Chapter 113 Chapter 19 The Fox and the Bear (1)

1939.1-1939.8.24 On the day Hitler announced the Mandate for Bohemia and Moravia at the Hradsin Palace, the Romanian ambassador warned the British Foreign Office that Hitler would occupy Romania and Hungary within the next few months.Soon, the British ambassador in Paris sent back a startling telegram, which led astray those in London who were hastily reformulating foreign policy.The telegram was full of errors.Because, for the sake of secrecy, it was hand-printed by the ambassador, Sir Eric Phipps. "Hitler's own desire," he writes, "with the support of Goering, Himmler, Ribbentrop, Gozel, and Rechnau, was to wage war against Great Britain in June and July." ” This wind was probably released by the anti-Hitler groups in Germany, because they tried their best to provoke armed conflicts.In fact, the head of state had no intention of attacking Britain at all, and the so-called occupation of Romania and Hungary was limited to the economic field.His eyes are actually on resolving vexing differences between Germany and Poland.These divisions were forged by the Allies after the world war to deter German aggression.Germany not only lost most of the provinces of West Prussia and Posen, but also opened up a corridor leading to the Baltic Sea along the Vistula River, providing an outlet for landlocked Poland.Danzig, at the end of this corridor, became a free port in order to serve as a Polish seaport.This so-called "Polish Corridor", which separated the East Prussian province from the motherland, was the one thing that most excited German patriots, and the focus of the contradiction was again on Danzig, because the people who lived there were almost exclusively Germanic .

Oddly enough, Hitler, the most nationalistic of Germans, did not give it much space in one book, nor in his early speeches.Not that Hitler had friendly feelings for the Poles—by his standards they were inferiors—but because he was troubled by the Soviet Union, the only country that could satisfy Germany.From the beginning of his rise to power, Hitler minimized the Polish problem and signed a non-aggression pact with Warsaw in 1934, valid for 10 years.In public, he flaunted Debord's friendliness and, it is remembered, invited the Poles to the Munich conference that dismembered Czechoslovakia.The Poles gladly accepted the invitation.But they don't understand that the bill for this kind of banquet is ultimately paid by the guests.A month after the Munich meeting, the bill came—Ribbentrop invited Ambassador Josef Lipsky to lunch with him at the Grand Hotel in Berchtesgaden.Ribbentrop said the time had finally come to resolve their differences.He suggested—and he was very friendly—that Poland return Danzig to Germany and allow Germany to build corridors linking East Prussia to the rest of Germany.In return, Germany allowed Poland to use the free port of Danzig, guaranteed its current borders, and extended the treaty signed between the two sides.Ribbentrop further suggested that the two countries cooperate on the emigration of Polish Jews and "carry out a common policy towards Russia on the basis of opposition to the treaties of the Comintern".

Since many influential Poles shared Hitler's fear of Russia and their hatred of the Jews, there seemed to be no shortage of hope for a peaceful resolution of the divide.However, Colonel Joseph Baker, Polish Foreign Minister, repeatedly rejected Hitler's invitation to visit Germany, but secretly tried his best to strengthen ties with Russia. At the end of 1938, the two countries issued a statement of friendship between the Soviet Union and Poland, and the trade negotiations between the two countries also started. With a man like Hitler, duplicity cannot be played on indefinitely.Baker was finally forced to accept Hitler's invitation. In early January 1939, Beck came to the Berghof.If he was afraid of being yelled at like Schuschnigg, Tissot and Hacha, he was wrong: he was delighted and surprised.There were no threats, only lures, and Hitler only hinted at the possible annihilation of Czechoslovakia and more benefits for Poland.This approach failed.Baker played so diplomatically that he didn't even consider the return of Danzig.

A few weeks later, Ribbentrop came to Warsaw with the intention of repeating the German proposal.The Poles invited him to dances, to the theatre, to the hunt, and endlessly to caviar and green vodka.At the negotiating table, he got nothing but the allure of more Poles.There were rumors in Wilhelmstrasse that, because of Beck's repeated refusal to accept what he believed to be the most generous proposal, Hitler shouted that the only way to deal with the Poles was to threaten them.In March of that year, the method which had been so effective in Austria and Czechoslovakia was established.Ribbentrop warned Warsaw that Polish atrocities against the Germanic minorities were becoming intolerable.Then Goering's newspaper Die Zeit went on the offensive, claiming that German women and children were being harassed in the streets of Poland and that German shops and houses were being tarred.Far from being deterred, Baker called in the German ambassador on Tuesday and issued his own threat: any attempt to change the status quo in Danzig would be seen as an act of aggression against Poland.

"You want to negotiate at the point of the bayonet!" shouted the German ambassador. "That's your own method," Baker said. Poland's courage, this time and elsewhere, was rewarded with a startling reward: London offered to provide military aid to Poland should it be invaded by the Nazis.Baker accepted "without hesitation."On the last day of March, Chamberlain "describing haggardness" stepped into the House of Commons and sat down on a chair.After a few minutes, he rose to read a statement.He read slowly and in a calm tone.He lowered his head as if he couldn't read clearly. "In the event of any action which manifestly threatens the independence of Poland," he said, "and the Polish government deems it absolutely necessary to counteract it with all its national strength, the British government will immediately All assistance to the United Kingdom." He added that the Poles had been assured in this regard before this, and that France had authorized him to declare that France participated in these assurances given by the British.After he took his seat, the hall erupted in spontaneous cheers; for the first time since his return from Munich, there was genuine agreement.Unconditional support was the first physical evidence that Chamberlain had truly abandoned appeasement.Britain finally came together and did its duty.

The next day, April 1, the Führer responded to the solidarity of the House of Commons with a speech satirizing Britain.What right, he asked, does Britain have to interfere with Germany's right to exist? "Today, if an English statesman demands that every important question of German power be first discussed with England, I can equally demand that every question of England must be first discussed with us. Of course, The Englishman might answer me that Palestine has nothing to do with the Germans. We don't want to have anything to do with Palestine. However, just as we Germans have nothing to do with the Palestinians, neither do you Britain. A matter of living space." If the British think that the Germans have no right to do this or that, what right do you British have to shoot Arabs in Palestine who only want to defend their homeland?

He moves from sarcasm to intimidation. "The Germanic Empire," he said, "was never going to tolerate intimidation forever, not even the policy of siege." The threat was relatively mild, and it took a lot of perseverance to control his feelings. so well.In private, he was impassioned.When he confirmed from Admiral Canaris that afternoon that Britain had indeed guaranteed the Poles, he was furious.He was so angry that his face changed, and he roared incessantly in the room, punching the marble table top, cursing endlessly. "I'll show them some color!" Was he interested in signing Stalin?

That night, Hitler delivered another speech.During the lecture, he was very personable.This probably stems from the belief that they start from the position of strength.Madrid had fallen to Franco; the Spanish Civil War had just officially ended.Moreover, with "fresh rumors" that day that "Italy had put pressure on Albania," Britain's attention was being diverted—a diversion that played into Hitler's favor.He summoned Keitel and told him that the Polish problem needed to be solved.What a tragedy, he added, was the untimely death of his cunning teacher, Piłsudski, with whom he had signed a non-aggression pact!However, it could happen to him at any time. "So that is why he wanted to settle as soon as possible the intolerable question of the future of Germany, which geographically divided East Prussia from the rest of the Reich. He is unwilling to leave it to his successor." He went on to say that he firmly believed that as long as Britain saw Germany's determination, Britain would ignore Poland.

Because he did not realize that Britain had given up the appeasement policy not only verbally but also in fact, Hitler issued a war "top secret" order on April 3, which was sent to senior generals by special personnel. "Since the situation on the eastern borders of Germany has become intolerable and all political possibilities for a peaceful solution have been exhausted," the order read, "I have resolved to resolve it by force."The attack on Poland, the "White Campaign," was scheduled for September 1st. If there is a conflict on the Western Front, Britain and France must be the first to act, and the responsibility for hostilities should be shifted to Britain and France.If Britain and France attack Germany in retaliation, the Army should try to preserve its strength in this area. "The power to order a counterattack should be absolutely in my hands."It is also in his hands to decide whether to air raid London.

This trick shows that he does not believe in the guarantees made by Britain and France to Poland.In order to save face, the allies declared war at best. If Germany did not launch a counterattack, bargaining was still possible.The fate of all countries is determined by this miscalculation.The war order was co-signed by Keitel.Keitel, like the generals he consulted with, opposed any conflict with Poland.All agreed that Germany was not yet ready for war. Hitler's attack that all political possibilities for a peaceful settlement with Poland had been exhausted was not groundless.Colonel Baker not only avoided meeting with Hitler, but also went to Deauville to sign a contract with Britain.He was warmly welcomed by officials and the public.He also enjoyed affectionate hospitality, notably lunching with the king and queen.But because of his haughty, secretive and suspicious nature, he was less open to opinions when it came to formal meetings.Britain and Poland joined forces with the Soviet Union to form an anti-Hitler front at the same time, which was strongly opposed by Baker.Baker was even more afraid of a Russian attack on Poland, refusing to take part in anything that might suddenly lead to a war with Hitler.On this point he was so indifferent that the Soviet Union was excluded from the provisional mutual assistance treaty he signed with Great Britain on April 6.

In carrying out their foreign policy, most countries proceed from a practical point of view, that is, "it is better to have two pieces of iron in the furnace than one".The Soviet Union was no exception.At the time, it was simultaneously talking to Britain and Germany.The USSR desperately needed allies, due to Stalin's bloodbath two years ago (incidentally influenced by Hitler's purge of the Rohm group) Marshal Tukchevsky and other top generals, which weakened the Red Army Regarding (B later, Heydrich boasted that he was responsible for the dismemberment of the Red Army. After learning that the Tukchevsky Group was plotting to overthrow Stalin, Heydrich passed President Benes , forwarded the news and the forged documents to Stalin. Soon, the Soviet Union sent representatives to Berlin to negotiate with Heydrich on the issue of evidence. The Soviet Union paid him a check for 3 million rubles. Presumably these checks were signed , because every time a German agent used one, he was immediately arrested. Marking the money was not the only trick the Russians played. It was Stalin himself who disclosed the original material to the unsuspecting Heydrich. Tukchevs Ki's excessive power threatened Stalin's dictatorship).Germany had been secretly building up its presence in the Red Army for almost two decades, but this was not widely known.Both Germany and the Soviet Union were excluded from the negotiations of the Treaty of Versailles.Because the countries that were abandoned often tended to each other because of the common grievances they suffered, Su and Germany secretly carried out extensive military cooperation.The main founder of the cooperation was General Hans von Sickert, commander of the small German army after the war. At the end of 1920, he created a management agency in the Ministry of Defense, with offices in Posen and Moscow.Soon, "Junkers" started manufacturing aircraft engines on the outskirts of Moscow; Besol, a joint stock company, also produced poison gas in Samara province.More meaningfully, Germany sent 20 technical experts to help the Soviet Union build three arsenals, and another 60 civil and military instructors to assist in the training of the Red Army Air Force Flying Brigade, which was composed entirely of Germans.Likewise, German tank officers were trained at the so-called "heavy vehicle test station" near Kazan. It will be remembered that this secret arrangement of mutual benefit developed into a political friendship which was formalized in 1922 with the Treaty of Rapallo at Easter.It was a powerful alliance of the nations against the Treaty of Versailles.On the one hand, it assured the Soviet Union that Germany would not participate in any international consortium to exploit the Soviet economy; on the other hand, it lifted the threat of Germany being encircled.However, the rise of Hitler became a turning point in the relations between Germany and the Soviet Union. By 1938, the friendly relations between Germany and the Soviet Union had actually come to an end.The Munich Treaty signed between Germany and Britain and France without consultation with the Soviet Union brought about another drastic change in the situation. As the West ignored it, the Soviet Union turned again to Germany. In early 1939, the Soviet Union accepted Hitler's suggestion and invited one of Ribbentrop's adjutants to Moscow to start negotiations on a new trade treaty.A few days later, the London News Chronicle published a sensational report that Stalin was signing a non-aggression pact with the Nazis.Stalin believed in this.In a speech to the Eighteenth Party Congress, Stalin declared that the Soviet Union would never be dragged into any war against Germany by the West. "We are for peace, for the consolidation of trade relations with all countries." German newspapers seized on the word "all" as a new proposal to the Reich, and Soviet newspapers congratulated them for recognizing them. Within a month, Ribbentrop's expert on Poland and the Baltics, Peter Kleist, was instructed to improve his personal relations with the personnel of the Soviet embassy in Berlin.Kleist wonders if this is the prelude to a drastic change in foreign policy.A few days later, with mixed feelings, Kleist accompanied a German expert on the economic issues of Eastern Europe to the luxurious Soviet embassy located "Under the Linden Tree".Chargé d'affaires Georgy Astakhov of the Soviet embassy - affable, ascetic-looking - offered them tea.Obviously, this was an unusual event; there was no other Russian present.After they chatted about French Impressionism for a while, Astakhov suggested getting down to business.He said it was ludicrous that Germany and the Soviet Union were fighting over minor ideological differences.Why not develop a common policy?Kleist said that ideological differences have become an important real issue.But Astakhov waved his hand and did not listen.He said that Hitler and Stalin were the creators of this reality, but never allowed themselves to be ruled by it. As he left the embassy, ​​Kleist thought for a while.Apparently, Astakhov was relaying a signal from the Kremlin to Ribbentrop.But, to Kleist's surprise, Ribbentrop, who had ordered him to sing the prologue to the scene, now told him to avoid further contact with Astakhov. "I don't think the head of state wants this dialogue to continue." Stalin took the next step. On April 17, Soviet Ambassador Alexei Melikalov visited Ribbentrop's main subordinate, Baron von Weitzsack.It was the first visit by a Russian in ten months, and it was under the pretense of a matter that had been dealt with by a lower official.Towards the end of the conversation, Melikalov asked Wizsaker what he thought of Soviet-German relations.His answer was that Germany had always wanted to establish mutually satisfactory commercial relations with Russia.Ambassador Melikalov's answer was, undoubtedly, a signal of the desire for friendly relations: there was no reason why Russia should not coexist with Germany on a normal basis. "From a normal point of view, the relationship may get better and better." At the same time, the Soviet Union was courting the other side.However, Chamberlain was unwilling to rush into closer diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union.He could not believe that the Soviet Union had the same aims and aims as Britain, let alone any sympathy for democracy.The prime minister was convinced that an alliance with Russia would split the Balkans against Germany.Therefore, while playing "hard to get" with the Soviet Union, Chamberlain strengthened his guarantee to support Poland by promising to assist Romania. On April 19, Romanian Foreign Minister Grigory Garfincu visited Hitler at the Chancellery and learned first-hand information from Hitler about his reaction to this proposal.At the mention of Britain, Hitler got up from his chair and walked up and down the room.Why, he cried, did the English not see that all he wanted was a deal with them?If England wants war, let it be! "It will be a war of unimaginable destructiveness," he warned. "How can Britain see what modern warfare looks like when it cannot put together two fully armed divisions on the field?" The next day, April 20, was Hitler's 50th birthday.In recent days, he has been very angry, which shows that he has no patience.Time was passing; he believed he had only a few years in good health to complete the task.As usual, Hitler's birthday in 1939 was celebrated with a grand military parade.The scene is majestic - all three services of the Wehrmacht are represented, as well as the armed SS - and the purpose is to warn the enemy.At the express request of Hitler, the latest medium guns, heavy tank guns, anti-aircraft machine guns and searchlights of the Air Force were displayed.Teams of fighter jets and bombers roared overhead, numerous and frightening.The foreign envoys who attended the military parade each had their own impressions of the largest military parade in German history.Nor did they lose sight of the significance of having the President of Czechoslovakia Haza next to Hitler as the guest of honor. Although this military parade frightened many people, most Germans were proud to see such a powerful armed force. The 50th birthday was also an excuse for another wave of propaganda glorifying Hitler. For many admirers, he was Germany's savior: "The Führer is the only man in this century who can take God's thunderbolt and remake it for mankind." For others, he trumps the Messiah - God Himself: "My children see the Führer as God who commands and arranges everything. In their eyes, the Führer is the Lord of all things." Primary school children were also taught to sing carols: Adolf Hitler was a savior, a hero, He is noblest in the wide world, Born for Hitler, Die for Hitler. God is Hitler, He rules Brave New World.