Chapter 15 2. In the frenzy of comprehensive "power seizure"

In January 1967, the typhoon of the "January Revolution" in Shanghai suddenly blew up, and there were voices of "seizure power" everywhere in the country, which can be said to "stir up the Zhou Tianchi".As a result, the foreign affairs rebels became active again. They once again sought opportunities to force Zhou Enlai to make concessions on the issue of criticizing Chen Yi, and demanded that the entire foreign affairs system "criticize the bourgeois reactionary line headed by Comrade Chen Yi". slogan.In fact, it is a prelude to seizing the entire diplomatic power.

In the face of the raging waves, Zhou Enlai was as stable as Mount Tai.He stuck to his past views without backing down.Regarding the convening of a meeting of thousands of people criticizing foreign affairs, he pointed out that this must be approved by the central government. Even if I speak at the meeting, it does not represent myself, but the central government.Regarding the slogan "Down with Chen Yi", he said, my views are far from yours, I firmly oppose this slogan and cannot accept this slogan, it is not so simple; I can debate with you if necessary, but I will not talk to you now debate.

In the middle and late January of this year, "People's Daily" and "Red Flag" magazines successively published editorials, calling on the rebels in all regions and departments to take all the powers originally held by "those in power taking the capitalist road" Take it into your hand. On January 22, Zhang Chunqiao, deputy head of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, said in Shanghai even more bluntly: "The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is about seizing power from the beginning to the end", "We will seize all power!" It is on this issue that Zhou Enlai has a different view.He insisted on one point from the very beginning: the rebels can only seize the leadership of the "Cultural Revolution", but not the power of various business departments; "Supervision".In this way, Zhou Enlai inevitably clashed with the Central Cultural Revolution group.

On the evening of January 17, at the symposium of representatives of Red Guards from Beijing Universities and Middle Schools held in the Great Hall of the People, Zhou Enlai, in front of Chen Boda, Kang Sheng, Jiang Qing, Qi Benyu, Wang Li and others from the Central Cultural Revolution Committee, proposed that Shanghai and some other units Not every unit can learn the experience of seizing power, because seizing power is a very complicated matter. The first thing to seize is the leadership of the "Cultural Revolution", and other aspects can be supervised first... Before finishing speaking, Jiang Qing He interjected aggressively: "The business right is also up for grabs, don't you know how to learn!" Similar disputes happened several times within a month, but Zhou Enlai did not give in because of this.

Almost at the same time that Zhou Enlai clashed with the Central Cultural Revolution on the issue of "seizing power", the "Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station" of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement announcing the "seizure" in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. On January 18, Zhou Enlai entrusted Chen Yi to summon the representative of the "Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station" of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Chen Yi expressed "congratulations" on behalf of the party committee of the Ministry, which was actually a statement on the issue of "power seizure" by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.In his speech to the representatives of the rebel faction, Chen Yi clearly pointed out that the power seized by the "liaison station" is "the great power of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to lead the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution". The "business supervision team" joined by the rebels carried out "supervision".It goes without saying that what the rebels in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs seized was "false power", and the entire diplomatic business power was not in the hands of the rebels.

On the afternoon of January 24, Zhou Enlai went to the Great Hall of the People to attend Chen Yi's "inspection" meeting attended by rebels from various units of the Foreign Affairs Office.The conference was convened in the name of the State Council and presided over by Zhou Enlai himself.Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian, Ye Jianying, Chen Boda and Jiang Qing all attended the meeting. At the meeting, Zhou Enlai first took full "responsibility" for Chen Yi's "inspection" that was delayed again and again. The reason was, "I am very busy with work."Then, Chen Yi read "inspection" at the meeting.This "inspection" of less than 3,000 characters was finalized after repeated revisions and scrutiny by Zhou Enlai. The main points are: 1. In the early stage of the movement, the "bourgeois reactionary line" was implemented, and the direction and line were wrong; 2. The reason for the erroneous thinking is that they do not understand the "cultural revolution"; 3. Some words "out of good intentions" and "hoping that the masses will grasp the policy" "had a hindering effect" on the movement; 4. The attitude towards the masses is "slow" in understanding and correcting mistakes; 5. Everyone is welcome to continue to criticize and help in order to "correct mistakes".

Before the end of the meeting, Zhou Enlai delivered a speech and pointed out: "Comrade Chen Yi's review has gone through a painful process of understanding. In terms of our division of labor, he is in charge of many things, and Comrade Chen Yi's work cannot be aggravated"; "He has worked for the party. For more than 40 years, of course, I have made many mistakes, but in my later years, I am still a comrade who followed Chairman Mao. I hope that everyone will help him with a comradely attitude and an attitude of class brothers”; Let him show up more, and I will transfer my power to other openings."Regarding the diplomatic work before the "Cultural Revolution", Zhou Enlai emphasized: "All major diplomatic issues were personally intervened by the chairman, and in this way, brilliant achievements in foreign affairs have been formed in the past 17 years."

The entire meeting, due to Zhou Enlai's personal control, careful arrangement, and timing, went smoothly and ended in only one and a half hours.As a result, Foreign Minister Chen Yi broke through the hurdle of "inspection" by the assembly of thousands of people and became the first vice premier whose State Council system was "liberated". If our Boss Chen takes advantage of this opportunity to step down to the next level, and in the future only speaks innocuously "appropriate to the situation" on some occasions, his foreign minister's seat should be relatively secure--Chen Yi himself understands: "As long as I, Chen Yi, don't say anything, living in Zhongnanhai is not a problem."

However, Boss Chen is still Boss Chen after all!In order to take the overall situation into consideration and maintain the prestige of the Party, for the diplomatic cause of New China that he and Zhou Enlai jointly created, and for the Prime Minister, a comrade-in-arms who has helped each other for decades, he can admit his "mistakes" to the rebels and "review" face to face .But in the face of the increasingly rampant evil forces, he will never bow his head, he will still speak, and he will speak up! Three weeks later, on the afternoon of February 16, 1967, at the Huairen Hall meeting hosted by Zhou Enlai, Tan Zhenlin and other older revolutionaries finally couldn't hold back their anger, and turned to a member of the Central Cultural Revolution Group who was messing with the party, the country, and the army. The gang launched a general attack - this is the famous "Hui Ren Tang".In this general attack, our Boss Chen naturally stood up and spoke out, becoming one of the main forces in the "big riot at Huairentang".

It is said that when Mao Zedong listened to reports from Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Li, etc., he didn't seem to care about the criticism of the "Cultural Revolution" by other old comrades; It was only when Kang Sheng and others carried out the "Left" method of punishing people (Zhou Enlai was one of the targets at the time) that Mao Zedong changed his face, and finally vented his "proletarian wrath." During the days of criticizing "February Adverse Current", Boss Chen was silent. In March, April, and May, for nearly a hundred days and nights, the days of the veterans and deputy prime ministers who "made a big fuss at Huairen Hall" were difficult.Only on March 18, after the last "Central Political Life Criticism Meeting" (that is, a meeting of several old comrades who criticized the "February Adverse Current") was held, our foreign minister breathed a long sigh of relief and lamented Said: "This 'March 18' is really not a good day!" Mr. Chen is referring to the "March 18" massacre of demonstrators in Beijing by the reactionary warlord Duan Qirui 40 years ago. .At that time, 26-year-old Chen Yi personally organized and participated in this mass struggle against Duan Qirui's government.Of course, Chen Yi said this "complaint" in private to the staff around him.

However, under the instigation of the "backstage boss", the rebels in the foreign affairs system did not remain silent for a day.Just as Jiang Qing and Kang Sheng led the Central Cultural Revolution group to question Chen Yi and other veterans and deputy prime ministers, the rebels from all walks of life in the Foreign Affairs Office also rushed to the front and moved together, concentrating "cannon fire" on Chen Yi. body.In order to show that they are the most "revolutionary", the slogans used by the rebels have also been upgraded, from "criticize" and "burn" to "bombard" and "down", until finally they used "Chen Yi is not Surrender, and let him perish" is the most extreme slogan.For a time, the attitude towards Chen Yi's "problem" and the slogans used became the signs that distinguish whether a certain mass organization is a "revolutionary" or a "conservative".As a result, many mass organizations have internal divisions, and factions with different views are dissatisfied with each other and disputes continue.In the end, as long as you insist on "criticizing" and not agreeing to "knock down" Chen Yi's organization, you will all be labeled as "conservative" and "compromising". In order to prove that the organization is a "firm leftist", some rebels and Red Guards with extreme views also competed to attack the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, held demonstrations in the main streets of the capital, and made public the slogan "Down with Chen Yi" to take the lead in "Down with Chen Yi". The actions of the Foreign Minister to show that the organization has obtained the "leadership" to criticize Chen Yi from the foreign affairs department.In this regard, Zhou Enlai, regardless of the danger of being attacked and blamed, stood up again and resolutely withstood the frenzy of foreign affairs rebels fighting against Chen Yi. From the evening of May 11th to the early morning of May 12th, 1967, Zhou Enlai had consecutive conversations with representatives of the rebel faction in the foreign affairs department, severely criticizing their recent series of extreme actions, and prepared for the long-delayed second "criticism" conference of the foreign affairs system with the rebels. Pai argued hard and repeatedly dealt with it.The following is part of the conversation between Zhou Enlai and the rebels: "Liaison Station" of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (confidently): This morning's parade was initiated by our Liaison Station, and nine organizations in the foreign affairs system also supported us.The main point of our parade is to demand that Chen Yi must come to the masses immediately!According to the "revealed" materials, Chen Yi is the most influential person in the party who takes the capitalist road in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Affairs.However, since his "inspection" at the meeting on January 24, he has not come to the masses so far. This is to avoid the public's exposure and criticism... Prime Minister: Originally, before "May 1st", I had already arranged for Chen Yi to have another inspection.But the "May 1st" festival was delayed for a while, and it was not arranged... Today, your Ministry of Foreign Affairs took the lead in organizing such a demonstration and claimed that Comrade Chen Yi would be arrested. I can't promise you, and I can't take this risk.Your situation is different, you are not a school, you are not Red Guards, you are the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, you are the staff of state agencies, and you have the name of "business supervision team".I hope you will calmly consider this issue. We must prevent all actions that are harmful to the party and the country. A rebel: Prime Minister, just now you said that the parade at the contact station is not effective, I do not understand, please explain clearly. Prime Minister: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs wants to arrest Comrade Chen Yi, and the Central Committee cannot agree.He has not been dismissed from office now, he still participates in foreign affairs activities!Especially the "Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station" of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, arresting the Minister of Foreign Affairs, this is not a simple problem.Regarding Comrade Chen Yi's question, they can put forward their opinions, and the central government will still discuss it; but the central government cannot approve it as soon as the mass meeting passes it. This is not an order that must be obeyed. Rebels: You don't advocate Chen Yi going to the masses? Prime Minister: We want to create an environment. Now you take people away, coax the masses, and sit on a "jet", how can you do it? Crowds: The Prime Minister should trust the masses.The environment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is very good now.We just want to criticize Chen Yi. Prime Minister: Criticism is fine, but arresting people is not.Even if we criticize, we must continue to create conditions. Everyone: What conditions? Prime Minister: It is necessary to study specific methods and methods. After discussing, I will accompany Comrade Chen Yi to the meeting. Everyone: For several months, he (referring to Chen Yi) never showed up. Prime Minister: It has been a few months, but there have been repetitions in the middle. This is normal, so why ask more questions! Rebel faction: Chen Yi didn't come among the masses because he had a ghost in his heart. Prime Minister: "There are ghosts" is your opinion.But you want to use the method of demonstrations to suppress the central government and take Comrade Chen Yi away. What does it look like? Rebel faction: On May 4, we sent a "note" to Chen Yi, but he still hasn't answered. Prime Minister: On May 4, he already had enteritis. Everyone (imperatively): The Prime Minister, please hand over Chen Yi to us. We will not engage in street parades or violent fights. You have to trust the masses. Prime Minister (angrily): As I said, we need to study specific methods and create conditions.Don't put pressure on me here... A rebel (suddenly): Prime Minister, you just said that Chen Yi, a member of the Three Rebels, should be handed over to us (the rebels in the outer court)? Prime Minister: It cannot be handed over to you yet. (angrily) What?I didn't talk about "three anti elements"!You are imposing on me, I want to protest! (To everyone) You all prove that I did not say "three anti elements".If you want to "defeat" Chen Yi, you can't impose it on me. On this issue, I will not easily raise my hand in favor of you.Don't play tricks here, add adjectives indiscriminately! ... As I said, Comrade Chen Yi is currently suffering from enteritis. When the enteritis is cured, I will accompany him to the conference. Rebels: Prime Minister, should Chen Yi be handed over to the (Chen) contact station? Prime Minister: That's not okay, I can't do that.Comrade Chen Yi is not a commodity. He is a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, a vice premier, and foreign minister.Handing over to the "Reporting and Chen Liaison Station" will not work either. "Chen Criticism Liaison Station": It should be handed over to us to criticize first, and then to the (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) Liaison Station. Prime Minister: Then you filled the audience with "Down with" slogans. Everyone: We just want to defeat Chen Yi.We make up our minds. Prime Minister (excitedly): If you make up your mind, you can't force it on me!I am now discussing the specific method with you, if any one of you overthrows it, is there still democracy? Everyone: We are holding this conference to safeguard the chairman's thinking. Prime Minister: It is the chairman who disagrees with this and does not approve of using your method. A rebel faction (arrogantly): If it should be overthrown, then overthrow it!You can reserve your opinion. Prime Minister (extremely angry): There is no room for negotiation like this!As I said, the conditions are not ripe now, and the conference still cannot be held!I am discussing the issue with you now, but you are using mass meetings to deal with me... Everyone (relaxed): We are dealing with Chen Yi, not the Prime Minister.We believe the Prime Minister is on our side. Prime Minister: I have given you the bottom line. The central government does not agree to adopt the method of fighting.As for criticizing "mistakes," conditions must be created.Now, I just said a few calm words, and you are besieging, booing, and putting pressure on me like this, so how can Comrade Chen Yi come here? ...In short, I must accompany Comrade Chen Yi when the meeting is held. Not only him, but also several vice premiers, I have to protect them one by one, otherwise I will not be able to explain to the chairman. Rebels: Why does the Prime Minister still call him "Comrade Chen Yi"? Prime Minister: The chairman criticized Liu Shaoqi for calling him "comrade". Liu is still a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee!How do you ask such a question?This is a matter within our party, you cannot ask questions like this.Does the central government have to go with you?If you can't do this, then there will be no leadership! Two days later, Zhou Enlai learned that some Red Guards from the School of Foreign Languages ​​had forcibly entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs because of the "grabbing" Chen Yi, and in the early morning of the 15th, he urgently met with representatives of the rebel faction of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the representatives of the Red Guards from foreign affairs institutions to issue a warning to them. He said: "You have made a big mistake, and you are going against yourself!" He immediately announced: "I will order the troops to move to strengthen the defense of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs! From now on, no one is allowed to rush again, no matter what Whichever faction, I will detain whoever goes!" For the rebels who are still entangled in Chen Yi's issue unreasonably, he is categorical and will not give an inch: "You think that if you want to 'overthrow' Chen Yi, Comrade Chen Yi will fall? Funny!" The above is a part of Zhou Enlai's conversations with the foreign affairs mouth rebels several times in May of this year.Compared with before the "February Countercurrent", it is obvious that the tone of the rebels has become tougher, and their approach has become more ferocious, unscrupulous, and aggressive.It is not difficult to see from it that the Prime Minister himself was in a difficult situation at that time and there was some hidden danger omen. Sure enough, starting from May 16, the rebel organizations in some units of the Foreign Affairs Office successively put up big-character posters and big slogans aimed at Zhou Enlai, such as: "Zhou Enlai is one of the makers and executors of the bourgeois reactionary line. They are definitely not the close comrades of Chairman Mao and Vice Chairman Lin, and they are definitely not people from Chairman Mao's headquarters!" "Bombarding Zhou Enlai is definitely not bombarding the proletarian headquarters!" "Bombarding Zhou Enlai is the general direction of the current movement!"... In this regard, the foreign affairs system is inconsistent.Many veteran cadres, members of the party and league members, and business backbones were very disgusted with the action of bombarding Zhou Enlai, and clearly pointed out that it was a "political mistake."However, in some rebel organizations, a considerable number of people insisted on "cannoning" Zhou Enlai. The "grounds" were: 1. It is impossible to overthrow Chen Yi unless the resistance from the Prime Minister is eliminated; 3. During the 17 years before the Cultural Revolution, the prime minister was in charge of foreign affairs, and many things violated Mao Zedong Thought; 4. Many vice premiers of the State Council have collapsed, and they will not have nothing to do with the prime minister (i.e. The deputy prime ministers all work under the leadership of the prime minister); 5. The tone of the prime minister's speeches since the movement is far from that of the members of the Central Cultural Revolution Group; 6. The prime minister is the root cause of the "February countercurrent". From today's perspective, the rebels at that time were not fanatics who only knew how to beat, smash, and rob. Some of them were quite "brained".However, like all rebels in other regions and departments, their angles and methods of looking at problems are completely based on ultra-left ideology. Good prime minister for the hardworking people! Regarding the above situation, Zhou Enlai was not without a premonition. In the early hours of May 15, in his speech to the rebels on foreign affairs, he once said something thought-provoking: "Take me personally, you can make comprehensive materials, you can protest to me, and you can post big-character posters— —I’m not afraid of being defeated! After decades of revolution, I’m still afraid of this? Unless I wrestle myself and go to the opposite side.” Ten days later, on May 29, Mao Zedong also learned from a document that there was a wave of cannonballing Zhou Enlai in society, especially some rebels in the foreign affairs system, who often criticized Zhou Enlai because of Chen Yi's "problems" and attack.Mao Zedong swiped his brush and criticized: the views of the "ultra-leftists" are wrong, and the comrades of the Cultural Revolution are asked to persuade them. Although Mao Zedong's instructions are very brief, they are extremely unusual, and each word can be said to be very important.First of all, he clearly put forward the concept of "ultra-left".A few months ago, Mao Zedong also used this concept, but at that time he was referring to the rebels who engaged in "beating, smashing and looting".But this time Mao Zedong personally endowed this concept with a new connotation, that is, the words and deeds of bombarding and attacking Zhou Enlai belonged to the "ultra-leftist".In this way, those who support and encourage such words and deeds, whether overtly or secretly, will naturally become supporters and backers of the "ultra-left".This is undoubtedly a heavy blow to Jiang Qing, Kang Sheng and others.In addition, Mao Zedong specifically asked the "Cultural Revolution Comrades" (that is, members of the Central Cultural Revolution Group) to "do the work of persuasion" to the rebels who bombarded Zhou Enlai. The intention is also self-evident. The next day, Zhou Enlai re-approved on the document: This document will be circulated to the comrades of the Central Cultural Revolution Group. ——This is Zhou Enlai, in the name of implementing Mao Zedong's instructions, in the "chess game" against Jiang Qing and Kang Sheng, he changed from passive to active, and took a beautiful step against the "general"! We don't know what Jiang Qing and others thought after receiving the approval documents from Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Perhaps this will always be a historical mystery.However, before the so-called "Wu Hao Incident" (Note: This was an incident in the early 1930s when the Kuomintang reactionaries slandered and slandered Zhou Enlai. Kang Sheng, at this moment he had to express something. On May 31, Kang Sheng wrote in a letter to Chen Boda and Jiang Qing: I suggest that the Cultural Revolution Group convene a meeting of the liaison station of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its core group, and clearly point out that the views of those "ultra-leftists" are wrong... Chen Boda, who was the "leader" of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, had many concerns after Mao Zedong's attack on the "ultra-leftists", but he did not dare to neglect, and he also "expressed" on some occasions later.Only Jiang Qing, who must be called "a primary school student of Chairman Mao", kept silent all the time, as if nothing had happened, and ignored Mao Zedong's instructions. Although it is true and false, and it is false, the "supreme instruction" from Mao Zedong is irresistible after all.During June and July of this year, the speeches that bombarded Zhou Enlai decreased, and the actions that criticized Zhou Enlai also restrained.