Chapter 2 (2) Expectations of Ruijin

Ruijin, the heart of the Central Soviet Area, the capital of the Chinese Soviet Republic. The Central Soviet Area was developed on the basis of the southern Jiangxi base area opened up by Zhu Mao's Red Army.Before Zhou Enlai set off from Shanghai to the Soviet area, the Red Army, under the leadership of Mao Zedong and Zhu De, had smashed the Jiang Army's three "encirclement and suppression campaigns." Under the leadership of Zhao Bosheng and Dong Zhentang, the commander of the 713th Brigade who had not joined the party at that time, they held the Ningdu Uprising and reorganized it into the Fifth Red Army.Local forces include independent divisions, independent regiments, and red guards.The Soviet Area ruled 22 counties, with an area of ​​more than 370 kilometers in length and 270 kilometers in width, and a population of more than 2.45 million.

From November 7th to 20th of this year, the First National Congress of Soviets was held in Ruijin, announcing the establishment of the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic. Mao Zedong was elected as the chairman of the Central Executive Committee, and Xiang Ying and Zhang Guotao were vice-chairmen; Chairman of the Central Revolutionary Military Commission, Wang Jiaxiang and Peng Dehuai as vice-chairmen.After the establishment of the Central Revolutionary Military Commission, the headquarters of the Red Front Army was abolished, and the units of the Central Red Army were directly led by the Central Revolutionary Military Commission.The Congress adopted the "Constitution Outline" drafted by Zhou Enlai in Shanghai for the Chinese Soviet Republic.

With the development of the Soviet area to such a scale, what should be the next step?This question was before the leaders of the Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China Soviet Area and the Central Revolutionary Military Commission. In the meeting room of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area, after a heated debate, the meeting reached a deadlock.This kind of meeting has been held many times, and each time it broke up after a quarrel.At this time, the room was full of smoke, the smokers continued to inhale, the non-smokers continued to drink tea, and the servants who poured the tea were walking back and forth in a hurry.

No one spoke, and the silence lasted for a long time.Mao Zedong was the one who smoked the most violently.His face was gloomy, and while he was smoking, he scanned the people sitting around the rectangular table with burning eyes.They all looked at each other, but no one said anything. Mao Zedong's old partner Zhu De held the teacup, put it to his mouth several times, sipped it and then held it in his hand.Among the people sitting there, he was considered relatively older, and he was able to calm down when encountering difficulties, quite like an elder.But judging from his behavior at this time, he was very restless and irritable.Mao Zedong and Zhu De, one is the chairman of the Soviet Republic, the other is the chairman of the Military Commission, and the founder of the Soviet area, but at this time they have no real power.The power was firmly in the hands of the four people sitting across from them.

Of these four people, one is Xiang Ying, who came to the Soviet Area as a representative of the Central Committee at the beginning of the year and served as the acting secretary of the Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China.The Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China made a preliminary decision in Shanghai as early as October 3 last year to establish the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area composed of six people including Zhou Enlai, Xiang Ying, Mao Zedong, and Zhu De. Xiang Ying went first.On the 17th of the same month, the Politburo finally determined that nine people including Xiang Ying, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and Ren Bishi would form the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area, with Zhou Enlai as the secretary and Xiang Ying acting temporarily.The other three were Ren Bishi, Wang Jiaxiang, and Gu Zuolin, representatives of the Central Committee who came to the Soviet area in April of this year.

Wang Ming pursued an adventurist line that was more left than Li Lisan's. He blindly emphasized the so-called "offensive line" in the domestic revolutionary war and demanded that the Red Army attack central cities.They estimated the situation in this way: "The center of the current political situation in China is the life-and-death struggle between the counter-revolution and the revolution." On the one hand, under the conditions of political and military success, take one or two central or secondary cities. Do not repeat the rest after victory, so that the enemy can retreat calmly, so that they can quickly regroup, Make new troubles in the Soviet area."

The strategy and tactics of this decisive battle run counter to Mao Zedong's guerrilla warfare.As a result, in terms of strategy and tactics, two camps with serious differences of opinion emerged in the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area.Of course, although Mao Zedong was the founder of the Central Soviet Area and the Red Front Army, Xiang Ying and the others represented the "correct line" of the Central Committee. In this debate, they had actually gained the upper hand.However, they also clearly realized that although they represented the "correct line" of the Central Committee, they had no foundation in the Central Soviet Area and the Red Front Army.In order to fully implement the "correct line" of the central government in the Soviet area and the Red Army, Mao Zedong must first be convinced, otherwise, it will be difficult to do.Because not long after they came to the Soviet area, they had learned that Mao Zedong's prestige was unshakable among the Red Army commanders and Soviet grassroots cadres and masses.

Just when the meeting was deadlocked and Xiang Ying, who presided over the meeting, was at a loss, the confidential secretary sent a telegram.When Xiang Ying read the telegram, her frown furrowed and she let out a long breath.This is a telegram sent from Shanghai by the Provisional Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, telling them that Zhou Enlai has set off for the Central Soviet Area from Shanghai.The news was like a breath of fresh air, sweeping away the gloomy atmosphere in the room.There was a relaxed look on everyone's face. After discussing with Zhu De, Mao Zedong made a suggestion that Zhou Enlai was the supreme head of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area, and the matter of attacking Fuzhou, Ji'an, and Ganzhou should be discussed after Zhou Enlai arrived.Xiang Ying disagreed with Mao Zedong's suggestion on the grounds that he did not know when Zhou Enlai would be able to arrive in the Central Soviet Area, so if he waited passively, it would delay the opportunity of the war.Mao Zedong continued to argue that if a decision is made hastily now, if something goes wrong, the consequences will be disastrous.Besides, there are still differences of opinion within the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area on this issue.Zhou Enlai was not only the secretary of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area, but also the secretary of the Central Military Commission for many years. His opinion is very important, and we should wait for him to come before making a decision.Xiang Ying still did not accept Mao Zedong's opinion.

He memorized the "Resolution on Striving for the First Victory of the Revolution in One Province or Several Provinces" by the Provisional Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. There is such a paragraph in it: "We must connect the Central Soviet Area, Fujian, Guangdong, Jiangxi, Northeast Jiangxi, and Hunan and Jiangxi. Form an entire Soviet area, and occupy the central cities such as Nanchang, Fuzhou, and Ji'an, to combine the currently scattered Soviet base areas, and start the first victory in the provinces of Hunan, Hubei, and Jiangxi." Whose opinion can change the decision of the central government?Mao Zedong insisted on his own proposition, believing that the ultimate goal of the Red Army's operations is to turn the whole of China into a Soviet area, but at this stage it is impossible to achieve the so-called "strive for the first victory of the revolution in one province or several provinces". Bring huge casualties, there will be no good results.He still insisted on his consistent views of guerrilla warfare and "encircling the cities from the countryside".Xiang Ying sneered and said: "According to you, we can only pull the team back to Jinggang Mountain and continue to occupy the mountain as king?"

Mao Zedong blushed for a while, fixed his eyes on Xiang Ying, and said in a raised voice: "If you must pull the team to attack the central city, I, Mao Zedong, can't stop it alone. But I want to advise you, not only can't you do that The soviet districts are connected together, but they will lose all the soviet districts. Going to attack the central city now is undoubtedly hitting a stone with an egg!" Xiang Ying pointed at Mao Zedong and reprimanded: "You are an out-and-out Rightist!" Mao Zedong smiled coldly. Seeing that Mao Zedong did not show any signs of changing his mind, Xiang Ying felt that such arguing would not lead to any results, so he asked Ren Bishi to express his opinion.Ren Bishi was not as anxious as Xiang Ying, and believed that internal views on strategy and tactics could be debated.However, this kind of debate must be carried out under the premise of thoroughly implementing the central decision, and cannot go beyond the central decision, let alone override the central decision.Zhu De, who had been silent all this time, couldn't sit still.He looked at everyone and said, "Of course we will implement the central government's decision. However, the actual situation here should also attract our attention."

Xiang Ying nodded and said: "It is precisely because we have fully considered the actual situation here that we started arguing about this issue. Otherwise, we will just issue an order and carry it out, so what's the point of holding a meeting? Could it be that the central government's decision is wrong !" Mao Zedong said: "It seems that if we continue to argue, it will be superfluous!" Xiang Ying said: "If you think the truth is on your side, why are you afraid of arguing?" Mao Zedong said: "Since the central government's decision is correct, what do we have to argue about?" Xiang Ying shook his head helplessly at Mao Zedong. Xiang Ying blinked her eyes and asked Wang Jiaxiang to express her opinion.Wang Jiaxiang, who had been silent for a long time, looked at Mao Zedong, then at Xiang Ying, and said in a conciliatory tone: "We have been arguing about this issue for a long time, and we can't reach an agreement. In my opinion, we might as well wait for Comrade Zhou Enlai to come." Xiang Ying worried about when Zhou Enlai would arrive in the Central Soviet Area.Wang Jiaxiang believes that Zhou Enlai has always been in charge of the transportation work of the central government. The secret passage leading to the Soviet area, that is, the road they took from Shanghai to the Soviet area, was formulated by Zhou Enlai. It will take a few days for Zhou Enlai to arrive smoothly. soviet area.Xiang Ying let out a sigh of relief, and could only follow Wang Jiaxiang's advice. On the way back to his residence on horseback, even though the sun was overcast and the wind was blowing, Mao Zedong was still full of spring breeze and in good spirits. In recent days, in order to attack the problem of the city, he and Xiang Ying have been arguing with each other every day.Now that the supreme chief of the Soviet area is coming, this problem is expected to be solved easily.Others may not know much about Zhou Enlai's character, but Mao Zedong knew it very well.Zhou Enlai contributed a lot to the development of the Central Soviet Area and the Red Front Army to such a large scale. After the "Sixth National Congress" of the Communist Party of China, although the central government began to attach importance to building the Red Army and conducting guerrilla warfare in the countryside, it underestimated the role of rural struggle and armed separatism due to the insistence on the city as the center of the guiding ideology, and the guidance for rural guerrilla warfare was also limited. Mistakes. On January 14, 1929, Jiang Jun from Hunan and Jiangxi provinces launched the third "encirclement and suppression" against Jinggangshan with superior forces. Mao Zedong, Zhu De, and Chen Yi led the main force of the Fourth Red Army to leave Jinggangshan. The powerful enemy chased after him and moved to the border between Jiangxi and Guangdong. The situation was very difficult.The central government has sent people to send letters many times, but has not received a response. They lack a specific understanding of the situation of the Fourth Red Army and are extremely anxious.Under such circumstances, Zhou Enlai drafted a letter to the Fourth Red Army for the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on February 7 of the same year, requesting that the Fourth Red Army be dispersed to avoid being wiped out by the enemy, and asked Zhu De and Mao Zedong to leave the Red Army and work in the Central Committee.This letter was not sent to the Front Committee of the Fourth Red Army until April 3, and at this time, the situation had fundamentally changed. On February 8, the Fourth Red Army lured and wiped out most of Jiang Liu Shiyi's brigade in Dabaidi, north of Ruijin, reversing the original passive situation of the Fourth Red Army.Then, he joined the Jiangxi Red Army Independent Second and Fourth Regiments led by the Jiangxi Special Committee in the Donggu area of ​​Ji'an, and gained a firm foothold here. On April 5, the Front Committee of the Fourth Red Army reported to the Central Committee that the Central Committee’s assessment of the objective situation and subjective forces was too pessimistic, and expressed its disagreement with Zhu De and Mao Zedong’s departure from the Red Army.Before the central government received this report, due to the development of the objective situation, the central government's understanding was also changing. On April 4, when the Standing Committee of the Central Committee discussed the issue of the Fourth Red Army, Zhou Enlai emphasized that Zhu De and Mao Zedong did not have to leave the Red Army. On the 8th, the central government issued a letter of instruction to Zhu De and Mao Zedong revised by Zhou Enlai. The letter emphasized that the general task of the Red Army was to expand the scope of guerrilla warfare, launch armed struggles among peasants, and deepen the agrarian revolution.Although the report of the Fourth Red Army on April 5 had not been received at that time, the letter no longer insisted that Zhu De and Mao Zedong leave the Red Army, but requested that a capable leader be sent to discuss the issue with the Central Committee. In late August, Chen Yi came to Shanghai to report to the Central Committee on behalf of the Fourth Red Army.The Politburo held a meeting on Aug 29th to hear Chen's report exclusively.The meeting decided that Zhou Enlai, Li Lisan, and Chen Yi would form a committee to draft instructions to the Fourth Red Army. The Fourth Red Army led by Mao Zedong, Zhu De, and Chen Yi is the most influential team in the national Red Army.However, there were differences among the leaders of the Fourth Red Army on the idea and principles of army building, and Mao Zedong and Zhu De had different views on some issues. In May of this year, after Liu Angong, who had just returned from the Soviet Union, served as the temporary secretary of the Military Commission and director of the Political Department of the Fourth Red Army, the debate on the relationship between the party and the army developed very seriously. On June 8, an enlarged meeting of the former Committee was held in Baisha, Changting, western Fujian, and it was decided to abolish the Provisional Military Commission.But the debate is not over, and some aspects have intensified. On the 22nd, the Seventh Party Congress of the Fourth Red Army was held in Longyan, Fujian, and the issues of controversy were not properly resolved.Mao Zedong's correct opinion failed to get the support of most representatives. After the meeting, he left the leadership post of the Fourth Red Army, stayed in western Fujian to recuperate and guide local work, and did not act with the army.The Fourth Red Army is facing an unprecedented serious crisis. After listening to Chen Yi's report, Zhou Enlai pointed out that the Seventh Party Congress of the Fourth Red Army and the Enlarged Meeting of the Front Committee were wrong in dealing with internal differences among the leaders, and made four criticisms: "First, the Red Army grew out of the enemy's hand-to-hand combat. Yes, his spirit should be mainly to deal with the enemy. The front committee did not guide the masses to fight against the outside world, and did not propose methods themselves, but referred the issue to the lower level for discussion. Objectively, there was a spirit of letting internal struggles and quarreling behind closed doors; Point out the correct line in the above, so that comrades can get a political leader to judge who is right, and only answer some personal questions in the organization; It has contributed to the development of extreme democracy; fourth, the issue of Zhu and Mao has not taken into account the importance of their political responsibilities, and it has been openly presented to the masses and criticized arbitrarily without guidance. It cannot resolve disputes, but only aggravates them.” He also pointed out: “Both Zhu and Mao will still work in the front committee, and Mao should still be the secretary of the front committee, and all comrades in the Fourth Red Army must understand and accept it.” According to the spirit of Zhou Enlai's many conversations, Chen Yi drafted an instruction letter on behalf of the Central Committee, and after Zhou Enlai's approval, he brought it back to the Fourth Red Army.This is the "Instruction Letter from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to the Front Committee of the Fourth Red Army" dated September 28. This letter analyzed the political situation at that time, and made a conclusion that was of great significance to the Chinese revolutionary movement: "First there was the rural Red Army, and then there was urban power. This is the characteristic of the Chinese revolution, and it is the product of China's economic foundation. If someone Doubting the existence of the Red Army, he just does not understand the reality of the Chinese revolution, which is a kind of abolition of the concept." The tasks of the Red Army are clearly defined: "At present, the basic tasks of the Red Army mainly include the following: First, mobilize the masses to struggle, implement The agrarian revolution and the establishment of the Soviet regime; second, implement guerrilla warfare, arm the peasants, and expand their own organizations; third, expand the guerrilla areas and political influence throughout the country.” “All actions of the Red Army must avoid purely military actions, and must struggle with the masses Close contact." "With the broad masses around the Red Army, all the difficulties of the Red Army and its own development will be resolved more smoothly... Correct all incorrect tendencies." "All the power of the party is concentrated in the leading organs of the front committee This is correct and must not be shaken. The term paternalism cannot be mechanically invoked to weaken the power of the guiding body as a cover for extreme democratization." Chen Yi returned to the Front Committee of the Fourth Red Army with this letter on October 20. On November 26, Mao Zedong returned to the former committee. On the 28th, Mao Zedong reported to the Central Committee: "I have recovered from my illness. I have followed the instructions of the Central Committee and worked in the Front Committee... The unity of the Fourth Army within the party is not a problem under the correct leadership of the Central Committee." According to the spirit of this instruction letter from the Central Committee, the Red Fourth At the end of December, the army held the Ninth Party Congress in Gutian, northeast of Shanghang, Fujian, to focus on solving the principles of the Red Army's army building.The meeting elected a new Front Committee of the Fourth Red Army, with Mao Zedong as the secretary and eleven members including Zhu De and Chen Yi as members. In the debate within the Fourth Red Army, Mao Zedong's correct opinion was supported by Zhou Enlai, and he was able to return to his post.Now, he is arguing with Xiang Ying and the others in order to attack the city.This conflict, he can only hope to resolve it when Zhou Enlai arrives.