Home Categories Biographical memories Biography of Wu Jinglian·Portrait of a Chinese Economist

Chapter 5 Chapter Four New Stars and "Grandchildren"

Wu Jinglian said many times, "During the 10 years after 1957, my academic career was spent in complicated and contradictory moods." It is difficult for latecomers to feel the pain caused by this complexity and contradiction. It means that a generation of talented and energetic young people suppressed all doubts in their hearts and constructed and demonstrated a series of stories with unprecedented enthusiasm. A system of thought that later proved to be completely absurd.What's even more tragic is that when they enter middle age or old age, they have to turn around and use greater moral courage and theoretical weapons to destructively overthrow the extremely stubborn system that they personally participated in constructing.

Wu Jinglian is one of them, and this is where all the pathos of that generation of economists lies. After entering 1957, Wu Jinglian shielded all doubts and began to devote himself to the comprehensive demonstration of planned economic theory.He quickly became one of the more theoretically profound young economists of his time, and the "reactionary objects" he tried to criticize and refute were the two senior teachers and friends he admired most in the future. In 1957, following Di Chaobai's "stepping aside", a new director came to the Institute of Economics. He was a veteran Marxist economist and deputy director of the National Bureau of Statistics Sun Yefang (formerly known as Xue Eguo, 1908~1983) .This is an old party member who joined the party in 1924. In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, he served as the Minister of Industry of the East China Military and Political Committee.Before and after Sun Yefang joined the Institute, one of his old colleagues and friends Gu Zhun also came to the Institute of Economics as a researcher.He is a tall, thin Shanghai native with a pair of deep black-rimmed glasses. He was a well-known accounting expert in Shanghai in his early years. He wrote the book "Bank Accounting". He joined the Communist Party of China in 1935. Before the founding of New China, he Served as Secretary of the Communist Party of China's Shanghai Professionals Salvation Congress, Secretary-General of the Jiangnan Administrative Committee, and Director of the Shandong Finance Department. After the liberation of Shanghai, he was appointed as the first Deputy Minister of Finance of the East China Military and Political Committee of Shanghai, and the Shanghai Municipal Finance Bureau and Taxation Department. bureau chief.During the "Three Antis and Five Antis" campaign in 1952, he was dismissed for being "disobedient" and inconsistent with central policy.After Gu Zhun arrived at the economics institute, Sun Yefang arranged for him to be the leader of the finance and economics group, that is, Wu Jinglian's group. However, according to Wu Jinglian's recollection, Gu Zhun at that time was only focused on studying and doing research, and hardly cared about the team members.In the eyes of young people, this is a person who has fallen behind in politics.

Both Sun Yefang and Gu Zhun are economic theorists with rich practical experience. In May 1949, Shanghai, which was captured by the People’s Liberation Army, fell into extreme economic chaos. The city’s industry fell into a state of semi-disintegration. Only one-third of the 12,000 factories remained open, and more than 80% of the machinery industry factories were closed. They did not dare to produce, and the contradictions between industry and commerce were unprecedentedly fierce.The hyperinflation is even more terrifying. Prices are almost doubling every day. 24 commodity trading markets and more than 30 tea party markets are also used to engage in speculative activities. There are as many as 300,000 financial speculators in the city. .Faced with this sinister situation, Sun Yefang and Gu Zhun, under the leadership of Zeng Shan, director of the East China Finance Committee, and Chen Yun, director of the Central Finance and Economic Commission, carried out iron-fisted governance. tax system.With their joint efforts, production was resumed in only half a year, prices were stabilized, and the "Shanghai Miracle" was created, which surprised everyone at home and abroad.

It was during this process that in Shanghai, the largest industrial and commercial city, they also participated in the establishment of China's first planned economic operation system, among which Gu Zhun made the greatest contribution.According to Chen Yun's ideas, he started from circulation and controlled the manufacturing industry by monopolizing the supply of means of production and the sale of finished products.Taking the most important textile industry at that time as an example, Gu Zhun established a state-owned flower gauze company. Private yarn mills were no longer allowed to purchase cotton and sell finished products by themselves. All products were subject to unified purchase and sales.In order to support the Huashabu Company, he established a large number of state-owned supply and marketing cooperatives from the bottom up. He also banned all private trucks in the city and formed a new Shanghai Transportation Company, which became the predecessor of the Transportation Bureau.He wrote in his self-report: "State-run commerce has controlled the circulation of important materials throughout the country, making it impossible for the private retail business of coal, building materials, grain, etc. , East China’s commercial department contributed some strength to organize several retail companies and hand them over to Shanghai for management. The above-mentioned trends are still developing rapidly, and will soon expand to the scope of the construction industry.” In addition, he also drew on the experience of the Soviet Union, The fiscal and taxation special administrator system was creatively designed, and this system has been used to this day.During this period, Gu Zhun was very radical and "Left-leaning". Zhu Kezhen, a famous scientist who was the vice president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, once recorded in his diary: "Gu Zhun took the 'Left-leaning' route during the 'Three Antis' period in 1952, Advocating confiscation to eliminate capitalism, he was criticized and dismissed.” In 1952, in a briefing to Mao Zedong and the Central Committee, Bo Yibo, director of the Central People’s Government’s Economy Inspection Committee, directed the work of “three antis and five antis” and “fighting tigers” in Shanghai Said: "A small number of comrades in Shanghai (such as Gu Zhun, etc.) took this opportunity to get rid of the big capitalists, and the big capitalists who are relatively close to us... together with the idea of ​​implementing 'socialism'." A month later, the spearhead of the struggle turned to Gu Zhun himself. He was declared to have been dismissed from all positions because he had always been "self-righteous and undisciplined" and "confronted the party ideologically and organizationally".According to Gu Zhun later, during the period of dismissal and unemployment, he read carefully and thought about everything he had experienced, and his understanding reached a new level.

That is to say, before the mid-1950s, Wu Jinglian's understanding of the planned economic system was still obtained from books, while Sun Yefang and Gu Shizhi were important practitioners for the establishment of this system in China. However, it was during this practice that both Sun and Gu, who were good at thinking, discovered the fatal flaw of this system.Especially Gu Zhun, after his dismissal, conducted a deep introspection on the planned economic system under construction.In their view, the most important deficiency of this economic system is the disregard of the law of value. They believed for the first time, "We must study the problem of commodity production under socialism." In June 1956, Sun Yefang published the article "Put planning and statistics on the basis of the law of value" in the "Economic Research" magazine, pointing out that "the planned and proportional development of the national economy must be based on the law of value to be realized." In 1957, Gu Zhun published "Trial Discussion on Commodity Production and the Law of Value under the Socialist System" (hereinafter referred to as "Trial Discussion"), and put forward the astonishing viewpoint that "socialist production can also be regulated spontaneously by market laws". ②

In fact, around 1956, many people were consciously or unconsciously rethinking the laws of the planned economy. For example, Sun Yefang’s cousin Xue Muqiao (1904-2005) ) also wrote the article "Some Theoretical Issues in Economic Work" in the spring of 1957, and raised four questions that troubled his heart: "First, does a socialist economy need 100% socialism? The socialist economy exists in a certain period of time and within a certain range, and has some development, and then gradually transforms them? Second, what methods should socialist countries adopt to make the production of consumer goods meet the various and diverse needs of the people? Third, how can we maintain a balance in all aspects of the national economy in socialist construction? Fourth, under the current conditions of our country, what should the country’s capital construction investment be used for first?” However, at that time Xue Muqiao did not dare to act like Gu He said in his memoirs in his later years: "The vast majority of economists in our country (including myself) have always studied the law of value in connection with commodity production and commodity circulation, and believe that the law of value is the The law of production and commodity circulation, after the commodity economy is eliminated, the law of value will no longer work.”

Among all the pioneers, Gu Zhun's thought depth is the most. In the article "Trial Discussion", he showed admirable moral courage and wrote incomparably boldly: "It can be known that after decades of history, development, the socialist economy has formed a system. All the details of this system were not fully foreseen by Marx and Engels, nor could they be fully foreseen. Why do socialist countries still have commodity production and currency economy? We should start from this Find the answer in the analysis of the internal relations of the system." As an accounting expert, Gu Zhun has repeatedly challenged traditional classical theories in his articles.He wrote: "The socialist economy is a planned economy, which Marx and Engels repeatedly pointed out; socialism is a planned economy with economic accounting, which Marx and Engels never specified. On the contrary, they clearly pointed out that a socialist society will have no currency, no product Will not be transformed into value." He believes that this is some concepts that need to be revised and evolved, "It is impossible to make the whole society a large accounting unit. The whole society must have a unified economic plan, and the specific economic accounting unit must be It must be divided into small units, at least for each production enterprise, and the specific accounting units of huge production enterprises must also be divided into small units.”

These ideas of Sun Yefang and Gu Zhun, together with the idea of ​​"strengthening the ruble supervision" taught by Bierman, had an impact on Wu Jinglian, but the lessons learned in 1957 made him doubtful about going beyond the "thundering pool" of the Stalin model, and tried to learn from Marxism. In the classic works of communism, he struggled to find his own outlet.Sun Yefang liked this handsome and intelligent young man very much. At that time, Zhou Nan had already graduated from the advanced training class of Beijing Normal University, and returned to work in Nanjing according to the original agreement, as the deputy head of the preschool education teaching and research group of Nanjing Normal University. She liked Nanjing very much. I hope Wu Jinglian can also go south to work.Sun Ye cherished his talent and repeatedly mobilized Wu Jinglian to stay.

In 1957, Mao Zedong put forward the slogan of "surpassing Britain and catching up with the United States" and launched the "Great Leap Forward" of large-scale steelmaking. He proposed to double China's steel production within one year and surpass Britain in one fell swoop.The whole country fell into a frenzy for this goal. Hundreds of thousands of small blast furnaces were built in various places, and people worked day and night to make steel with enthusiasm.Wu Jinglian went to Sichuan and Hubei as part of the State Economic Commission's large-scale iron and steel smelting inspection team. He lived in Fuling, Sichuan Province for the longest time. Here, he saw people build hundreds of furnaces, and the flames lit up the night sky.In his oral history in his later years, he said: "At the beginning, I admired this spirit very much, but later found that the firewood smelted in this way is not iron at all, and it is useless. The worst thing is that the ecology has been destroyed. Because there was not enough fuel for steelmaking, the Southwest Bureau held a teleconference. Li Jingquan, the first secretary, said that if the fuel is not enough, we should cut down trees. Chairman Mao instructed us that as long as we have steel, all problems can be solved. They were planted. Then they shaved their heads one by one. But that’s it, the target for steelmaking was still not completed. Later, there was a great famine, and Fuling had the most starved people in Sichuan. The local agriculture was completely destroyed. A Sichuan The land of fish and rice in the basin has become a very poor place."

Seeing such a scene, Wu Jinglian felt suspicious, but he didn't dare to think about the dangerous place.The leader of the inspection team, Fan Ruoyi, Director of the Cost and Price Bureau of the State Planning Commission, is an old revolutionary.As soon as Fan arrived in Wuhan, he went to visit his old comrade-in-arms and Hubei Provincial Party Secretary Wang Renzhong.After Fan came back, he told Wu Jinglian and others that Wang Renzhong said that it was reported in some places that tens of thousands of tons of iron could be smelted in one furnace.When returning to Beijing to report, Fan Ruoyi shared some of his impressions, and was later labeled a "right opportunist" during the "anti-rightist movement" by the State Economic Commission.

After leaving Fuling, the inspection team went to Anyang, Henan to investigate the "small soil groups" there, and then returned to Beijing.During this period, Wu Jinglian was still gliding on the "orthodox" theoretical track. It was on the precarious January 17, 1959, that his name appeared in the People's Daily for the first time, and it was his 30th birthday a week later.This is a report on the forthcoming Shanghai Symposium on Commodity Production and the Law of Value. The reporter quoted the viewpoint of young scholar Wu Jinglian.Wu believes that under the current planned economic system in China, it is no longer a real commodity exchange relationship, but there are still some traces of commodity exchange, that is, the principle of equivalent exchange, which is also common in commodity exchange, is applied to varying degrees. Therefore, it is appropriate to call the exchange between enterprises owned by the whole people "product exchange".Obviously, Wu Jinglian's concept is more "pure in thought" than that of Sun Yefang and others.In the classic discourses, Marx, Engels and Lenin always believed that commodity production and monetary economy were incompatible with socialism, but Stalin found in specific state governance that this theory led to an unfeasible path, so he planned the economy. The "commodity production and commodity exchange elements" of monetary settlement were added to the framework of the system. In his works such as "Problems of Socialist Economy in the Soviet Union", he proposed that "the socialist economy can only be a planned economy with commodity production and commodity exchange." It was also at the beginning of 1959 that the national economy fell into an unprecedented downturn due to the exhaustion of the "Great Leap Forward". The terrible three-year disaster (1959-1961) began, and the political movement slowed down. In March, Mao Zedong said in a speech at the Zhengzhou Conference that the law of value "is a great school" and that "the law of value and equivalent exchange are objective laws and objective laws. Violating them will result in bloodshed."Sun Yefang and others were greatly encouraged by this, thinking that the time for reflection had come. In April, the Chinese economics circle hosted a “Symposium on Commodity Production and the Law of Value” at the Peace Hotel in Shanghai. This was the first national theoretical seminar after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. There were 245 participants, including almost all Chinese scholars at that time. Important economists, including four recognized leaders in economics - Xue Muqiao, member of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and deputy director of the State Planning Commission; Yu Guangyuan, member of the academic department and director of the Science Division of the Central Propaganda Department; Director Sun Yefang.All of these four had deep connections with Wu Jinglian in the future.Scholars submitted 54 papers and 23 survey reports. The issues discussed were: commodity production and the law of value under the socialist system; self-sufficiency production and commodity production in the people’s communes; and the three main types of exchange under the socialist system. Relationships and the role of the law of value, etc. At the seminar, young people such as Wu Jinglian, Zhang Zhuoyuan, and Sun Shangqing acted as assistants to several famous economists and wrote conference briefings. class struggle as the keynote”, “Although there were heated debates, it was completely a peaceful discussion among scholars”.Economists seem to have reached a consensus on the question of the law of value—how fragile that consensus turned out to be in the face of political demands.According to Zhang Zhuoyuan's recollection, "Among the young scholars, Wu Jinglian was the only one who was able to get in the middle of the conversation and insisted on clarifying his views until the end, which was impressive." This symposium had ice-breaking significance in the history of Chinese economic thought, but it did not produce real impetus to actual work. At the moment when people starved to death frequently occurred, the economists' idle talk was obviously "not urgent". What is even more amazing is that in July, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held an enlarged meeting of the Politburo and the Eighth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee in Lushan, Jiangxi. It originally decided to reflect on the current out-of-control situation, but the final result ended in a more radical way. Marshal Peng Dehuai and others who held different views on the "Great Leap Forward" were severely criticized. The consensus finally reached at the meeting was: the situation is excellent, the future is bright, and the "Great Leap Forward" should continue.The sudden change in the direction of the Lushan Conference made China lose an opportunity for sober reflection.And the field of economics has also followed the command of the political baton, and hastened to the "ultra-left" direction. What would happen later was the fact that the next symposium on the law of value would take place exactly 20 years later in April 1979. In the early spring of 1960, the major event in Wu Jinglian’s academic career was that he was sent together with his young colleague Gui Shiyong to be the assistants of Sun Zhifang and Yu Guangyuan, and participated in the preparation of Sun Yu’s dissertation on their polemic against the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.Then, Wu Jinglian participated in a seminar on studying Mao Zedong's "Political Economy and Reading Notes" in theoretical circles.Through this study, Wu Jinglian was completely attracted by Mao Zedong's exposition on socialist economy, and believed that the significance of economic research work lies in elaborating Mao Zedong's ideas. Under the guidance of this thought, Wu Jinglian did two things during 1960-1964. One was to write his most important paper before the age of 40, and the other was to participate in the compilation of textbooks on socialist political economy. In May 1960, the "Economic Research" sponsored by the Institute of Economics published Wu Jinglian's long paper "The Transitional Nature of Socialist Society", which not only caused a sensation in the Chinese economic theory circle, but also had an impact on the international left-wing theory circle. . In this paper, Wu Jinglian proposed that "socialist society is not an independent socio-economic form", but "a transitional society".This is a seemingly bold, original thought.At that time, Wu Jinglian made two-dimensional explanations. On the one hand, he believed that “socialist society still retains the remnants of bourgeois legal rights in some respects. What is bourgeois legal rights? According to our understanding, bourgeois legal rights In its complete sense, class legal rights are private rights and commodity ownership.” “The characteristic feature in socialist society is the distribution principle of ‘from each according to his ability, to each according to his work’.”On the other hand, he believes that "in a socialist society, the economic laws of communism play a leading role. First of all, the purpose of socialist production is not to make profits, but to meet the constantly growing material and cultural needs of society. Obviously This is the basic economic law of communism at work. Secondly, socialism is not carried out blindly and anarchically, but by society 'executing communist regulation of production'".Based on this, he deduced the following conclusion: "The remnants of private ownership in our country's economy need to be eliminated step by step." All the means of production and some of the farmers’ private sideline products can also be sold on the primary market.” Wu Jinglian's thesis is full of contradictions and traces of cohesion. He tried to dissolve all ideological conflicts and debates within the narrative framework of classical theories. The "transition theory" he proposed provided "flexibility" for the rulers at that time theoretical weapon.In this nearly 20,000-word essay, Wu Jinglian demonstrated two basic characteristics of Wu-style research.The first is the rigor in the form of the discussion. He first asks questions, presents different viewpoints, then presents his own opinions, and finally makes a detailed argument. His discussion has a strong logical ability and he can skillfully mobilize various theoretical tools for his own use. , His words are not gorgeous but full of inspiration.The second is the integration of theory. He is willing to compromise on ideas and positions for the sake of reality.In his later years, Wu Jinglian recalled this old work in his early years and said: "It is just an 'academic' interpretation of the revolutionary logic proposed by Mao Zedong in "Political Economics Reading Notes." "Economic Research" was the most important economic theory journal in China at that time, and the publication of "The Transitional Nature of Socialist Society" meant the rise of a new star in economics, and Wu Jinglian has since become a symbol of the second generation of economists in New China sex character.His thesis later spread abroad, and was regarded by some left-wing theorists in Japan as a breakthrough revision made by Chinese scholars after the Soviet Union's political and economic theory fell into trouble, and it was different from the Soviet-style theory in a certain principle masterpiece.Therefore, Wu Jinglian was favored and valued by senior scholars. After the Shanghai meeting, according to the requirements of the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Sun Yefang and Yu Guangyuan respectively organized teams to compile China's socialist political economy textbooks. In October 1960, Sun Yefang planned to write a textbook according to the formula of "Das Kapital". He organized nearly 40 people in the institute to start writing "Socialist Economics" at the Central Party School. From March to May 1961, he convened key members of the writing team to discuss the manuscript at the Xiangshan Hotel, and Wu Jinglian participated in this meeting.Almost at the same time, Yu Guangyuan also organized a team to write "Political Economy", and Wu Jinglian was recruited at the same time. In 1961, the "Capitalist Part" of this book was written in only one month, and it was published by People's Publishing House that year, and has been widely used for a long time. Interestingly, the creation of the socialist part of these two writing teams has fallen into trouble.Yu Guangyuan's writing group wrote from 1961 to 1964, and only wrote some "parts", which could not form a system anyway.Sun Yefang’s writing group worked hard for many years and repeatedly read all the works of Marx, Enlightenment, Leninism, and Mao. However, everyone had some unresolved knots in their minds. Theoretically, they could not justify the socialist economic reality, which led to it finally Miscarriage, and even in the late 1970s, after Sun Yefang was released from prison, he organized Wu Jinglian and others to tackle the problem again, but it was still unfinished before his death.It only took Yu Guangyuan's team more than a month to write the capitalist part, but after entering the socialist part, the progress was slow and almost impossible.Later, Wu Jinglian recalled: "I always felt that the atmosphere of the editorial team was a bit special. On the one hand, Yu Guangyuan tended to be liberal in his bones, and cultivated an atmosphere of free discussion in the editorial team, where almost any issue could be discussed; on the other hand, he He is also the director of science (including social science) of the Central Propaganda Department's "Yanwangdian", and needs to implement the political intentions of the Party Central Committee." In the end, Yu Guangyuan's team only wrote a few chapters, including Wu Jinglian's independent writing " Economic Table of Socialism", and "Economic Theory of Ownership by the Whole People" co-authored with Chen Jiyuan and others. In the early summer of 1963, 33-year-old Wu Jinglian and Zhou Nan's first daughter Wu Xiaolian was born.At that time, the third generation of their family lived in the three-story garden house on Nanchang Street, Beijing.Wu Xiaolian and her four cousins ​​were all under the unified management of Deng Jixing. This "rightist" who had been completely sidelined regained his enthusiasm for being the director of the Nanjing No. 1 Nursery School, and worked tirelessly as the nanny manager. . Wu Jinglian, who is in his prime, is proud of his work and life, and seems to be in the rising stage of his career.But fate always likes to play a prank in the most casual place.Immediately afterwards, something happened that Wu Jinglian regretted for the rest of his life. In the past one or two years, Sun Yefang, director of the Institute of Economics, has written more than 20 papers, discussing the relationship between the planned economy and the law of value, such as "Understanding Commodity Production in a Socialist Society from a Historical Perspective", "On Value ", "Profit Indicators in the Socialist Planned Economic Management System" and so on. In 1962, Sun Yefang and Chen Boda (the editor-in-chief of "Red Flag" magazine at the time) had a written dispute over some economic concepts. market".He also pointed out the basic conceptual errors made by Chen Boda in a report, such as referring to "commodity circulation" as "commodity supply", which naturally aroused the latter's envy. At the end of 1963, Sun Yefang gave a special speech on the issue of profit at the enlarged meeting of the Committee of the Department of Philosophy and Social Sciences of the Chinese Academy of Sciences.According to Liu Guoguang’s recollection, before the speech, a young scholar persuaded Sun Yefang not to talk about it, reminding him: “If you talk about profit, people will say it is revisionism. It’s better not to talk about it now, the rumors are already so tight.” Sun Yefang He replied lightly: "What is the sound of the wind? I don't study meteorology." By 1964, as the national economy gradually recovered from the trough of the three-year catastrophe, the ideological trend of re-understanding the law of value gradually took shape, and the center of its occurrence was the Economic Research Institute led by Sun Yefang. It was Zhang Wentian (1900-1976, formerly known as "Luo Fu"), one of the early top leaders of the Chinese Communist Party, who started the attack.He is a veteran party member who joined the party in 1925. He was the chairman of the People's Committee of the Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic in the 1930s and once presided over the work of the central government. After the Yan'an rectification movement, he faded out of the core of the leadership.After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he served as ambassador to the Soviet Union.At the Lushan Conference in 1959, he was designated as one of the leaders of the "Peng Huang Zhang Zhou Right Opportunist Anti-Party Group" and became a "special researcher" at the Economic Research Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. In February 1964, at the age of 64, Zhang Wentian wrote the article "On the Socialist Commodity-Currency Relationship and the New Content of the Law of Value", which clearly proposed a new law of value—actively advocating free competition in a socialist society. Zhang Wentian's article clearly encouraged other thinkers. In May, Xue Muqiao, then director of the National Commodity Price Committee, wrote three papers on price issues. He raised the problem of the inversion of grain prices and proposed to increase the sales price of resale grain in rural areas until the level of purchase and sales was leveled. Shun has shown a rigid price system. In June, Xue Muqiao’s thesis was discussed at the Institute of Economics. At the meeting, both Sun Yefang and Gu Zhun agreed with his point of view. Gu Zhun also wrote a special article "A Preliminary Study on the Problem of Food Prices", advocating raising food and coal prices and lowering the RMB foreign exchange rate.In addition, Yang Jianbai, Zhang Zhuoyuan, and He Jianzhang, young people from the Institute of Economics, also published papers one after another, advocating the use of capital profit rate as the criterion for evaluating socialist economic activities and pricing based on production prices.These views all focus on the disadvantages of the planned economy, and the liberalization of markets and prices has become the focus. In the autumn of 1964, this market-oriented trend of thought was criticized, and "ultra-left" theorists organized many symposiums to eliminate these views.During this process, Sun Yefang was identified as the main target of criticism. He is the director of the Institute of Economics, and most of the liberalization speeches come from the Institute. The prelude to criticizing Sun Yefang was kicked off at a symposium held by the "Red Flag" magazine. At this meeting, Yang Jianbai and Zhang Zhuoyuan's "Theory of Production Price" and other two papers were criticized by name.Sun Yefang was called to attend the meeting, but he was not arranged to speak. At this time, he couldn't hold back sitting in a corner, stood up and said loudly: "Don't criticize them anymore. The opinions of the article are mine, and I will take responsibility! I accept the challenge." , I like to go shirtless." Then, Sun Yefang discussed his views with a strong Wuxi accent, “Many countries, including China, have inherited a view from the Soviet Union, which holds that the law of value and the socialist planned economy are opposite and mutually exclusive. This point of view has almost formed a normative model, seriously hampering people's understanding and exploration of objective economic laws..." Someone immediately asked: "Excuse me, what is the law you preach?" Sun replied: "Thousands of laws, ten thousand laws, the law of value is the first!" After the meeting, Yang Jianbai and Sun Yefang went out together. Yang whispered, "This is criticizing me. Why did you stand up and sign up?" Take responsibility." In October, the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee sent a task force composed of more than 30 people to the economic institute to criticize Sun Yefang on the charge of "Zhang (Wen Tian) and Sun (Sun Yefang) anti-party alliance".Sun Yefang was criticized for two main points of view. One was against the unified management of the economy by the proletarian state and advocated the independence and self-government of enterprises; the other was against regulating production according to social needs and advocating the regulation of production by profit.Therefore, the essence of Sun Yefang's economic views is "the peaceful evolution of socialism into capitalism, which is an out-and-out revisionist theory." He was judged to be "China's biggest revisionist" and was seriously suspected of "connecting with foreign countries". , was dismissed from all positions inside and outside the party, cleaned toilets and spittoons every day, and was criticized 39 times in the following year. Sun Yefang refused to bow his head and plead guilty.This stubborn Wuxi native wrote inspection materials one after another, further clarifying his views. The working group evaluated him as "resisting the party and the masses' criticism of his principles, and his attitude is very arrogant." In September 1965, he was sent to the Dahanji Brigade of Zhoukoudian Commune in Fangshan County on the outskirts of Beijing for labor reform. After the "Cultural Revolution" began, he was formally arrested in April 1968 and imprisoned in Qincheng Prison for seven full years. Sun Yefang's friends also suffered. Yang Jianbai, Gui Shiyong and other key writers of "Socialist Economic Theory" were identified as the "Eight Diamonds" of the "Zhang-Sun Anti-Party Alliance" and the old "rightists" who had been protected by him. Naturally, Gu Zhun was doomed this time. As a "periphery" of the "Zhangsun Anti-Party Group", he was quarantined for inspection, listed for criticism, and then sent to Zhoukoudian for labor reform. Wu Jinglian played an embarrassing role in this sudden debate that quickly escalated from theoretical discussions to political struggles. In the past few years, Sun Yefang held Wu Jinglian in high regard, and their economic views were relatively similar. However, in this struggle to criticize Sun, in Wu Jinglian's own words, he became an active member of "criticize Sun". In his dictation in his later years, he said that there were two reasons. First, there are ideological reasons.The theory expounded by Wu Jinglian in his article "The Transitional Nature of Socialist Society" basically inherited Mao Zedong's "Political Economy Reading Notes" and Lenin's "On Our Country's Revolution (On N. Sukhanov's Notes)". That is to say, when the Communist Party is in power, it first creates public opinion to seize power, then changes production relations, develops productive forces, and after a long transitional stage, gradually eliminates various remnants of capitalism, including bourgeois legal rights such as distribution according to work and commodity exchange.If this theory is correct, then Sun Yefang is completely wrong, because he believes that the development of productive forces is the basis for the evolution of production relations and superstructure, while the law of value, currency exchange, etc. are inevitable components of a socialist economy. Second, there are personnel reasons.Since 1961, Wu Jinglian was recruited by Yu Guangyuan's political and economics textbook writing group under the management of the Central Propaganda Department to write books, and he was very familiar with the science department.And this time, the working group sent by the Central Propaganda Department to the Economic Institute was drawn from the Science Division. In the spring of 1964, the writing team went to the Northeast for investigation and research. Wu Jinglian and Chen Jiyuan were supposed to go with the team. However, Yu Guangyuan kept them and asked them for the upcoming work team.Therefore, when the working group entered the office to approve grandchildren, Wu, Chen, and Zhou Shulian became the backbone used to "criticize grandchildren". Wu Jinglian described the situation at that time: "After the working group entered the institute, it followed the old routine of running a movement. First, it took root and joined forces to find some activists. Of course, Chen Jiyuan and I were both activists that the working group relied on. "Clean up and attack the periphery", catch a few "counter-revolutionaries", start with exposing the so-called "historical and political issues" of Gu Zhun, Luo Gengmo, and Yang Jianbai, and then accuse Sun Yefang of "recruiting surrender and accepting treason" to start exposing and criticizing .” In his criticism of Sun Yefang, Wu Jinglian played the role of "theoretical counterattacker".In the December issue of "Economic Research", he, Chen Jiyuan and Zhou Shulian jointly published the article "The Purpose of Socialist Production Cannot Be Distorted", pointing out: "A kind of social production can only be subordinated to one purpose, not It serves two different purposes. Production is either for profit, which is capitalist production; or to meet social needs, which is socialist production.” This argument is obviously aimed at Sun Yefang. The criticism of Sun Yefang was the first important theoretical debate Wu Jinglian participated in in his life.In the next few decades, he will be involved in more than 10 important debates, many of which are right and wrong and have not yet been finalized.But as far as the first scene is concerned, he stands opposite the truth, even if he is only a small, used supporting role. Wu Jinglian never shy away from this experience in the future.He said that although some of the skills and knowledge studied during this period were useful, they were generally “false questions” and “pseudoscience”.He told many times in public that he participated in the criticism of Sun Yefang, opened the bleeding wound time and time again, expressed repentance, and criticized himself. 1997年,他在《我与顾准的交往》一文中沉痛地写道:“对于我们自己来说,却不能不把自己由于自私和盲从而在政治运动中采取错误的态度引为终生的教训。”2000年,吴敬琏因揭露股市黑幕而达到个人声望的顶峰,中央电视台《对话》栏目专门为他录制了一期节目,以表达对他的敬意,面对全国亿万观众,他坦陈,“我也曾经走过很长一段时间的弯路,当过风派人物……”在谈及孙冶方和顾准时,他说,“他们树立了非常好的榜样,我要达到他们那个境界还差得很远”。 发生在1964年的这场运动,拿敢讲真话的老马克思主义者孙冶方开刀,使全国知识分子噤若寒蝉。此后13年,中国经济理论界万马齐喑。
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