Chapter 46 V. New China Policy

On September 1, Zhou Enlai came to Shanghai from Nanjing again, and made a special trip to visit Feng Yuxiang and his wife who were going abroad for inspection the next day.At the Shanghai airport, Zhou Enlai happened to meet Lieutenant General Gillen, an American officer of the Military Adjustment Department. Lieutenant General Gillen is the U.S. representative of the Military Mediation Executive Department. He is in his 50s. He probably knew that Zhou Enlai was annoyed by the U.S. selling post-war supplies to the Chiang Kai-shek government. He intentionally showed off and introduced to Zhou Enlai an American he was about to send away Said: "Let me introduce you to an American friend who came from Washington to go through the formalities for the sale of surplus military supplies after the war."

Zhou Enlai shook the arms dealer's hand vigilantly and asked, "Is the process going well?" The arms dealer said happily: "It has been signed and is about to return home." Zhou Enlai was very indignant when he learned that the "Agreement on the Sale of Surplus Wartime Property between China and the United States" had been signed on August 30.After visiting Feng Yuxiang and Li Dequan, he immediately held a press conference for Chinese and foreign journalists at the Zhou Mansion. In the face of more than a hundred reporters who packed the venue, Zhou Enlai ruthlessly exposed the details of Chiang Kai-shek's instigation of civil wars in various regions.He pointed out: "The current civil war is on a scale that has not been seen in civil wars in 20 years."

Regarding the signing of the "Agreement on the Sale of Remaining Wartime Property between China and the United States," Zhou Enlai pointed out indignantly: The United States did not wait for the establishment of a democratic government before aiding China, but before it was established. Crisis of Civil War and Secession in China.When it came to the exciting part, he left the translator, Comrade Zhang Wenjin, and pointed to the battle situation map while speaking directly in English. A day later, before leaving Shanghai for Ning, Zhou Enlai met with a reporter from the Associated Press alone, and made a statement: "China's overall situation is in danger of causing a complete rupture and expanding into a full-scale civil war." Occupy the five main areas of the CCP by force, and then either stop fighting or continue to fight again. The civil war depends entirely on whether it is in his best interest. Therefore, the CCP cannot always be in a position of not counterattacking.Zhou Enlai once again emphasized that one of the main reasons why the Kuomintang dared to launch a brutal civil war was because of the support of the US government.If the U.S. stops aiding Chiang and withdraws U.S. troops stationed in China, peace can be achieved.

When some media claimed that the remaining materials sold by the United States to the Kuomintang government were for civilian use, Zhou Enlai sternly refuted that: the types and quantities of the materials should be announced in detail, otherwise a verbal statement that the materials were not military supplies would not be enough to convince people. The concise speech not only expressed his worry about the future of peace, but also expressed his determination to accompany the Kuomintang militants who provoked a full-scale civil war to the end, and it was also a powerful warning to them! At noon of the same day, Ke Wen, a reporter from the American "One World", came to Meiyuan New Village to tell Zhou Enlai that his interview speech had been broadcast in the United States. With 8:3 in favor of withdrawing US troops stationed in China.Since Zhou Enlai went to Shanghai and did not return, Comrade Dong Biwu expressed his gratitude to him after receiving him.

After Ke Wen left Meiyuan New Village, Dong Biwu immediately asked Tong Xiaopeng to telegraph the news to Yan'an, and asked Yan'an to relay the news. Zhou Enlai's speech at the press conference was passed on to Marshall and Stuart on the same day. Leighton Stuart brought his secretary Fu Jingbo to No. 5 Ninghai Road to discuss with Marshall how to deal with it. After the meeting, Leighton Stuart suddenly found that the shrewd and capable general in front of him had only been gone for a few days, and he seemed to have aged a lot. He asked with concern, "Is the general feeling unwell?"

"Nanjing's weather is as difficult as that of the Chinese generals!" Marshall said angrily: "You came just in time. I just wanted to ask the gentlemen of the embassy what advice they have on the US mediation with China." "The Pacific goods sale agreement signed by Peterson and the government made me lie to Zhou Enlai." Leighton Stuart replied in frustration: "I didn't expect that they would sign the agreement so soon." "My Professor Leighton Stuart," Marshall continued to refer to him even though Leighton Stuart had been the ambassador to China for some time, "there are so many of your students in Yan'an, it is wrong to lie in front of them."

Marshall added: "You should know that the policy of the United States is not fully implemented in the War Department and the State Department." Leighton Stuart knew that Marshall had high prestige in Truman's mind, had a good personal relationship, and had more connections with the political circles.He also heard that Marshall might return to China as Secretary of State. Does China need to be adjusted?How the mediation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party will proceed, he has no idea.Therefore, he said in a concerned tone: "The United States is getting more and more difficult to mediate between the Nationalist government and the CCP. Should it be based on practical issues to draft a new proposal for the United States' China policy and send it to the State Council for new instructions from Washington?" .”

"Yes, I also have this plan," Marshall said: "This is the responsibility of the embassy, ​​and it is up to you to draft it!" "Okay, we will do this work right away." Leighton Stuart said, "Please indicate the main points of this document." Marshall did not shirk. He always believed that what he had done since he came to China was correct, and it was the only one that was in line with the interests of the United States.He went to the wine cabinet and poured two glasses of whiskey, one for Leighton Stuart, one in his hand, smelled it, held it in his hand again, leaned on the chair and squinted his eyes.

Leighton Stuart signaled Fu Jingbo to prepare notes quickly. "We are based on the assumption of the existence of a civil war in China, and we need to reconsider the U.S. position and decide on action steps based on the situation." Facing the window, Marshall continued seemingly half-seeing: "The beginning of the proposal should be explained. The pressing factor is that the continuation of the civil war in China will inevitably lead to and promote the Soviet Union's interest in the conflict in China and increase its hope that the United States may withdraw from China as a result of these developments. The political expansion of the Soviet Union to China will constitute a threat to the United States. Therefore, the most important thing is that the United States must continue to exist in China; at the same time, the United States must adhere to its political goal, that is, to create a unified China. The first step towards this goal is to achieve an armistice. Therefore, we Strategies to achieve immediate goals need to be reexamined and revised in light of recent developments."

Leighton Stuart couldn't help admiring from his heart that Marshall really deserved to be an excellent military commander in World War II, and he would never have such strategic thinking.He nodded frequently and didn't interrupt for fear of disturbing Marshall's thinking. Marshall added: "If the United States withdrew its aid to the government of China it recognized, and adopted a policy of impartiality, as it is commonly called, without giving that government its full support and material force necessary to deal with the Communists, it might equally be Unrealistic. If this is the case, it will discriminate against the government that owns most of China, and the final result will be a chaotic state. If this is the case, it will also discriminate against a large part of the Chinese people. At a certain stage, it is almost inevitable that the Soviet Union will Advancing its interests to support the Chinese Communist Party, overtly or implicitly, could eventually lead to a serious conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union."

Marshall eloquently expressed his opinions, and Fu Jingbo quickly recorded them. On September 6, this "Policy Memorandum (Draft)" document, which was sent to the US State Department in the name of the US Embassy in China and marked "Top Secret", flew to Washington. This document clearly puts forward: "The alternative policy is to conditionally support the National Government and use this support as the only lever to influence the Central Government to make some reasonable compromises in the overall political situation. In continuing to support the National Government Under the circumstances, it will be self-evident that the Chairman will go his own way and effectively control the political situation in Kuomintang China. ... But we must restrain those aids that would encourage him to think that he can solve China's problems by force. ... United States The goal must be to convince the Chairman that a military solution is impossible." Compared with the China policy formulated by the United States in 1945, the basic points of this new China policy memorandum remain unchanged.First of all, they all started from the post-war global strategy, especially the Soviet strategy, and considered China's issues; second, the fundamental goal of the China policy has not changed, and they all regard supporting the Chiang Kai-shek government as the object of assistance.The new "Memorandum of Policy on China" enriched the principles of China policy on the basis of fully expounding its own views, changing unconditional support for the Kuomintang government represented by Chiang Kai-shek to "conditional" assistance; and "conditional" Assistance, just to make him realize that "military means are impossible to solve the problem."Therefore, it is doomed to fail to mediate the Kuomintang-Communist peace talks with this China policy that lacks theoretical basis, and it also dooms Marshall's so-called "fair mediation" to be unfair. On the afternoon of September 3, after Zhou Enlai flew back to Nanjing from Shanghai, he received Wu Tiecheng and Zhang Lisheng, representatives of the National Government of the informal group of five designated by Chiang Kai-shek, in Meiyuan New Village, and discussed the informal group meeting and the reorganization of the government. Zhou Enlai, Wu Tiecheng, and Zhang Lisheng are old negotiating opponents, and he and Zhang Lisheng are still old classmates at Nankai School in Tianjin. Zhang Lisheng was born in 1900, with the style name Shaowu, from Leting, Hebei. In 1917, he was admitted to Tianjin Nankai School with honors. In 1920, he arrived in France with the support of relatives and friends, and was admitted to the University of Paris. Joined the Nationalist Party in Paris in 1923.At that time, during the period of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, more than 80 members of the Communist Party of China and the Socialist Youth League in Europe, including Zhou Enlai and Li Fuchun, joined the Kuomintang organization in Europe as individuals. In 1924, the Paris branch of the Kuomintang was established. When the executive committee was elected, Zhang Lisheng, Zhou Enlai and others were elected at the same time, and Li Fuchun was elected as the supervisory committee member.At this time, the young and energetic Zhang Lisheng often had disputes with the equally young Zhou Enlai and Li Fuchun.He is extremely hostile to the communist movement, and believes that the three major policies advocated by Sun Yat-sen, "union with Russia, alliance with the Communist Party, and support for workers and peasants," are the infiltration conspiracy of the Communist Party. , and killed Sun Yat-sen to sacrifice the red flag", the arrogance was very arrogant. In the summer of 1925, Zhang Lisheng returned to China and first taught at Shanghai University. Later, he got acquainted with Chen Guofu and became the director of the Political Department of the Tenth Army of the Northern Expedition Army.After the establishment of the Nanjing National Government, due to Zhang You's anti-communist experience in Paris, France, and the recommendation of Shao Yuanchong and Chen Guofu, he served as a supervisory member of the Nanjing City Party Committee of the Kuomintang. In March 1929, Zhang Lisheng was "appointed by the Central Committee" to attend the Third National Congress of the Kuomintang. After the meeting, he served as Secretary of the Organization Department of the Central Committee and became an important member of the CC faction. In 1932, when Zhang Lisheng served as the "chairman's military representative stationed in Peiping", he successfully lobbied non-Jiang's military chiefs Shang Zhen, Song Zheyuan, Qin Dechun, Pang Bingxun, Gao Guizi and other generals in North China to "support the central government and obey the leaders" and unify North China. Party affairs won the favor of Chiang Kai-shek, and thus entered the central organization of the Kuomintang.After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, Zhang Lisheng served as the Minister of the Interior of the Executive Yuan. After Chiang Kai-shek announced the convening of the National Assembly, he presided over the "election" of the National Assembly representatives and concurrently served as the deputy director of the National Assembly Representative Office. Wu Tiecheng was born in 1888. He was originally from Xiangshan, Guangdong. He studied in Jiujiang Church School in his early years. He joined the Tongmenghui in 1909 and was one of the first members of the Chinese Revolutionary Party. He fled to Japan and studied law at Meiji University.He followed Sun Yat-sen in his early years, and later turned to darkness, sabotaged the labor movement, and participated in the murder of Liao Zhongkai. After Chiang Kai-shek launched the April 12 coup, he fell into Chiang Kai-shek's arms and urged Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei's "Ninghan" to join forces.After the Huanggutun incident, out of his trust in Chiang Kai-shek, he went to the Northeast to lobby Zhang "Young Marshal" and urge him to change his flag in the Northeast. This was the most exciting and proudest masterpiece in his life, and he became Chiang Kai-shek's right-hand man . In 1939, Wu Tiecheng went to Chongqing, under the secret order of Chiang Kai-shek, to preside over the party affairs of the Hong Kong and Macao Kuomintang.After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, Wu Tiecheng, as one of the representatives of the Kuomintang CPPCC, joined forces with Chiang Kai-shek on issues of nationalization of the military and political democratization. The meeting was held in the small conference hall No. 17 of Meiyuan New Village, and Dong Biwu and Liao Chengzhi attended the meeting. Zhou Enlai: "The conditions here are not as good as those of Secretary-General Wu and Minister Zhang. Please sit down wherever you want." "Where, where," Wu Tiecheng said, sitting down on the sofa. "The presence of the two masters, does it bring us any good news!" Zhou Enlai said preemptively. "At the chairman's order, let's have a detailed discussion with Your Excellency on when to formally start the informal five-member meeting." Wu Tiecheng replied. "We raised the issue that the government should guarantee an armistice and withdraw the five conditions before convening the five-member meeting. I don't know what considerations we have?" Zhou Enlai said. Zhang Lisheng said: "The national army was ordered to take over the local government and important transportation routes. The responsibility for initiating the conflict does not lie with the national army. Besides, the truce is a matter for both sides." Wu Tiecheng continued: "The so-called five conditions are not a question of the government giving up, but a question of how the CCP implements them." Zhou Enlai said calmly and aggressively: "Minister Zhang, before the five-member meeting, let's not say that the reorganization of the government should be discussed by the CPPCC group, and the five-member meeting is against the resolution of the CPPCC. Here, I think there are two things first. There are two issues to be clarified: first, when the reorganization of the government is discussed clearly, whether the war will be ceased immediately; second, after the reorganization of the government is discussed, whether the government will abandon the so-called five conditions.If this is the case, it is easy to talk about the reorganization of the government, because according to the resolution of the CPPCC to reorganize the government, there are only two points to be discussed. One is the distribution of the 20 government committees outside the Kuomintang; The problem.The question is whether the government has sincerity. "If the government fails to cease fighting immediately after reorganizing the government, such negotiations are insincere." Liao Chengzhi said. Dong Biwu said: The current style of play means that the Kuomintang does not want to reorganize the government or reject the CCP’s participation in the government. We suspect that the government does not give up the five conditions. We just want to talk about it on a different topic, and we are not willing to have an unconditional truce. 90% of the problems have been resolved in 6 months of negotiations, and Wang Shijie also said that 85% of the problems have been resolved.In the end, the Kuomintang proposed that the CCP withdraw from four regions, which later became five regions.The government knows that the CCP cannot agree, so it delays it. Zhou Enlai went on to say: Going further, if the issue of reorganization is discussed and the government still puts forward five demands, the problem will still be unresolved.In times of peace, negotiating to delay time can still be expected with patience; now that a war is ongoing, negotiating to delay time will only make the war worse and cause the people to suffer even greater disasters.We cannot be fooled by this.Therefore, these issues must be clarified, which is the key to the current negotiations. Zhang Lisheng, who has always been known as an iron mouth in the Kuomintang, was speechless at this time and had to say: "Come today, I want to report the preparations for the 'National Congress' to the CCP, and ask the CCP to consider submitting a proposal to participate in the National Congress meeting." list." Zhou Enlai: "The CCP's attitude has long been clear. If there is no war, the CCP cannot propose a list of participating countries." After a while, Zhang Lisheng said: "In this case, let's talk about it another day." After Zhang Lisheng and Wu Tiecheng left, the spokesperson of the CCP delegation immediately made a speech to the visiting reporters based on the speeches of Zhou Enlai and Dong Biwu: If the government cannot cease fighting immediately after reorganization, such negotiations are insincere. Before the group meeting, they were competing to use a large amount of wartime surplus to support Chiang, not really wanting peace. Shen Junru made a speech at the headquarters of the Democratic League in Lanjiazhuang, expressing pessimism about the informal five-member group meeting that was going to be held under artillery fire, and said bluntly: the reorganization of the government should be negotiated by the representatives of the CPPCC, and today the other parties have been put aside. It shows that the government is insincere. Luo Longji and Zhang Bojun spoke to reporters in Shanghai and said: The negotiations on reorganizing the government must follow the resolutions of the CPPCC. The current discussions on reorganizing the government are just a smoke screen for the government to engage in a full-scale civil war. The Democratic League will never recognize any negotiations that violate the resolutions of the CPPCC. Li Jishen also made a speech, arguing that the U.S. policy toward China should not be based on its superficial talk of mediation, but on its actual practices.He added that peace assurances should be obtained before an informal five-member group meeting is held.