the leadership of the Communist Party, and we cannot follow the Western one.One of the greatest advantages of a socialist country lies in the fact that on one matter, once a resolution is made, it is immediately implemented without being involved. ⑦ The convening of the 13th Party Congress at the end of October 1987 was a major event within the Party. Before that, Deng Xiaoping had decided not to serve on the Central Committee.Therefore, there is no Deng Xiaohu on the list of candidates, and there are not many old revolutionaries, including Chen Yun and Peng Zhen.Since he was no longer a member of the Central Committee, Deng Xiaoping also lost his qualifications as a member of the Politburo and a candidate for the Standing Committee. However, he was re-elected as the chairman of the Central Military Commission.There are many rumors that Deng Xiaoping himself wanted to leave all jobs, but was persuaded by many people (according to the party constitution, the chairman of the Military Commission is at least the vice-chairman of the Central Committee. Therefore, the Central Committee specially revised this rule, making it possible for Deng Xiaoping to hold this post. position).The reason behind these things is that the older generation of soldiers in the Military Commission does not welcome people without military background as their chairman, and Deng himself is unwilling to let military personnel take up this position. Three veteran cadres, Chen Yun, Bo Yibo, and Yang Shangkun, also won important posts.Chen Yun is the director of the Central Advisory Committee, Bo Yibo is the deputy director, and Yang Shangkun is the executive vice chairman of the Central Military Commission.The position held by Yang was newly created, which made it possible for Zhao Ziyang to serve as the first vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, which Deng Xiaoping insisted on doing. On the recommendation of the Politburo Standing Committee, the newly elected Central Committee decided at its first meeting that although Deng Xiaoping had left the Central Committee, his status as a party and state leader would not change.As early as 1987, Chinese officials repeatedly told foreigners that Deng Xiaoping was still China's "supreme leader."This can be clearly seen in the official resume of Deng Xiaoping released after the meeting. In 1988, bourgeois liberalization, or spiritual pollution, was no longer a topic of conversation.Inflation is a topic often discussed in party and government secret meetings, as well as in general society.Prices of raw materials and consumer goods continued to rise. Acting Premier Li Peng acknowledged the seriousness of the problem in a report to the National People's Congress in March.He said that the prominent problem existing in my country's economy and society at present is that prices have risen too much, which has affected the improvement of people's lives to a certain extent, and the actual living standards of some urban residents have declined.He pointed out that we must continue to reform the unreasonable price system in a planned and step-by-step manner, and also mentioned increasing supply and curbing demand.He announced the imposition of price ceilings on important means of production.But he didn't announce what the inflation rate was at that time, but it was clear to everyone that inflation was over 20% for some major commodities. As a result of the price reform, prices have skyrocketed. People are rushing to buy goods to prevent prices from rising too fast, while suppliers are hoarding goods and selling them at higher prices after the price is released.People want to buy, but suppliers don't sell. The more so, the more tense the situation becomes.By the late summer of 1988, panic buying had become a part of life in Shanghai and many large cities, and banks began to run on deposits. The party and the government took two steps to solve the problems that emerged. In August, the Politburo decided that while prices would continue to be liberalized, the government's finances and finances must be tightened. In September, the Central Committee temporarily cooled down the price reform, and took the governance of the economic environment and the rectification of economic order as the main work from 1989 to 1990.What role Deng Xiaoping played in these processes is still not very clear. In 1989, a movement that took place in a big city in China shocked both at home and abroad. On April 15, something unexpected happened.Hu Yaobang suffered a heart attack at a Politburo meeting and died a week later.His death created an opportunity for people to vent their emotions, so a movement suddenly took place. On the evening of April 15, students in Peking University began to plant gardens, and big-character posters were pasted on the walls or trees on the campus.Other universities were also mobilized the next night. On Monday, April 17, hundreds of students left the campus and walked to Tiananmen Square to place wreaths at the foot of the Monument to the People's Heroes. Hu Yaobang's funeral took place a week after his death. On April 22, most of the leaders, including Deng Xiaoping, attended the funeral in the Great Hall of the People. Zhao Ziyang delivered a eulogy, which highly praised Hu Yaobang's achievements and did not mention any of his shortcomings, mistakes, and the Reason for stepping down.Outside the Great Hall, nearly 100,000 students gathered, sitting or standing, shouting slogans whenever officials attending the funeral appeared or left, but otherwise quiet.These students all arrived at the square in a neat line the night before.They received a guarantee from the funeral office that no action would be taken against them as long as they stayed in the square during the memorial meeting, and they were not allowed to enter the Great Hall of the People to pay their respects to Hu's remains. Deng Xiaoping probably spent days thinking about the student movement. On April 25, he made clear his views, which became the basis of the official attitude to the student movement.That night, Li Peng and Yang Shangkun visited Deng Xiaoping and reported on the spirit of the Politburo meeting the night before.The meeting was held in an atmosphere of secrecy. Zhao Ziyang was not in Beijing at the time and was visiting North Korea, so the meeting was chaired by Li Peng.After listening to Li Peng's report, Deng Xiaoping said that he agreed with the meeting's decision, and continued to express his opinion: "This movement is not an ordinary student riot, but an attempt to create chaos and negate the party's leadership and the socialist system. " On April 26, "People's Daily" published an editorial in which it quoted some of Deng Xiaoping's original words, and repeatedly emphasized that if a small group of people are allowed to continue to use the broad masses to make excuses for Hu Yaobang's death, China will fall into chaos, and the people's Profits will be lost. But the government did not expect that things would be even worse when Gorbachev visited Beijing on May 15-18.Planned normal procedures, including a welcoming ceremony at Tiananmen Square, were also canceled.Instead of driving along bustling, peaceful streets festooned with colorful flags, Gorbachev drove his way through friendly, but apparently officially out-of-control crowds, under heavy guard.On the square, the portrait of Hu Yaobang was replaced by Gorbachev's portrait. A large group of students waved flags to welcome the initiator of the reform and questioned where China's Gorbachev was.Later Deng Xiaoping met with Gorbachev twice, once in the Great Hall of the People and the other time at a welcome banquet.The conversation went very well.But both sides must have expressed regret for the chaotic situation at that time.Deng must have apologized for not being able to offer Gorbachev better terms.But Deng Xiaoping was particularly embarrassed by representatives of the world's news media, including hundreds of journalists and dozens of photographers. They were most interested in the team outside the Great Hall expressing dissatisfaction with politics. The camera was focused on the stone staircase of the Great Hall of the People, and then the inside of the Great Hall. What attracted the reporters was the slogans of the parade, not his significant handshake with Gorbachev. In early May, the movement expanded and the smell of gunpowder became stronger.The students formed a formal association and began printing tabloids. On May 13, a hunger strike began in Tiananmen Square. At 4 a.m. on May 19, Zhao Ziyang went to Tiananmen Square to meet the students who were on hunger strike.Zhao told the students that he was late and hoped to be forgiven.After he left Tiananmen Square, there was no news of him again.According to reports in official documents, he refused to attend the meeting of party, government and military cadres, at which Li Peng declared martial law.The document says Zhao Ziyang made his differences with the party public. A State Council order signed by Li Peng was issued, and martial law was enforced throughout the city. On May 20, three prohibitions were announced: no demonstrations or mass strikes; orders to the military and other security agencies to use "any forceful means" if needed; and prohibition of all Chinese and foreign journalists from conducting activities in military-controlled places without official permission. Take photos or interviews.It is clear that the party and government are ready to act.Under such circumstances, many students left the square under the persuasion of their parents. In addition, many intellectuals, who were afraid that this would lead to the defeat of the reformists in the party, asked the students to leave, so there were differences among the students. On the evening of June 3-4, large-scale troops finally entered Beijing. On June 9, Deng Xiaoping appeared on the TV screen. This was the first public appearance since Gorbachev came to Beijing.TV news reported that he was speaking to cadres above the ranks of the martial law troops at the headquarters of the martial law troops, which had occupied important buildings and major intersections in the capital. Deng Xiaoping first expressed his condolences to the officers and soldiers of the PLA, the armed police and the police who died in the conflict, and to the officers and soldiers who were injured. He suggested that everyone present stand up in silence for the martyrs who died to express their deep condolences. In this interview, Deng Xiaoping also said that this turmoil will come sooner or later. This is determined by the international climate and China's own microclimate. question.This is Deng Xiaoping's new tone.His practical thinking is that good leadership always anticipates political difficulties and deals with them beforehand. Deng Xiaoping especially emphasized the fact that young soldiers had fulfilled their duties.He said they did not forget the interests of the people, the teachings of the party and the country, and they faced death without ambiguity.It shows that the army is "the great steel wall of the party and the country".At the same time, he expressed his hostility to those young people who despise the party.He said: "We must never forget how cruel our enemies are, and they deserve no one percent forgiveness." From then on, Deng Xiaoping talked about strategic issues related to politics and economy.It was as if he was addressing a group of ordinary people at a work meeting, rather than facing a group of soldiers waiting in battle.He reviewed the political history of China since 1978. He raised and answered a series of questions, and then led the questions to the strategy of the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee—whether one center and two basic points are correct.He affirmed in a very prophetic tone that this strategy must and should be persisted. The second part of Deng Xiaoping's talk did not attract the attention of foreigners, but this part of the talk showed that he was still using a keen political mind to think about issues, and was always on guard against two possible crises. One was that some of his colleagues might Blaming the student movement on the reform policy; the other on Zhao Ziyang's fall from power makes the strategy vulnerable to attack by others.However, Deng Xiaoping's political methods did not change, he still took a pre-emptive approach.But at that time, people all over the world didn't know that his talk actually implied so many mysteries. Notes: ① "Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping" Volume III, pages 69-70. ② Ibid., p. 70. ③ Ibid., p. 142. ④ Ibid., page 181. ⑤ Ibid., p. 196. ⑥ Ibid., p. 229. ⑦ Ibid., p. 240.