Chapter 7 Chapter Six: A Soldier in the Mountain

1935-1945 On August 1, 1935, when Mao Zedong and Zhang Guotao were in a remote place in Sichuan, arguing about where to establish a new base for the troops after the division, Wang Ming published a statement on the establishment of China in the name of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in Moscow. Declaration of the Anti-Japanese United Front.Since the party's relay station in Shanghai was discovered by the Kuomintang military and police in the summer and autumn of 1934, the Chinese Communist Party's radio connection with Moscow was interrupted.At this time neither Mao nor Zhang knew anything about the development of the situation.It was not until the end of November of this year, six weeks after they arrived in Shaanxi, that Mao heard about it from Lin Yuying, Lin Biao's uncle, who had been sent back from Moscow to search for the party leaders ahead and report on the progress of the situation far away. .For Lin Yuying, finding Mao and others was as lucky as he was passing through the Mongolian desert.Zhang Guotao knew that this matter was later, and Mao selectively told him through the radio station he set up in Baoan to communicate with the Central Committee.

The reason why Wang Ming issued the Anti-Japanese Declaration was because the Soviet Union adopted a new policy towards Japan.Concerned about the expansionist policy ambitions of Japan's army and navy, Stalin determined that the main goal of the Soviet Union in the Far East was to prevent Chiang Kai-shek's China and Japan from establishing an anti-Soviet and anti-communist alliance.This required closer political relations between the USSR and China (diplomatic relations were established in 1932) and an end to the civil war in China.To make these two points possible, Stalin and the Comintern demanded that the Chinese Communist Party abandon its demand for an independent government since 1927, drastically revise its social policies, and stop its personal attacks and insults on the Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek.

Mao Zedong's desire for China to rise up against Japan was stronger than Stalin's.He also believes that only within the framework of the national united front can the Japanese attack be dealt with more effectively.He hated Chiang Kai-shek as much as he hated Chiang's policies, so he wanted to find a way to build a united front without Chiang as its sole leader.The strategy he chose was to build a united front from the bottom up.He once again put forward the declaration made by the CCP when it established the "Chinese Soviet Republic" in the Central Soviet Area in January 1933, that is, the CCP was willing to sign an armistice agreement with all armed forces to jointly resist Japan, and demanded that the Kuomintang troops stop attacking the Soviet Area and give them "democratic rights." And the people in the armed Soviet area.

Mao acted swiftly. At the end of December 1935, a meeting of the Politburo was held in Wayaobao, a barren village in northern Shaanxi, and a political resolution was passed. Strength, and the need to unite all possible anti-Japanese allies is to enable the people of the whole country to contribute their strength, money to contribute money, guns to produce guns, knowledge to produce knowledge, and prevent a patriotic Chinese from joining the anti-Japanese front.This is the general line of the party's broadest national united front strategy. ① A few days later, Mao Zedong told a party meeting that "Japanese aggression" had changed class relations in China and now made it possible for "both the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie to participate in the anti-Japanese struggle."But he still regarded Chiang Kai-shek as an enemy, linking Chiang Kai-shek's "traitorous" policy with Japan's "conquer China" policy.

This became the program of the party. In 1936, this program was widely publicized through various means.At the same time, Mao and his colleagues worked hard, doing their best to rebuild the strength of the party and army that had suffered huge losses during the Long March.They took three military actions: consolidating the northern Shaanxi base; reaching a non-aggression agreement with the Northeast Army and Northwest Army ordered by Chiang to attack northern Shaanxi;All three operations were successful, but the execution of the third military operation was costly. This price was the loss of two-thirds of the Fourth Front Army when it marched westward to Xinjiang. In July 1936, Zhang Guotao began to lead the Second and Fourth Front Army to march north, but he was unwilling to join the troops led by Mao, so he was mainly responsible for this loss.However, Mao, as the chairman of the reorganized Central Revolutionary Military Commission, was also responsible to some extent, at least he acquiesced to the strategic purpose of the Western Expedition.From a military point of view, the Western Expedition greatly weakened the combat effectiveness of the once glorious Fourth Front Army.Politically, Zhang Guotao's own reputation and power were completely lost, and when he finally returned to Yan'an, he was openly criticized.

Soon the communists concluded a non-aggression pact with the commanders of the local armies who besieged them.The background and experience of these local army leaders gave them great help.Yang Hucheng is one of them. In 1927, when the communists were active in Feng Yuxiang's department, he was Feng's assistant.The other was Zhang Xueliang, the son of Zhang Zuolin, a Manchurian warlord who was bombed by the Japanese in 1928.He and most of his subordinates in the army, Xiangxiang, demanded resistance to Japan and did not want to suppress the Communist Party.After negotiations in Yan'an and Xi'an, the two sides signed a non-aggression agreement in the spring of 1936, and established trade and radio links.

In 1936, Chiang Kai-shek also hardened his attitude towards Japan.But he still insisted on destroying the Communist Party first.Therefore, he was extremely annoyed by Zhang and Yang's behavior.In the early autumn of this year, he sent part of the central army to the northwest. In December, he flew to Xi'an again, forcing Zhang and Yang to suppress the Communists, and threatened to transfer Zhang and Yang's troops to the Central Plains, away from their territory. Jiang stayed in Huaqing Pool, a hot spring built on the mountain in Lintong, east of Xi'an. On December 9, a demonstration team led by students marched towards Lintong.Demanding an end to the civil war and an all-people resistance to Japan, Zhang Xueliang told the demonstrators that he personally sympathized with them, and publicly promised them: "Give a clear answer within a week"②.Three days later, the army captured Chiang Kai-shek on Zhang's orders.It is said that Chiang fled in his pajamas to a small pavilion on the top of the mountain when he heard soldiers knocking on the door, and was later taken to Xi'an like a prisoner.

The Communist Party never said it was responsible for this incident, and they didn't know about it in advance.All in all, judging by their reactions, they were as shocked by the event as anyone else.In the beginning, they called a mass meeting in Baoan to celebrate the capture of their arch-enemy, and Mao and other leaders talked about executing Chiang.However, after a few days, they calmed down and prepared to release Chiang in exchange for eliminating his hostility towards the Communist Party and fighting the Japanese together. The main reason is that the Communist Party calmly analyzed the situation and believed that Zhang Xueliang's actions provided an opportunity for the Communist Party.

On December 16, Zhou Enlai flew to Xi'an in a private plane provided by Zhang.Chiang was released on Christmas Day.Jiang did not leave any written text, but in order to urge Zhang to let him go, he made a verbal promise to Zhou Enlai (Yang Hucheng was afraid of Jiang's retaliation in the future and did not approve of this).Zhang accompanied Chiang to Nanjing.And paid a heavy price for it.He was immediately arrested and sentenced to ten years in prison.Yang was also persecuted. In early 1937, Chiang disbanded his army.He no longer has command. The Communists moved quickly to consolidate Zhou Enlai's diplomatic victory. In February 1937, Mao and his colleagues called the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang in the name of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, proposing to abandon the armed struggle against Chiang, and to integrate the Soviet area and the Red Army with the Kuomintang-controlled area and the Kuomintang army, in exchange for the Kuomintang army to stop attacking the Red Army, and Release all political prisoners and actively start preparations for the War of Resistance Against Japan.Those proposals were not accepted, but opened formal negotiations between the two sides.In the following four months, Zhou Enlai and Chiang Kai-shek had talks five times and reached a good agreement. Shortly after the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War in July 1937, the KMT and the Communist Party reached several formal agreements.This auspicious, the Communist Party agreed to stop armed opposition to Chiang, stop confiscating land and establishing a Soviet regime, reorganize the designation of the Red Army and make it under the command of the central government, and strive for the realization of Sun Yat-sen's Three People's Principles.At the same time, the Kuomintang also allowed the Communist Party to set up offices in several cities, publish national newspapers, and designate representatives to participate in the Kuomintang's advisory bodies.They also agreed to give the Communist Party considerable subsidies.According to these agreements, the northern Shaanxi base area became the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region of the Republic of China with its own autonomous government, and the Red Army became the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army of the National Revolutionary Army. (The New Fourth Army is composed of the surviving part of the troops who stayed in Jiangxi after the Long March began. -Original note)

Towards the end of the Long March, Deng Xiaoping became very ill.It is said that he suffered from typhoid fever so badly that when he arrived in Shensi, he was too ill to ride a horse or walk.After he recovered from his illness, he served as the acting director of the Political Department of the First Red Army (this was designated by Mao Zedong and Peng Dehuai after the First Red Army arrived in Shaanxi in 1936).It was promotion, and it was what he had been doing for the next sixteen years.His career entered a new period. During the next sixteen years, his name spread throughout the party and army, and he showed that he was qualified to be a leader of the country.

At this stage, Deng was both a political soldier and a military statesman.As a political soldier, his job is to ensure that the military is responsive to political education and training.As a military statesman, his job is to make sure the party understands the reality of the military and doesn't demand too much or too little from it.Later, this work was performed by professional military officers with formal training.However, in the 1930s and 1940s, it was usually held by highly senior party cadres.Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and Liu Shaoqi all served as political commissars of the Red Army at one point or another.Like Mao, Deng felt the dual role of the job was a good fit for him.His experience makes him a brilliant statesman.His character made him a good fit for military life. The political and military system of the Red Army and the Eighth Route Army, from army to division, is composed of political commissars and political departments at each level.At each level, political commissars rank significantly higher in the party ranks than military commanders.The political commissar also has the highest power, and the political commissar can issue orders and instructions in his own name.Except in the most critical moment of the war, the orders of the military commander must be signed by the political commissar to take effect. As a political soldier, he is responsible for a wide range of tasks, from the "political awareness" and political awareness of all party members in his unit to the morale and welfare of the entire unit, all of which are handled by the political commissar.He not only wants to organize the sports meeting of the army, but also explains to the party members the importance of the party's resolutions and instructions.He was also responsible for arranging the cultural basic education of most illiterate soldiers.It is his duty to win the trust and support of the masses outside the army. Before 1937, the landlords were always treated as class enemies, even though sometimes a small piece of land was left for them to cultivate to support themselves, and confiscating and distributing their floating wealth, including houses, was a legitimate action.However, the army cannot be sustained by forced conscripts alone. They must maintain a good relationship with ordinary farmers, so that someone will be willing to sell them some animals, food or supplies.This popular work is particularly important in areas where the Red Army is not yet firmly established.Some peasants feared collaborating with the Communist Party for fear of reprisals from returning landlords, Nationalist troops, and officials. The Sino-Japanese War lasted eight years from July 1937 to August 1945.At the beginning of the war, the Communist Party had only one base, and it was far away on the desolate Loess Plateau in the northwest.At the end of the war, they established nineteen base areas, more than twelve times the size of the original base areas in Shaanxi, Gansu and Ningxia, and had a population of nearly 100 million.Just like the Jiangxi base area back then, these new base areas also have a core and a periphery, and each base area has at least one core area controlled by the Communist Party.In North China, from Shaanxi, Gansu and Ningxia in the west to the top of the Shandong Peninsula in the east, twelve base areas are connected into one piece.Only two bases are completely isolated: one is in the mountains of Hainan Island in the far south; the other is in the Pearl River Delta between Hong Kong and Guangzhou. The growth of the army and the party even outstripped the expansion of the base areas. At the end of 1937, the strength of the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army was about 50,000, and by the spring of 1945, it had increased to nearly 900,000. In 1937, there were about 40,000 members of the CCP, and they were mainly concentrated in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region. In the spring of 1945, it had expanded to 1.2 million people and spread all over the country. All new bases, in whole or in part, were behind Japanese enemy lines.This was a strategy adopted by the Communist Party at the beginning of the war. In 1937, several political and military leaders advocated that the Eighth Route Army should use complete divisions or brigades in close coordination with the Kuomintang army to conduct mobile warfare against the Japanese army.Mao Zedong, newly elected secretary of the Military Commission, strenuously opposed such claims.At a Politburo meeting in August 1937, he insisted that the Japanese were generally more formidable than the Nationalist forces, which the Red Army had fought for a decade.Adopting mobile warfare will expose the weak Eighth Route Army prematurely and wipe out the Japanese invaders.Those who advocated mobile warfare worried that simply conducting guerrilla warfare would lead others to blame the Communist Party, saying that the Communist Party's all courage in demanding resistance against Japan was only in words, and that all they cared about was building their own military and political power.Mao Zedong advocated not abandoning mobile warfare "under favorable conditions", but "basically" guerrilla warfare should be the mainstay. The process of establishing a base was arduous and suffered many setbacks.In the beginning, bases could only be established in mountainous areas, but later bases were also established in many places in Keyuan, North China.Whether it is a mountainous area or a plain, the establishment of a base is first of all to establish a solid military control.Once the troops gained a foothold, the party proceeded to convert the newly captured areas into base areas.This is usually followed by the establishment of a new local authority.This body is elected by universal suffrage and includes the establishment of a consultative and executive committee at the village level or higher.In order to maintain its own regime, the party encourages party members to participate in elections to ensure that the majority of members of the executive committee can implement the instructions of the party branch. The next step is usually to improve the lot of the local poor, mainly by reducing the wealth and that power.During this period, three principle documents were promulgated: rent reduction, interest rate reduction, implementation of reasonable burden and uniform progressive taxation.The Rent Reduction Regulations called for a 25% reduction in rent, a rate that Sun Yat-sen had sworn to.During the spring famine, when the stores were exhausted, not only was the interest greatly reduced, but at last even the borrowing by which many poor people lived was stopped.But sometimes the weight of the tax is greatly progressive. In the base areas the Communist Party never neglected social agitation and patriotic propaganda.The Japanese invasion directly or indirectly destroyed the orderly and peaceful life of the Chinese people.The key to the Communist Party's success in gaining public support is to ensure that the people live an orderly and peaceful life, and to establish a closer relationship with the people.In this regard, many Japanese and Kuomintang members also admit to a certain extent. In North China there are four border regions consisting of one or several base areas, which span two to four provinces and have their own governments and elected local councils.Usually, but not always, party members make up the majority of these institutions.Local councils have higher power and status than ordinary administrative officials.The only Shenan-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region where Chiang Kai-shek recognized its legal existence was an exception. Deng Xiaoping did not participate in the meeting to formulate strategies and tactics, but he was appointed as the deputy director of the Political Department of the Eighth Route Army on the day the meeting ended.Now, in the autumn of 1937, he was sent to Wutai Mountain, which is located in the northeast of Shanxi Province, where there are many Buddhist and Lama temples.When he got there, the 115th Division under the command of Lin Biao ambushed and severely damaged the supply troops of a division of the Japanese invading army in a narrow valley. This was the first victory of the Chinese army in the War of Resistance Against Japan. weapons, but it enhanced the prestige of the Communist Party in the country. In January 1938, Deng Xiaoping was appointed political commissar of the 129th Division to replace the deceased comrade.Deng worked in the 129th Division until the end of the war (Deng Xiaoping succeeded Zhang Hao, the former political commissar of the 129th Division.This division has about 13,000 troops and is mainly composed of the remnants of the Fourth Front Army led by Zhang Guotao.Therefore, the morale of this division may be lower than that of the other two divisions of the Eighth Route Army. The commander of this division is Liu Bocheng, who is from the same hometown as Deng, and is also from Sichuan. He is a lifelong professional soldier.He was born in 1892, twelve years older than Deng.In the early 1920s, before he joined the Communist Party, he was an officer in the Sichuan Army. After the August 1st Nanchang Uprising in 1927, he was sent to the Soviet Union by the party and studied in the Red Army Academy for three years.During the Long March, he was the Chief of Staff of the First Red Army.On tactical issues, he did not argue with other commanders, especially Lin Biao and Peng Dehuai.He is blind in one eye, so he always wears a pair of glasses.He is a soldier among the soldiers, and he is deeply loved by his subordinates. He seems to have his own principles of dealing with affairs, and he does not want to interfere with politics.He and Deng worked well together.Many years later, Deng said in his official biography that people used to link "Liu Deng" together, which is not bad at all, "in our hearts, we also feel that it is difficult to separate each other"③. Taihang Mountain, located in the southeast of Shanxi, is "high and dangerous" and "easy to defend but difficult to attack"④.When Deng arrived at the 129th Division, the division had gone deep into the Taihang Mountains.In fact, the Japanese did not attempt to attack the Taihang Mountains. After capturing Taiyuan, the provincial capital, in November 1937, the Japanese concentrated their defenses on the railway lines leading to Taiyuan from the north, south and east.Relying on the mountainous area, Liu Deng began to establish a base area and considered how to deal with the situation in Shanxi Province after the Japanese invasion.At that time, the provincial chairman had already fled, the local government had also disintegrated, and the areas not occupied by the Japanese army were full of deserters from the Kuomintang army. In the following two years, that is, in 1938 and 1939, Liu Deng devoted himself to the construction of base areas and army building to avoid encounters with the Japanese army.They consolidated their base in the Taihang Mountains and created another base in the central mountains of Shanxi.Later, two bases were established on the North China Plain east of the Ping-Han Railway controlled by the Japanese.In each base area, they recruited and trained two kinds of reserve army: one was full-time local troops, but they were active in the local area;These local armed forces also provided a source of troops for the 129th Division. In 1940, Liu Deng launched an offensive, first against the Kuomintang army, and then against the Japanese invading army. In March they fought against the Kuomintang troops who invaded the Taihang base.These troops were ordered by Chiang Kai-shek to try to re-establish the Kuomintang regime in many places except the Communist-controlled Shaanxi, Gansu and Ningxia.Liu Deng repulsed them, and then repelled the troops of the local warlord Yan Xishan who cooperated with the central army.These victories gave them more room to move freely politically, both inside and outside the Borderlands. The victory of Liu Deng also created the conditions for all the Communist commanders in Shanxi to resist the Japanese invasion.With or without the instructions of Mao's military committee in Yan'an, they formulated a plan to attack the Japanese strongholds along the North China Railway, and blocked and divided the railway lines occupied by the Japanese.The attack plan began at the end of August and lasted for more than three months.Initially the Communists committed twenty-two regiments, about 40,000 troops, and when the campaign expanded to include attacks on other Japanese garrisons and the Japanese counteroffensive began, the Chinese Communists increased their force fivefold. This is the famous "Hundred Regiments War".It had twofold consequences.The Hundred Regiments Campaign disrupted the communications of the Japanese troops in Shanxi and Hebei for several weeks, and the CCP troops occupied several towns.While much bad news came (the Kuomintang troops had been on the defensive in central and southern China since the fall of 1938, when the Japanese took Hankow and Canton), it lifted hearts and minds throughout the country.However, it also exposed the strength of the Eighth Route Army to the Japanese army, and the Japanese army must retaliate.At the same time, he also exposed himself to the Kuomintang, allowing the Kuomintang to understand that the Communist Party has achieved considerable success in base areas and army building.When Mao Zedong in Yan'an saw the campaign publicly advertised in the Kuomintang newspapers, he reacted poorly.He is said to have been displeased with the campaign.Peng Dehuai, the front-line commander of the Eighth Route Army in this campaign, wrote in his memoirs that he issued the battle order ten days earlier than originally planned, so he did not obtain the consent of Yan'an.This approach made Mao very angry.Mao thought it too reckless for Peng and others involved, including Deng, to expand the scale of the campaign after the success of the first phase of the campaign and commit 200,000 troops to attack the center.Peng also wrote that when the news of our victory reached Yenan, Mao sent him a congratulatory message.But this congratulatory message may be to celebrate their victory in the first stage.Five years later, in the summer of 1945, at a meeting in Yan'an, Peng Dehuai was still criticized for this matter.Today is affirmative to Hundred Regiments War.In Deng's official biography there are two sentences about this campaign: "Since August of the same year, Liu Bocheng and Deng Xiaoping led 38 regiments under their command (not including local troops) to participate in the "Hundred Regiments Campaign", and fought 529 battles, large and small, which dealt a heavy blow to the Japanese and puppet troops and inspired the confidence of the people across the country. "However, the first sentence that follows is: "In 1941, the war of resistance behind the enemy lines in North China entered the most difficult stage, and the Japanese invading army shifted the focus of their invasion of China to the enemy lines"⑤.The text does not attribute this shift to the campaign, but neither does it explain it otherwise. The next two years were indeed the most difficult for all the bases in North China. After the outbreak of the Pacific War in December 1941, the Japanese army did not reduce their troops in China. Instead, they decided to eliminate all the Chinese Communist Party's troops in the base area and eliminate the influence of the Communist Party.Under the military order of "Kill All, Burn All, Loot All", the Japanese army stayed in the mopped-up area for several weeks or months at a time, regardless of whether you were a Communist or an ordinary citizen, they were all shot to death.The Japanese army carried out many massacres in these areas, setting fire to the crops in the fields, and the stored food was either destroyed or robbed. By the end of 1942, the base areas in the North China Plain, including the two established by the 129th Division, had no Communist Party. Control anything armed with it.In the mountains, many towns captured by the Communists in the Hundred Regiments War were also lost. It was this period of living in the barren mountains of eastern Shanxi that first formed a clear picture of Deng Xiaoping's mature image.Some of his speeches and articles began to appear in the records released by the CCP.For the first time since his studies in France, there are many anecdotal stories about him. Deng is not tall, and he stopped growing tall when he went to study in France.He was only five feet tall, which he said was because he couldn't get enough to eat there.But more precisely because of genetics.His father was not tall, and none of his children was tall.He was stout before middle age, with a short neck but broad shoulders, a broad and square face, a resolute chin and eyes that were deeper than most Chinese. Like many people of short stature, Deng was agile, energetic, and in good health. Except for a typhoid fever at the end of the Long March, in his youth and middle age, even in the endemic areas of Guangxi and Shanxi Life has never been sick either.On some occasions, he was not like Zhou Enlai, but like Mao Zedong, a heavy smoker.But I have never heard of any side effects of smoking on him. Deng always thought carefully before taking swift action.And only when subordinates procrastinated on certain decisions did he openly express his displeasure. Deng is talented and smart.When he talked about education many times later, he expressed regret for stopping his studies at the age of sixteen more than once.He is an excellent political and military analyst.His reports were clear and organized, both verbally and in writing.In the first volume of "Deng Xuan", there are nine speeches and articles written by him in the early 1940s. Although these speeches and articles are very straightforward and somewhat plain, they are very convincing.This shows that Deng's thinking is firm, he can grasp the arguments well, and he does not stick to the rules when dealing with and solving problems.He valued facts and figures, and studied hard to make himself an expert in trade taxation, which he had never dealt with before.However, the survival of the base areas opened up by the 129th Division in 1941 and the Border Region Government established by him and Liu Bocheng on these base areas is a matter of life and death.His principle in dealing with all economic work is: "Limit the extent of cruel exploitation in the past... but encourage capitalist production, which is currently beneficial to the development of the national economy." His passage has two important features: one is that he There is no euphemism for (according to the original translation.--Annotation) "capitalist production"; second, he adds the word "currently" before "beneficial", which makes it clear that communism will not last forever Tolerate capitalism. At the beginning of 1943, the pressure of the Japanese army on the base areas began to ease.The Communist Party seized this opportunity and began to develop outward. In addition to restoring the old revolutionary base areas, it also opened up new base areas, especially in Shandong.Deng shouldered a heavy responsibility in guiding this process. In the second half of 1943, Peng Dehuai, Liu Bocheng, and Nie Rongzhen, three senior commanders in the North China base area, were ordered to return to Yan'an. Deng replaced Peng as the acting secretary of the Northern Bureau of the Communist Party of China. force. In the spring of 1944, the Japanese army launched the largest offensive since the war of aggression against China, code-named "Operation No. 1".It mainly has two attempts: to get through (English "Ichigo" is Japanese transliteration, which means "one round". The "History of the Communist Party of China" edited by Li Jian, the Central Party School of the Communist Party of China, People's Publishing House, 1990 edition) is translated as "one round". Battle No.Select "Operation No. 1" here. --Annotation) An important railway line of communication between North, South and Southwest China to reduce the Japanese army's dependence on sea traffic.American attacks on Japanese sea traffic had become more frequent by this time; the airfield in the southwest was occupied because the airfield was being used more and more by American Flying Tigers aircraft. In April, the Japanese offensive started from Henan, and continued to Hunan and Guangxi in summer and autumn.With the support of American General Chennault's 14th Air Force, the Chinese army put up stubborn resistance in some parts of Hunan, but not elsewhere.By November, Chinese troops were cleared along the railway line.The airport was also occupied by Japanese troops.Chiang Kai-shek's army suffered heavy losses, and tens of thousands of ordinary people were massacred.The results of this Japanese offensive exposed to the world to some extent that since the outbreak of the war, the combat effectiveness of the Kuomintang army had been greatly reduced.Meanwhile, its central government has become corrupt and infighting.This also dealt a great blow to Chiang Kai-shek's personal prestige, especially at home, and the confidence of the people was also hit hard.By the end of 1944, Professor Lloyd Ittman was quoted as saying that China had become such a country: "The economic product is poor, the inflation is rising, the army is bad luck before the Japanese, the government is corrupt, and the political discontent is full of every part of society. corner"⑥. During the "Operation No. 1" offensive, the Communists concentrated on consolidating their strongholds in North and East China.They did not launch an offensive to relieve the pressure on Chiang Kai-shek's army, but they were wary of spilling over into areas where the Nationalist forces had collapsed, such as Henan.Deng's main task was to fight some non-major attacks by the Japanese army in the North China base area, and insist on implementing the established social and economic policies in the base area, especially the reduction of rent and interest.By the mid-spring of 1945, the number of regular troops under his command had grown to about 500,000, and he became (when the War of Resistance Against Japan was victorious, the number of regular troops under Deng Xiaoping's command was about 300,000.-Annotation) A prominent figure. Before the summer of 1945, Deng Xiaoping had been to Yan'an twice: once in September 1938 to attend the Enlarged Central Committee meeting (he was not yet a member of the Central Committee), and the other time in July 1939 to attend the (enlarged) meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee.Shortly after the meeting, he married for the third time.His new wife is Pu Qiongying (later renamed Zhuo Lin), the daughter of Yunnan Ham King. In 1937, she came to Yan'an from Peking as a student of Peking.She is twelve years younger than Deng Xiaoping.They have been together for fifty-four years now.She was slender when she was young, with an oval face, and gained weight in middle age.Among the marriages of Chinese Communist Party leaders, their marriages lasted longer than others and were among the happiest. During Deng Xiaoping's stay in the mountains, Mao Zedong went from being a member of the collective leadership to being the leader of the party. At the Seventh Party Congress held in Yan'an from April to June 1945, he was elected chairman of the Central Committee, chairman of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and secretary of the Central Secretariat.Through this, the leading core of the Central Committee made many important decisions.His "thought" is enshrined as the new criterion for guiding all the work of the party.He not only gained a formal power position but also gained a high ideological position, which even Stalin could not match. Mao's official rise had merely expanded his power and prestige.As early as early 1936, when he was ranked behind Luo Fu, Bogu, and Zhou Enlai in the Secretariat, he was more powerful than any of them.He met Edgar Snow as the actual leader of the party.But under the conditions at that time, the Communist Party of China was only a branch of the Communist International, without international recognition, it was impossible for him to go very far.Therefore, Wang Jiaxiang's return to Yan'an from Moscow in July 1937 was a very important moment for Mao.Wang Jiaxiang was the first to express his support for Mao Zedong in Zunyi, and later he went to Moscow for medical treatment. When Wang returned to Yan'an in July 1937, he brought with him instructions from Dimitrov, chairman of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, calling Mao "the leader of the Chinese people"⑦. Although Dimitrov affirmed Mao's status, in the year from November 1937 to November 1938, Mao's life was not easy. In November 1937, the three members of the Political Bureau in Moscow, Wang Ming, Kang Sheng, and Chen Yun, returned to China. The resolution passed by the Central Plenary Session held for the first time in Yan'an in November 1938 mainly reflected his political and military strategy. claim.Through this year, Mao discovered that he and Wang Ming had always had disagreements on some major issues.That is, should the Communist Party maintain relative independence in the new anti-Japanese national united front?Or blindly compromise?Wang Ming's slogan is "everything goes through the united front". Wang Ming is eloquent and arrogant. When he was in Shanghai in 1931, he wrote and distributed a pamphlet "Two Lines-Struggling for the Bolshevikization of the CCP", which showed the complete political program of the Soviet faction, and became the leader of Bogu and Luo, who controlled the Central Bureau at that time. just reference manual.After returning to Moscow as the chief representative of the Communist Party of China in the Communist International, he became a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International.He believed that he had every right to issue the 1935 August 1 Declaration in the name of the party, calling for the establishment of a new united front. For this reason, within about half a year after Wang's return, Mao became a "minority, sometimes completely isolated"⑧, and the later changes in the situation were mainly due to Wang's political naivety.Instead of staying in Yan'an, where he could influence other leaders and maintain contact with Moscow, he chose to go to Wuhan in the summer of 1938, getting involved in debates with Kuomintang generals and politicians about whether the people could be organized to defend Madrid like the Spanish Republic That's the problem of defending the city.When he returned to Yan'an, he found that he no longer had the right to speak in the Politburo.The Politburo invited him to give a keynote address at the forthcoming Central Committee meeting, but later rejected his draft and Mao made the report instead. In this way, Wang Ming's star quickly dimmed.On the subsequent meeting of the Central Committee to correct Wang Ming’s right-leaning capitulationist mistakes in the early days of the Anti-Japanese War9, he continued to serve as the head of the United Front Work Department of the Central Committee for a period of time, writing many articles and publishing them in party newspapers.However, this position was later replaced by Zhou Enlai with appropriate reasons.He later became a very active freelance writer.At the party congresses in 1945 and 1956, he was re-elected to the Central Committee, but his status was already very low. In the 1960s he was publicly criticized by the Cultural Revolution.Probably with the help of the Russians, he fled to the Soviet Union, where he died in the 1970s as a result of his uprooted life. Once Mao was firmly established in legitimacy and political power, he set out to strengthen his theoretical position.In this field, at this time, he still had a great influence in the party, and he also left a deep imprint on Deng Xiaoping. As it turned out, one of Mao's most important analyzes concerned the stages of the Chinese revolutionary process and the relationship between the Communist Party and society.Mao divided the pre-socialist period of the Chinese revolution into two stages: the first stage to 1918 belonged to the category of the old bourgeois-democratic revolution; An integral part of the proletarian revolution, and called for the establishment of a political system "including the proletariat and peasants" and "a joint dictatorship of several revolutionary classes". , economic, and cultural programs are properly defined.It was within this framework that further policy proposals were later formulated, notably in 1945 he proposed a democratic coalition government and in 1949 a multiparty government led by the Communist Party. 在谈到党和社会的问题时，毛协调了民主与专政的关系。他的这一理论框架的核心是群众路线，正如他所写的：在我们党的一切实际工作中，凡属正确的领导，必须是从群众中来到群众中去。这就是说，将群众的意见（分散的无系统的意见）集中起来（经过研究，化为集中的系统的意见），又到群众中去作宣传解释，化为群众的意见，使群众坚持下去，见之于行动，并在群众行动中考验这些意见是否正确。 ⑩ 群众路线有两个根源：中国千年的传统和非中国的卢梭主义以及法国大革命时期雅各宾派的传统。毛在综合这几种观点时强调党的作用，并使之置于党的领导之下。但是，他坚定地把群众观点看作是党在实际工作中制定政策的第一手材料，因此，把民粹主义遵循的要素揉进到中国的现代政治文化之中。(根据原又译出。--译注) 为了清除王明的观点在党内的影响，代之以自己的观点，1942年2月毛在延安发动了"整风运动"，这一运动在此后的两年中遍及各个根据地。他选择了三种特殊的思想方法和行为予以批评，即：主观主义、宗派主义和党八股。在他的思想中，这第一、二个问题都有双重表现。例如主观主义就体现为"教条主义"和"经验主义"。在这次运动期间，主要批判了教条主义。运动正式结束时没有人被点名。直到1945年，王明、博古在中央委员会的决议中被认定为教条主义。 整风运动是在"惩前毖后，治病救人"和1943年夏开始的"一个不杀，大部不抓"的口号下进行的，这和3O年代初期留苏派在各根据地进行的清洗是不同的。但是，冗长的会议常常陷于非常紧张和不愉快之中，被称为"斗争会"。1937年战争爆发后有几个文化人从上海和其他城市聚集延安。他们中几乎所有的人在最后都承认犯有错误。但有一个作家写了讽刺杂文批评了延安的说教者，而遭逮捕。他被投进监狱，几年以后被秘密处死。对于他的死，康生要负责任。康生曾在苏联受过特种训练，和毛1939年结婚的第三任妻子江青熟识多年。在整风运动期间，当康生企图把党员在抢救运动中的缺点写进档案时，毛制止了。二十五年以后在文化大革命中、毛给予康生以很大的权利。自从1939年回延安后，邓小平直到1945年6月才再次回到延安参加七届一中全会，他第一次被选为中央委员，在四十四名委员及三十三位候补委员中他排在第二十八位。或许因为他没有亲自参加七大，因而无法让与会代表深刻地了解他。因此中央委员会的这项排名，与他1943年以后所担负的重大责任，以及他随后所担任的职务并不相称，与毛对他才能的评价及与他的同伴相比，亦不相称。 Notes: ①《中央关于军事战略问题的决议》（瓦窑堡会议1935年12月23日）。 ②本杰明·扬著：《从革命到政治》第224页。 ③《邓小平传略》第14页。 ④同上书，第11页。 ⑤同上书，第12页。 ⑥《剑桥史》第13卷，第608页。 ⑦肯培：《遵义会议与毛权力的进一步崛起》。 ⑧同上书，第131页。 ⑨《邓小平画册》第65页标题。 ⑩《毛泽东选集》第三卷，第119页.