Home Categories Biographical memories Zhou Enlai, General Political Commissar of the Red Army

Chapter 5 (1) Arriving in the Soviet Area for the first time

As soon as Zhou Enlai arrived in the Central Soviet Area, Xiang Ying was relieved. Xiang Ying was the same age as Zhou Enlai. He joined the Communist Party in 1922 and participated in leading the Beijing-Hanzhou Railway workers' strike. He was hailed as a hero of the working class. At the First Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held in Moscow, he was elected to the Political Bureau of the Central Committee together with Zhou Enlai. Standing Committee.In the Central Soviet Area, it wasn’t that he didn’t want to be the acting secretary of the Central Bureau of the CPC Soviet Area, but that if he sat in this position for a day, he would inevitably quarrel with Mao Zedong. This was the most troublesome thing for him.Now, he handed over this troublesome matter to Zhou Enlai.He has worked with Zhou Enlai for many years, and both of them were once core figures in the central government. He knows that Zhou Enlai is more tactful and flexible, especially in getting along with others.For this, he felt ashamed.This time, it depends on how Zhou Enlai deals with Mao Zedong.

Before he had time to report to Zhou Enlai on the situation in the Soviet area, Xiang Ying first vented his long-held dissatisfaction with Mao Zedong.At the Southern Jiangxi Conference in November last year, the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area severely criticized Mao Zedong's so-called non-proletarian views in politics, pure defense in military affairs, and narrow empiricism in practical work...all of which were seriously criticized.But he neither accepted it nor corrected it. Zhou Enlai disagreed with Xiang Ying's point of view.He believes that Mao Zedong should not be so rashly labeled.He is the founder of the Central Soviet Area and the First Army, and his opinions must be respected.Even if he makes a mistake, he should adopt the method of patient persuasion instead of resorting to rough methods, especially not to label him indiscriminately.

Xiang Ying said that Zhou Enlai had just arrived and didn't understand the situation.Mao Zedong's right-leaning views, especially his guerrilla tendency, were not stated by a few people in the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area, but determined by the Central Committee.But he just didn't accept it. Zhou Enlai said that the central government was in Shanghai to characterize Mao Zedong after all, and the actual situation here is not necessarily understood by the central government as far away as Shanghai.He can't come to a conclusion on this question yet.Research is needed, and the facts will answer.

Xiang Ying felt that what Zhou Enlai said was not completely unreasonable.If you want to argue, he is obviously not Zhou Enlai's opponent.He believed that Zhou Enlai had a way to persuade Mao Zedong.However, he still wanted to remind Zhou Enlai that in the Central Soviet Area, Mao Zedong was the most difficult to deal with.Zhou Enlai didn't take Xiang Ying's warning seriously. Just as Xiang Ying left, Zhu De came.This is the Xie Family Ancestral Hall in Yeping Village, northeast of Ruijin City, and the office prepared for Zhou Enlai by the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area of ​​the Communist Party of China.The office layout is very simple, except for the military map hanging on the wall and the telephone on the case, it is no different from a private house.Zhu De was twelve years older than Zhou Enlai, and they were old friends.

As early as during the anti-Yuan "National Defense War", Zhu De was already a member of Cai E's generals, commanding the elite troops of the National Defense Army.After Cai E died of illness, he was tired of warlord melees that cost people and money. He went to Shanghai to look for the Communist Party, but was rejected by Chen Duxiu. In October 1922, he came to Berlin, Germany, and met Zhou Enlai. In November, introduced by Zhou Enlai and Zhang Shenfu, he joined the Communist Party. Five years later, he led the world-famous Nanchang Uprising together with Zhou Enlai and others.After the uprising troops were defeated by the Kuomintang army in the Chaoshan area, Zhou Enlai, who was seriously ill, was sent to Hong Kong. He and Chen Yi gathered more than a thousand people from the remnants of the uprising at Sanheba and moved to the border of Guangdong and Jiangxi. At the beginning of 1928, after he and Chen Yi launched the Shonan Uprising, they led their troops to Jinggangshan to join forces with Mao Zedong.It has been more than four years since we parted with Zhou Enlai.

Two old friends who had been separated for many years now meet in the severe situation in the Central Soviet Area. Naturally, there are many emotions that cannot be expressed in words.Talking about Mao Zedong being criticized by the central government, Zhu De's face darkened, obviously he had something to hide and he didn't want to touch it.Zhou Enlai could see from Zhu De's expression that the commander-in-chief had scruples about this issue.In the "Zhu-Mao Controversy" that occurred two years ago, he was on the side of Mao Zedong. Zhou Enlai told Zhu De that now the whole party has the same feeling that Zhu Mao cannot separate.Since the turmoil two years ago, Zhu De and Mao Zedong have indeed cooperated very well, and the three counter-campaigns against "encirclement and suppression" have achieved brilliant results.Because of this, whether it is Mao Zedong's opinion or Zhu De's opinion, people think it is Zhu Mao's opinion.Zhu De had nothing to hide from Zhou Enlai. He said that he accused Mao Zedong of guerrillaism, and he naturally had a part in it.He is the ancestor of guerrillaism!However, his attitude towards the decision of the central government is different from that of Mao Zedong.If he ignored the central government's decision, then the consequences of the "Zhu Mao Controversy" two years ago would be unimaginable.

It is commendable that Zhou Enlai admired Zhu De.He told Zhu De that before he came to the Soviet area, he had a strong concept of "urban center" and was a supporter of the "offensive route".But once I got here and learned that both of you were against attacking the city, I had to reconsider. "What if the central government ordered the fight?" Zhu De's face was full of worry. "Let's not talk about the need to fight now." Zhou Enlai thought for a moment, looked at Zhu De and said. "After I finish the investigation, I will report the specific situation here, especially the opinions of you frontline commanders, to the central government. I believe the central government will understand."

"With your words, I feel more at ease." Zhu De said with a gratified smile. "I'll talk to Comrade Mao Zedong about this right away." Zhou Enlai seemed a little impatient. "Say Cao Cao, Cao Cao is here!" Zhu De's seat was facing the door, and before Zhou Enlai finished speaking, he saw the figure of Mao Zedong stepping through the door. Zhou Enlai turned around and shook hands with Mao Zedong happily.He said: "Comrade Mao Zedong, I am going to find you!" "I came here uninvited!" Mao Zedong said in a joking tone, "I wanted to come to you a long time ago. But I have to consider that my friendship with you is not as deep as that of the boss. So let the boss come first. In terms of age, the boss is also older than me, so let the old man do it!"

"To say that your friendship with Enlai is not as good as mine, isn't that out of spite for me?" Zhu De said unconvinced, "You and I quarreled two years ago, didn't Enlai protect you!" "This shows that I didn't have a deep friendship with Enlai before, but we are very destined!" Mao Zedong said quite proudly.His contacts with Zhou Enlai began in the summer of 1926, when he hosted the Sixth Peasant Seminar in Guangzhou. Zhou Enlai was the Minister of Military Affairs of the Guangdong District Committee, and the class he gave was "Peasant Movement and Military Movement".The three of them have been separated for many years, and now they are reunited here. It is indeed a good relationship.While talking and laughing, Zhou Enlai thought of someone and asked Mao Zedong and Zhu De: "Where is our old friend Chen Yi?"

As soon as Chen Yi was mentioned, Mao Zedong and Zhu De's faces darkened. In the vigorous "Eradication of Rebels" expansion movement, in the early 1920s, Zhou Enlai and Zhou Enlai went to France for a work-study program, and later participated in the Nanchang Uprising together, and later led a part of the Nanchang Uprising troops with Zhu De to Jinggangshan to join Mao Zedong, in the Central Soviet Area Chen Yi, who was already the commander of the 22nd Red Army, had a bad luck in the "elimination of counter-revolutionaries". The disaster was caused by the "Tomita Incident".Futian is located at the junction of Ji'an, Yongxing and Xingguo counties in Jiangxi Province. It is a village in Ji'an County and an old revolutionary base.The Jiangxi Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Provincial Soviet Government are located here. After the Red Army captured Ji'an City in October 1930, when cleaning up the enemy's files, it was found that a note was related to the family members of Li Wenlin, secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee.

Based on this note, Li Wenlin was detained in Huangpi as a special suspect by the General Front Committee of the Red Army.Li Wenlin was the founder of the 2nd and 4th Independent Regiments of the Red Army, and was also the leader of the "AB Regiment" when he was a member of the Standing Committee of the Jiangxi Southwest Special Committee. In December, the former Red Army appointed Li Shaojiu as a special commissioner to lead a company of the Red Army from Donggu to Futian to help the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee "eliminate counter-revolutionaries". Li Wenlin was identified as the leading member of the "AB Regiment" and arrested. Li Shaojiu had conflicts with Li Wenlin when he was still in the Red 2 regiment, and this time he found an opportunity for revenge, and at the same time arrested a group of cadres. When arresting Xie Hanchang, director of the Political Department of the 20th Red Army, Xie Hanchang confessed that Liu Di, the political commissar of the 174th regiment of the army, was also an "AB regiment".Liu Di was clever and eloquent. After being arrested, he persuaded Li Shaojiu's men to show mercy and was released.As a result, he held a grudge against Li Shaojiu, saying that Li Shaojiu was a counter-revolutionary, and encouraged Lai Zuoshou, the instructor of the secret service battalion, to lead the entire battalion to surround the military headquarters.Together with Xie Hanchang, he encouraged Lai Zuoshou to lead the spy camp to Futian. When the headquarters of the 20th Red Army was surrounded, Li Bojun, who was sent by Mao Zedong to deal with the expansion of "suppressing counter-revolutionaries", was detained.They believed that Li Bojun participated in Li Shaojiu's arrest.In fact, Mao Zedong had noticed Li Shaojiu's cruelty early on, so he sent Li Bojun and Gu Bai to the Southwest Jiangxi Special Committee, the Red Army School, the Red 20th Army, and Tomita to correct the mistakes of "suppressing counterrevolutionaries". After seeing Mao Zedong's personal letter, Li Bojun was spared the disaster of beheading.When they rushed to Futian, they blew up the prison door and robbed the prison openly, surrounding the provincial government.Cooper and his wife hid in Tibet and were almost caught.After the Futian incident, Xie Hanchang and Liu Di pulled the rebel troops to the west of the Ganjiang River, broke away from the leadership of the General Front Committee of the Red Army, and rebelled in the Tinggan border area, attempting to join the 20th Red Army on the east bank of the Ganjiang River, preparing for a larger riot.They also engaged in fierce battles with Red Army units who came to stop the rebellion.The Soviet government sent more than 1,000 troops to counter the rebellion, but they were repelled by the rebels.The Soviet government had no choice but to deploy more troops to stop the rebellion. Because the "Left-leaning" central government controlled by Wang Ming defined the "Futian Incident" as counter-revolutionary, the fire of "suppressing counter-revolutionaries" in the Soviet area spread rapidly, and a large number of Red Army soldiers and local cadres were wrongly arrested and killed.The Central Bureau of the Soviet Area asked Chen Yi to arrest 500 members of the "AB Regiment" in the 22nd Red Army. Chen Yi only arrested 3 people and failed to complete the task. He was said to be covering up the "AB Regiment". According to the logic of the implementers of the "Left Leaning" line, the cover-up of the "AB Regiment" itself is the "AB Regiment".Chen Yi was called to a meeting.Before leaving, he said to his 20-year-old wife Xiao Juying: "At six o'clock in the afternoon, you should leave quickly and go back to your hometown to hide. If I have nothing to do, I will send someone to bring you back." Chen Yi didn't finish the meeting until eight o'clock in the evening, and he didn't see his wife when he got home.Searching around, her body was found in a well.It turned out that she thought that Chen Yi was beaten into a member of the "AB regiment", and she jumped into a well in despair and committed suicide. Even his old friend, Chen Yi, who was devoted to the party and the revolution through life and death for the establishment of the Red Army, was suspected of being a "counter-revolutionary", which is fine!When he first entered the Soviet area, the most important thing before Zhou Enlai was to stop the expansion of "suppressing counter-revolutionaries". He immediately presided over a meeting of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area and made a resolution on correcting the expansion of "suppressing counter-revolutionaries". The resolution pointed out: "In the past, the understanding of the AB regiment and all counter-revolutionaries was incorrect, and the AB regiment was enlarged. It was thought that all the remnants of landlords and rich peasants could be treated as the AB regiment, and that all elements from different classes could be the AB regiment. The executors of the party's erroneous line, as well as the party members and the masses who made mistakes, were all connected with the issue of the AB group, and even developed to the point where even the workers and peasants could not trust it; so they felt that the AB group could not be eliminated. With this understanding Mistakes resulted in extremely serious errors in the methods of the AB Regiment’s struggle, simplifying the AB Regiment’s struggle and narrowing it to the scope of “fighting the AB Regiment” to capture, interrogate, and deal with it, while ignoring active efforts to consolidate the revolutionary forces. In particular, the lack of It was the ideological struggle and educational work of the anti-AB regiment, which resulted in the development of an extremely dangerous viewpoint in which the anti-revolutionary work was centered. In the fight against the AB regiment, prisoners’ confessions were used exclusively, and corporal punishment was used, which led to the failure of the anti-revolutionary work. Idealism." When Chen Yi came to Ruijin to see Zhou Enlai, his face was haggard and depressed.The passionate and high-spirited poetic spirit of that year has disappeared from him.Zhou Enlai said a lot of comforting words, but he failed to lift his spirits.A person who has lost his beautiful wife and suffered all kinds of grievances, the sadness and sorrow in his heart cannot be eliminated by words.Seeing Chen Yi lowered his head and kept smoking, Zhou Enlai felt very painful.He didn't say anything else, and asked the guard to ask Xiao Guo to buy a few packs of cigarettes and hand them to Chen Yi. Chen Yi looked at him, but he didn't pick up the cigarette, so he stuffed the cigarette into Chen Yi's pocket.Originally, he wanted to ask Chen Yi to talk more, but at this moment, Li Kenong rushed over.Chen Yi stood up and said goodbye.When Zhou Enlai sent Chen Yi out, he held his hand tightly and said with emotion: "Brother, if you had come earlier, the Soviet area would not be like this!" Zhou Enlai's face was full of apology: "I came late." Chen Yi said: "No matter what, if you come, there will be hope for the Soviet area!" Zhou Enlai smiled wryly: "What am I alone? I am the same as you. The work depends on everyone." Chen Yi said: "It's different. It's different when you come." Zhou Enlai patted Chen Yi on the shoulder and said kindly: "Everything is over, let's think about it." The guards brought the horse over, and Chen Yi jumped onto the saddle, stared at Zhou Enlai and said loudly, "Brother Enlai! I have confidence now that you are here!" After speaking, he rode away. Li Kenong rushed back to Ruijin from the Kuomintang-controlled area after receiving Zhou Enlai's notice. When he was in Shanghai, Li Kenong was originally a propaganda member of the Shanghai Central District Committee of the Communist Party of China. At the end of 1929, he was transferred to the Central Special Section to do security and intelligence work under the direct leadership of Zhou Enlai.Appointed by Zhou Enlai, together with Qian Zhuangfei and Hu Di, he broke into the top secret service organization of the Kuomintang and collected a large amount of information on the Kuomintang.The three of them also gained the trust of the Kuomintang spy chief Xu Enzeng, and were sent to Nanjing and Tianjin respectively to be responsible for the work of the "Yangtze River News Agency", "Minzhi News Agency", and "Great Wall News Agency". These are the intelligence agencies of the Kuomintang spy organization. Li Kenong and Qian Zhuangfei were in Nanjing, and Hu Di was sent to Tianjin.The information collected in Tianjin was sent by Hu Di to Qian Zhuangfei in Nanjing in code, and then Qian Zhuangfei passed it on to Li Kenong, and Li Kenong passed it on to Zhou Enlai through Chen Geng.During that time, Qian Zhuangfei broke into the KMT's highest secret service agency, Li Kenong broke into the KMT's Shanghai secret service agency, and Hu Di had information on the KMT's northern provinces. In order to ensure the leadership of the party, Chen Geng, a special branch of the Central Committee, kept in constant contact with Li Kenong. Whenever there was any situation in Nanjing, Li Kenong would report it to Chen Geng in a timely manner.In order to facilitate activities, Li Kenong, Qian Zhuangfei, and Hu Di set up a party group, with Li Kenong as the group leader.Major issues of work are discussed and decided by the party group and implemented separately.Later, in the case of Gu Shunzhang's rebellion, because they sent the information to Zhou Enlai in time, the Party Central Committee avoided a catastrophe. Hearing that Zhou Enlai had an invitation, Li Kenong guessed that he would either return to Shanghai or go to Nanchang.Unexpectedly, Zhou Enlai did not ask him to leave the Soviet area.What new mission can that be?Zhou Enlai said that the National Political Security Bureau and the Political Security Bureau of the Red Army Headquarters were about to be established, and he was asked to be in charge of the Political Security Bureau of the Red Army Headquarters.At present, a large number of counter-revolutionary suspects are being imprisoned in various parts of the Soviet area, most of whom are innocent comrades.Ask Li Kenong to lead a working group to Shicheng, Guangchang, Yudu, Xingguo and other places to review all the cases of the AB group, the Social Democratic Party, and the reorganization faction one by one.All unjust, false and wrongly decided cases will be rehabilitated.Zhou Enlai warned that this work is very important and urgent.We must let those comrades who have been wronged and wronged see the light of day again.
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