Chapter 4 Chapter 1 Networking
When the Japan-U.S. peace treaty was about to be concluded, the two parties engaged in various activities to conclude the Japan-U.S. security treaty, one of which was intelligence activities of great concern to the U.S. side.
Once the peace treaty came into force, Japan became an independent country, at least formally.The work of collecting intelligence on the communist circle during the occupation has so far been in the hands of the intelligence department of the U.S. Army Command in Japan.While occupying, the U.S. military set up various intelligence agencies.In addition to the Intelligence Department, there were also Civil Intelligence Department, Civil Intelligence Education Bureau, Publication Inspection Department, etc.The Eighth Army Headquarters in Yokohama, which is in charge of local administration, has a counterintelligence team directly under the Ministry of Intelligence.In addition, there are naval intelligence teams, air force intelligence teams, etc.
The question is how to fill the vacuum left after the withdrawal of these institutions after the occupation ends.
In the middle of the government, there was an agency called the Special Examination Bureau of the Ministry of Justice.This is the agency responsible for reviewing who should be listed as targets of purges.Initially, the purges were aimed at soldiers, politicians, and people in the financial industry who were related to militarism, but as the occupation policy changed, the targets of the purges also shifted from the right to the left.This agency is responsible for reviewing who should be listed as the targets of "red" purges.However, this organ is mainly composed of personnel from the prosecutorial authority and is not qualified to engage in broader intelligence activities.In any case, it is necessary to set up a strong and comprehensive intelligence department.The United States hopes this way, and the Japanese side also feels that it is necessary.
The person who was most enthusiastic about setting up this new intelligence department was Deputy Prime Minister Munakata Shu.
Munakata had experience as the president of an intelligence agency during the war.He turned out to be a journalist.Based on his own experience in this area, he has his own opinion on the new intelligence department.
But if the idea were suddenly revealed, it would of course come under attack from the left and other progressives who would accuse the "Intelligence Service" of being revived.Munakata considers setting up an "investigation department" for the time being.
Munakata told the Prime Minister Hisagata his opinion.
"Just do what you want," Kuga replied at the time.
Munakata's idea was that since the investigation department was engaged in the collection of foreign intelligence, the personnel would not be provided by one official department, but young and promising people would be mobilized by each province, and each of them would work in a department according to their respective professional duties.Therefore, it was decided to select staff from among officials from the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of International Trade and Industry, and the former Ministry of Internal Affairs.
It makes sense to choose personnel for this agency from among the officials of the old Ministry of Internal Affairs.In short, only people with considerable experience can engage in such special intelligence activities.Before the war, Japan had a super high police force, which was under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.Munakata considered not only using the former Ministry of Internal Affairs officials from the ultra-high system as members of the new investigation department, but also letting them be in charge.
Munakata had another idea.
That is, he is not satisfied with just letting officials serve as personnel of this agency, and wants to collect intelligence materials from a wide range of civilians.Munakata was originally from a newspaper office, so he considered using the institutions of Japan's influential newspaper offices and news agencies to carry out intelligence activities.But Munakata never mentioned this idea to Prime Minister Kuga.
Munakata plans to set up a transitional investigation department first, and then discuss with his own think tank in order to realize his ideal.
The organization of the new investigation department that Kui and Munakata have studied is directly under the Prime Minister's Office, and members are sent from various provinces. In terms of establishment, the minister of this department is under the leadership of the Chief Cabinet Secretary.
What makes Munakata feel awkward is: who will be the first minister.Regarding the candidates, he does have two or three secret cases.But Munakata, who is not a bureaucrat, is not sure about this.He went to discuss with Prime Minister Kuga.
"yes."
After listening to Munakata's words, I kept smoking my cigar.He had a displeased look on his face and looked away.
After a while, Kui said reluctantly:
"The candidate, what about Kawakami who used to be my secretary? He is probably a minister in the National Police Headquarters now."
Munakata didn't know Kawakami.He thought, I recommended Kawakami for a long time, probably because of the personal relationship that Kawakami once served as his secretary.Munakata only gave a nondescript answer on the spot and went back, but he immediately ordered his cronies to investigate Kawakami Kyuichiro according to his method.
It was only then that it was found out that what the Prime Minister said was not out of personal relationship.Kawakami Kyuichiro was born in Tokyo. After graduating from the University of Tokyo Law School, he worked in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, mainly in the police force.During the war, he was also stationed in Shanghai and served as a foreign affairs policeman.During this period, he seems to have had various contacts with the local Japanese secret service.After the war, he successively served as the Captain of the Iwate Police and Secretary to Prime Minister Kuga.This is due to someone's recommendation.As the prime minister said, he is currently the deputy head of the security department of the National Police Headquarters in charge of public security, and it has been found out that he is stronger than the head of the security department.In addition, I also learned that he is a special figure among the so-called bureaucrats, regardless of his work ability or fighting spirit.
Munakata also investigated the so-called "Shanghai organs" during the war.It was found that the agencies included Manchurian Railway Investigation Bureau, consulate police, military secret service agencies, gendarmerie system, and personnel from the Shanghai Ministry of Industry Bureau system.In addition, there are officials sent by the Ministry of the Interior and officials sent by the Ministry of Transport to engage in intelligence activities or spy work.
Based on the resume of Kawakami Kyuichiro recommended by Prime Minister Kuga, Munakata concluded that he was qualified as the first Minister of Investigation.
The appointment of the special investigation minister of the Prime Minister's Office to Kawakami Kyuichiro was issued in February of Showa 27, when the peace treaty was about to take effect.
On the one hand, it was also due to the personal relationship of having served as secretary to Kuga. After receiving the order of appointment, Kawakami went to the private residence of Prime Minister Kuga to meet with him.
The private residence is located in a pine forest overlooking the Zushi Sea.
Kawakami Kyuichiro waited for a long time in the reception room.He knows my habits for a long time.Since he had worked as a secretary here, all the servants in the mansion are familiar with him.Even so, he still had to wait in the cold room for over an hour.
There are still many guests.There are people from political parties and ministers waiting in the ordinary reception room, so Kawakami deliberately went to the waiting room to play.
"Mr. Kawakami, the Prime Minister invites you to go."
The maid who had known him before greeted him in a friendly tone.
When Kawakami Kyuichiro was walking to the prime minister's room, he met a tall, stern-faced middle-aged man in the corridor.
The other party greeted first:
"Yo!"
He served in the Democratic Constitution Party.However, Kawakami Kyuichiro did not know this person when he was a secretary.When he was in Shanghai, he worked in the same organization as this person.At that time, he was an official of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and this person was a dispatch officer of the Ministry of Transport.
This person worked as a second minister, and later entered the political world, and now he has become one of Kuga's so-called confidantes.
"Yo!" He looked at Kawakami with his big eyes, showing his white teeth, and asked with a pleasant smile, "I heard you have another job this time?"
I don't know when, his attitude also brought out majesty.Although an old acquaintance, Kawakami realized that he was just a minister.
That's all he said.The tall general secretary of the ruling party swaggered away.Kawakami knew that the Prime Minister had already talked to "him" about the personnel issues of this agency.
It was very difficult for Kawakami Kyuichiro to meet Prime Minister Kuga.For a long time, I was wearing a dark brown kimono as usual, and my body was buried in the cushions.As soon as Kawakami walked in, he glanced at Kawakami through his glasses, and threw the British magazine he was reading on the coffee table next to him.
Kawakami Kyuichiro bowed cautiously.It was the Prime Minister who recommended himself as the first Minister of Special Investigations.This kindness and his new responsibility and ambition made him tremble with excitement.
"Anyway, do it well."
The prime minister has a gentle smile on his face, and he is a nice and well-rounded gentleman.Because of his many years of life as a diplomat, he usually behaves very elegantly.No matter what kind of person, as long as they come in front of this old man, they will feel discouraged.This is not only due to the fact that the old man has suddenly assumed power in the party recently, but also due to his demeanor.His father-in-law was an important minister who served in the court, and his wife died long ago.Therefore, the old man still exudes an air of nobility.
Considering the prime minister's busy schedule, Kawakami Kyuichiro only stayed for less than five minutes.
The Prime Minister said: "Munakata-kun seems to be very hardworking, you should discuss it with him."
Encouraged by this encouragement, Kawakami Kyuichiro bid farewell to the Prime Minister and left.The secretary came in and said that someone was coming to visit again. The old man asked the visitor to wait for a while, and then picked up the British magazine again.The sunlight coming in from the window hit the old man's short back neck and broad shoulders.This beach is about three degrees warmer than Tokyo.
A middle-aged woman walked in without knocking.
"Daddy," she greeted the old prime minister. "Just now, it seems that Chuan Shang came. He hasn't been here for a long time."
"Yes." The old man answered his daughter.
The daughter was thirty-seven years old, and she looked very much like the old man's late wife.She has three children and is a woman who likes to snoop too much into politics.
The daughter asked:
"What is Kawakami doing at our house?"
Father replied:
"He came to say hello."
"Hmph, did you send him on an errand?"
"An agency called the Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister's Office was established and he was appointed minister."
"Was that Grandpa's idea?"
The daughter probably didn't like Kawakami Kyuichiro very much, so she showed a displeased expression when she asked.She is a person with distinct likes and dislikes.
The old man replied briefly:
"I said it, and Munakata-kun also agreed."
"Mr. Munakata..."
The daughter stopped talking here, seemed to want to go on, and closed her mouth again.Her face became more and more unhappy. It seemed that this was because she heard the name Munakata after hearing Kawakami's name.The daughter is about to go out.
"what are you doing?"
The blinding sunlight from the shore illuminated the old man's glasses and half his face.
"Where are you playing golf?"
"Who's coming?"
"Mr. Kurokawa. And the child's father and Mr. Koide."
"Oh, no wonder Kurokawa came earlier."
The secretary came to report that there was another visitor.
Kawakami Kyuichiro met with Munakata several times to discuss the activities of the new investigation department.
Munakata said:
"It is best to use people from the special high system of the old Ministry of Internal Affairs. The purge of this group of people was lifted not long ago. However, if these people are used as subordinates, they will of course attract the attention of the outside world. Under the current situation, we must do our best. Maybe it’s better not to let this special investigation department attract the attention of the society.”
Kawakami Kyuichiro also had the same idea.The U.S. Army Command in Japan holds great power, and even though it has various U.S. secret agencies, it will not be openly criticized.However, if this kind of organization is publicly established in the Japanese government agencies, I don't know how fiercely it will be criticized by the wonderfully democratized public opinion circles.The formidable thing is public opinion.
The organization has been established, but what kind of staff is appropriate to deploy?Neither Munakata nor Kawakami has a good idea about this issue.
For example, the junior agents used by the Counterintelligence Squad or the Criminal Investigation Department are all Japanese.As far as the skills and experience of this group are concerned, it is convenient to keep them; but if things are exposed, it will be even worse.Furthermore, Munakata objected to the Japanese government continuing to take over such an intelligence agency affiliated to the U.S. General Command.According to his personal opinion, he also does not approve of it.
It is true that the staff of the investigation department is composed of officials sent by the provinces, but they cannot carry out activities in person.The work of collecting intelligence still has to be done by covert members to the front line.It is inappropriate to use the personnel of the old special high-level agency, and it is a problem to retain the low-level special agents such as the anti-espionage team. Even Kawakami Kyuichiro couldn't think of a way for a while.
After several consultations, Kawakami Kyuichiro met with Munakata, and that was the day after he went to Zushi's private residence to meet the Prime Minister before he took office.
At that time, Kawakami Kyuichiro suddenly saw the face of the General Secretary of the Democratic Constitution Party that he happened to see in the corridor of the prime minister's private residence.They were old acquaintances when they were working in Shanghai.The opponent is an official from the Ministry of Transport, and Kawakami is an official from the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Despite this difference, both are equally weathered.
However, what Kawakami Kyuichiro thought of was not the general affairs officer, but a person he and he had been close to at that time.
"Deputy Prime Minister!" he suddenly said excitedly. "He is a soldier. When he worked in Shanghai, he was famous for a while. He was a colonel. Now he must be living in seclusion in the countryside. If you discuss with him, maybe you will find a solution."
The Deputy Prime Minister said that might be a good idea.The Japan-U.S. Joint Committee of other departments has held several meetings, and the intelligence department still has no clue.This issue needs to be resolved quickly.
The next day, Kawakami Kyuichiro drove to the northern suburbs of Tokyo.
The old soldier rented a house where he could see the red flags of the racecourse and the rowing field.It was still cold, and a cold wind blew through this remote place of farmhouses and houses and woods.Dark clouds hung low, and the white fence of the racetrack stood out.
The colonel's name was Shigezo Yamada.After a few years of absence, the soldier's old look of sharpness has disappeared, and he has become a gentle country bumpkin.When he was in Shanghai, this man had a strong wrist and was highly valued. Both the Tojo government and the military trusted him.When it comes to the work of the "Mei" agency in Shanghai, relevant parties still give it a high evaluation.At the end of the war, Yamada Shigezo served in the Operations Department of the base camp, where he was in charge of strategy.The gray-haired, sunken-cheeked old man sitting in front of Kawakami Kyuichiro is the head of the "Mei" organization.
"I heard that you are very prosperous in politics." The old man said to Kawakami Kyuichiro.
Rather than saying that the two had been colleagues, it would be better to say that he was Kawakami's boss back then.
"What are you doing now?"
When the old man asked, Kawakami Kyuichiro told him his official position.
"In this regard, I have some things to ask you for advice, so I came here to visit."
"Well, what's the matter?"
The old man baked the rice cakes brought by the family on the brazier.He said that the rice cakes were made during the Lunar New Year.The smell like burnt leaves is tangy, rising with the green smoke.
In this regard, Kawakami Kyuichiro explained his purpose to the old man.Then, he asked the head of the "Mei" organization to consider a solution.
Colonel Yamada pondered for a while, and then replied as if he remembered it easily: "If this is the case, then someone who has worked under me before is suitable. Recently, there is a person who misses the past and comes to me from time to time. This His name is Okano. He used to be a member of the Communist Party. He was imprisoned in Fuchu Prison because he violated the Law of Maintaining Public Security. I got him out. He can speak Chinese, and I wanted to use him to deal with the CCP. .”
The old colonel took a sip of his tea.
"Try him, and he can do something. The man must be out of work. How about I talk to him?"
Okano is not the only one like this.Colonel Yamada also recommended several old subordinates who are now in Japan, including Koreans.
"Now this group of people seems to be secretly connected with the Kabia agency. But it will never be leaked, so you can use it with confidence."
Kamikuichiro was very happy after listening to Colonel Yamada's suggestion.
Colonel Yamada also talked about the future work of the Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister's Office based on his own experience.
"You probably have to adopt the American method in this regard," said the colonel. "But that alone is not in line with the special conditions of Japan. We are us, and I think we must have our own set of working methods."
After Kawakami Kyuichiro returned, he reported the above process to Deputy Prime Minister Munakata.
"Is it reliable?" The Deputy Prime Minister's leisurely face showed a slight shadow of worry.He was originally a peaceful man. "Anyway, the most important thing is not to draw public attention to the Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister's Office. It's okay to use those people, but Kawakami-kun, please be very careful."
"understood."
And so it was decided.
But after the deputy prime minister sent Kawakami back, he still looked unhappy.As far as this person's personality is concerned, he is not very enthusiastic about what he just talked about.According to what he meant, instead of making this agency possess a strategic nature, it would be better to set up another more formal intelligence agency in the future.However, according to what Kawakami Kyuichiro just said, the strategic color of this organization is actually stronger.The Deputy Prime Minister is not too sure about this.He squinted a pair of thin eyes, watching the cigarette drifting away slowly from his mouth.
On the other hand, Kawakami Kyuichiro also has some suspenseful things.That was what Colonel Yamada said inadvertently when recalling the past.
"The special investigation department is composed of staff sent by the provinces. Is this a good way? To tell you the truth, the idea of competing for spheres of influence among officials is very strong. I suffered from it when I was in Shanghai. If this As long as it goes well, otherwise, maybe you will suffer the same as me."
In fact, even if Yamada doesn't remind him, this is exactly what Kawakami Kyuichiro is currently worried about.That tendency is now evident among the provincial officials under his leadership.
Kawakami Kyuichiro was deeply impressed by how fierce the struggle for power among bureaucrats was.That was when he was the captain of the Iwate prefectural police.
At that time, at the end of the year, Manchuria fell into the hands of the CCP.If the situation continues like this, the whole of China will be controlled by the CCP.Nobuo Ito, who served as deputy secretary-general of the League of Nations and head of the Intelligence Bureau during the war, wrote a letter to the former U.S. representative to the League of Nations who he had known while serving in the League of Nations.
The letter said: "The United States' policy toward China is not thorough, and it should intervene in the civil war by force." The letter was immediately transferred from Washington to Tokyo.At the beginning of Showa 24, Ito received a notice to summon him from the intelligence department of the US military headquarters in Japan.
Ito went there immediately, and he was met by Brigadier General Williams, the chief of intelligence.Williams showed him the letter Ito had written to the former U.S. ambassador to the League of Nations and asked him what was the basis for his advice.
Therefore, Nobuo Ito said that under the current situation, it is necessary to strengthen the collection of intelligence on the CCP and North Korea.During his tenure in Geneva, he had lived in the center of the international intelligence network, and because he served as the president of the intelligence bureau, he had certain insights into intelligence work.It is not difficult to imagine that Williams nodded repeatedly to Nobuo Ito's statement.
At the time, Williams asked:
"Then by what means should this work be carried out?"
Ito said that he would reply after thinking about it, and went back.A few days later he appeared again at the U.S. Army Headquarters in Japan, met with Williams, and discussed things like this:
"It is impossible to infiltrate into North Korea or Manchuria by ordinary means, and the staff can be transported ashore by smuggling boats."
Minister Williams was intrigued by the proposal.He immediately introduces his subordinate, Lieutenant Colonel Kabia, who is in charge of an agency of the counterintelligence team, to Ito.Kabia met with Ito to ensure full assistance in the implementation of the plan and to ensure the safety of the staff.
After discussing with the people around him, Nobuo Ito decided to send Kingoro Kamagi, who had worked in the secret service in China and was engaged in smuggling many times after the war, to do this.
Kamaki accepted the task.He also planned with two friends who had engaged in espionage activities in China with him during the war, and through a certain person, proposed to the executive director of a well-known precision instrument manufacturing company a plan to smuggle trade with the CCP.
At that time, the precision instrument manufacturing company was already considering how to conduct trade with the CCP in the future, thinking that this matter could become a test of trade with the CCP, it accepted the request of Kamaki and others.The managing director provided funds and goods, and former directors of companies of the same system marshaled the ships.It was also decided that the goods carried back from there would be sold through this person.
After everything was ready, in October of the 24th year of Showa, the ship sailed from Katsuura in Wakayama Prefecture to Osaka.The ship was named Mikasa Maru, weighed ninety-four tons, and had seven crew members under the captain.Precision instrument parts worth approximately 9 million yen were loaded onto the ship.At this time, due to unclear procedures, there was an incident that was reported by Osaka Customs.In short, the ship sailed from Osaka on the night of October 9th.On the way, three Japanese who claimed to be Japanese, as well as Chinese and North Koreans boarded the ship in Hakata, and the ship arrived at Wonsan Port at the end of the month.
In Wonsan, only three people landed, and it took three weeks to collect information on the strength of the CCP’s army, which occupied almost all of China at that time, North Korea’s military and social conditions, and its military relationship with the CCP. Some files were collected.On November 21, the ship was loaded with salted cod roe and sea urchins worth about 6 million yen, and sailed out of Wonsan Port, leaving only one person on land.
The ship sailed to Fushigi Port in Toyama Prefecture, because it had made an appointment with the US military to stop at the port on the return trip.
However, due to the typhoon in the middle, it was decided not to sail into Fushigi Port, but went straight across the sea in Shimane Prefecture, and returned to Katsuura in Wakayama Prefecture along the west coast of Yamaguchi Prefecture through the Kanmon Strait.
In order to communicate, one person was allowed to go ashore at Hamada Port in Shimane Prefecture at this time.The ship arrived at Katsuura Port at the end of November, and Kabaki, who met in Osaka, handed over the documents and information to the Kabia agency.
However, in January of the following year, seven people including Kamaki and the executive director of the precision instrument manufacturing company were suddenly arrested on suspicion of smuggling, and were prosecuted by the Osaka District Prosecutor's Office.
Upon hearing the news, Nobuo Ito immediately asked the US to try to release this group of people.However, the U.S. military said that six gendarmes were sent to Fushiki Port to protect them, but the ship sailed back to Katsuura.
Afterwards, the U.S. military stepped up surveillance, and even sent special agents to attend the court trial, and asked the deputy prosecutor in charge to submit a report to the U.S. military.Defendant Kamaki was not only under surveillance at ordinary times, but in April 1975, when he returned to Tokyo after being interrogated by the Osaka District Public Prosecutor's Office, he was captured by the U.S. military in Ginza in broad daylight and imprisoned near Sugamo. what happened in a building ofThe U.S. military once released him, but in the summer of the same year, Kamagi was arrested again on the charge of conspiring with North Korean espionage, and he was still in Sugamo Prison.
When the Osaka District Court held a public trial, it requested extradition. The U.S. military claimed that Kamaki was ill, so they sent him to a U.S. military hospital for house arrest for a month.
It is a well-known fact that this smuggling ship was sent to North Korea with the understanding of the US military.Ito even asked Kabia for an agreement including eight understandings to protect the personal safety of Kamaki and others.
There was nothing wrong with Nobuo Ito.He had interviewed Intelligence Secretary Williams, who introduced him to Kabia.At the beginning, the US military even guaranteed their personal safety, and promised to provide full assistance to the plan.Now, under the pretext that the ship did not call at Fushigi Port, which is a trivial breach of contract, the authorities are instructing the authorities to prosecute the staff on suspicion of smuggling and imprison them. What is the reason for this?
The problem was that the planner for this particular job was Nobuo Ito, an official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.This angered the officials of the Ministry of the Interior, because outsiders randomly intruded into their sphere of influence and disrupted their work, and the prosecutorial authority, who had a good relationship with the Civil Affairs Bureau of the US General Command, seemed to have a hand.The Ministry of Intelligence has always been at odds with the Civil Affairs Bureau.But the real problem with this matter is that Nobuo Ito is not an official of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.Nobuo Ito, a well-known figure in the world and the former president of the Intelligence Bureau, has come to such a fate.
When Kawakami Kyuichiro recalled this incident, he thought of how fierce the struggle for power among bureaucrats was.
But Kawakami Kyuichiro is very confident.As soon as he entered the Ministry of Internal Affairs after graduating from university, he saw how bureaucrats and such people only know how to defend themselves desperately, but they are incompetent for their work.
Kawakami Kyuichiro was very disgusted with this phenomenon.Or rather, it was because of his conceit that he had such an idea.He often said to his confidants:
"I hate the bureaucrats of today. Therefore, although I am an official myself, I have to do things that those guys can't do. So I always work with my resignation letter."
This is what he said to his confidant subordinates, and he said it after drinking, but he did have such determination.When Kawakami Kyuichiro accepted the appointment of the first head of the Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister's Office, his determination was even greater.He himself believes that, in a sense, this is almost a tragic determination.
Now, in his investigative department, there are officials transferred from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance and Ministry of International Trade and Industry.To be precise, they represent the power of their respective agencies. The officials verbally say they are loyal to the country, but in fact they are loyal to the original agency.They fight for the budget of the original agency.The same is true for expenditures, which are not so much for the country as for the institutions.Allegiance to the agency directly means that one's status will rise.
The authorities once threatened in the society that the Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister’s Office was doing the propaganda work of the cabinet.Because of the suspicion that it was a remake of the War Intelligence Service, the staff needed to be more circumspect and present themselves as law-abiding officers.Furthermore, within the scope of their responsibilities, they must achieve their original purpose—intelligence activities.
They set up the headquarters of the investigation department behind the building of the Prime Minister's Office, where they work.Every staff member must effectively master their own intelligence network, and must have an "organ" named after him.If the staff member's surname is Xiaolin, it is called "Xiaolin's organ".Moreover, when contacting each other in espionage activities, if you are not careful, you will be copied by the other party, so you can't be paralyzed.Depending on its nature and content, intelligence activities are sometimes under the Ministry of Finance, sometimes within the Ministry of International Trade and Industry, and sometimes by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.It is also listed as a job at the police department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.As the head of the special investigation department, this is troublesome and nerve-wracking.
To make matters worse, there are factional struggles between the police and the administrative system as well as Ministry of Internal Affairs officials.As far as the police are concerned, there are all kinds of complicated systems, constantly waiting for opportunities to take advantage of the opponent's loopholes.Officials are like that, biting each other.
After the "peace treaty" came into force, members of the United States and Japan sent to the "liaison agreement on intelligence liaison between the intelligence agencies of the US government and the intelligence agencies of the US military and security countermeasures against Soviet representatives" held meetings from time to time.
From the Japanese side, the chief or deputy ministers of the National Police, the Security Agency, the Public Security Investigation Agency, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Justice were present.Kawakami served as secretary of the Japan-U.S. Joint Commission because of his position as Minister of Special Investigations in the Prime Minister's Office—a government agency most suited to the nature of these meetings.
On the other hand, it is also because Kawakami Kyuichiro is very enthusiastic about chairing such a Japan-U.S. joint committee.
In order to hold this meeting, strict security measures have been taken on the venue.In order to maintain the confidentiality of the meeting, not only the personal resumes of the meeting attendees must be reviewed one by one, but also the relationship behind them must be checked, and special passes or badges must be shown to enter the venue.Control and management around the venue, security monitoring in the area, and safety signals are all taken into consideration.For this purpose, a rehearsal was also held.
In order to arrange the meeting place, the detailed list of spare parts listed by the duty officer is as follows:
Desks (meeting tables, coffee tables, desks), chairs, paper, pencils, ashtrays (for desks, for floors), name tags, cigarettes, cigars, matches, lighters, coffee, tea, easels, blackboards , chalk, charts, sticks, slides.
Just by browsing the detailed list of these items, you can infer what the venue will look like.
But at the meeting, it was mainly the US members who spoke.They said that the intelligence agencies to be set up by Japan in the future should mainly follow the form of the US Central Intelligence Agency.They also passed on various experiences from the technical side.Then an officer of the Second World War must explain the current situation in Asia, especially the situation in the Soviet Union, the Chinese Communist Party and North Korea.
Although it is an exchange of information, the US committee members do not expect the Japanese side to provide information.They know everything about the situation like the back of their hands, and the Japanese side is far behind.As the meetings were held time and time again, it turned out that the Japanese side always listened to the US side's explanations.
At that time, the idea of the United States was that the Japanese government should set up an institution such as the "Japan Defense Commission", and said that it would be best to let members of the existing security ministerial meeting participate in this institution.Under this agency, another agency such as the Central Intelligence Agency will be set up, and it will set up the Japanese Intelligence Liaison Committee.Each of these institutions has its own committee, agency committee, and special committee.In order to keep such information confidential, a "Japanese Intelligence Security Committee" should also be established.
This institution is exactly the same form as the American institution.The idea at the time was to develop the current Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister's Office into a "Central Intelligence Agency".
In short, the US garrison at that time had various intelligence agencies.Assuming that these intelligence agencies are X, the Intelligence Liaison Committee of the U.S. Army in Japan is maintained by X's contacts.This committee is composed of members of the army, navy and air force, and is divided into the main committee, the acting committee, and the special committee.It also has an Intelligence Security Committee, made up of other responsible officials from the same agency.In the Japan-U.S. Joint Commission, the future Japanese government agencies in the minds of the U.S. side are generally modeled on their own organizations.
However, despite such an idea in terms of organizational form, it has not achieved much results in practice.Because Japan's intelligence-gathering agencies are extremely weak, while the US agencies are extremely powerful.
Although it is said that the two sides are exchanging information, the information on the Japanese side is inherently poor, and the US's own intelligence is within the scope of its own confidentiality, and it is unwilling to provide it to the Japanese side.
As its reason, the US excuse is that Japan has not yet enacted any anti-espionage laws and regulations.
For example, for the sake of military security, the U.S. once classified official information obtained from agencies other than the Ministry of Defense into three categories: Top Secret, Secret, and Confidential.Among them, if the "top secret" information is leaked to people other than the parties concerned, it will cause more serious consequences than the following (1) or (2). (1) Foreign governments wage war against the United States in response to leaked plans or intentions. (2) Once the war starts, the US combat plan will be thwarted. (3) Due to the fact that the United States lost important scientific or technological advantages in the military, during the war or in the course of major operations, the results of the war were substantially affected.
Since the US intelligence is divided into these three categories, even if it belongs to the "confidential" category, they are reluctant to disclose it to the Japanese side.The U.S. believes that there are many staff members of the Communist Party or spies who are on the side of the Communist Party in Japan.They accused the Japanese government of not formulating any regulations to ban it, and there are loopholes everywhere.
In short, the Japan-U.S. Joint Committee is nothing more than conducting some transactional and formal consultations.Because the Japanese side could not provide any information with content, while the US side refused to provide it.The frequent requests for information from the Japanese side finally aroused the displeasure of the US side.
Kawakami, who attended these meetings of the Japan-U.S. Joint Commission as a secretary, learned a lesson.
That is: Japan feels more and more urgently that it needs to establish its own intelligence agency.
Of course, the United States does not completely refuse to provide information.But that is all information that does not involve national secrets.That would be of no use.
The same is true of the Joint Commission.In terms of the work of the Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister's Office, the United States has not come up with many effective measures.The main method adopted by the Japanese side is the so-called archival work.
According to the U.S. side, so far, the archives preservation method adopted by the old super high-level agencies in Japan is old-fashioned, fabricated, and very inefficient.The United States pointed out that it is an extremely clumsy management method to bind documents together with the tape unique to government agencies, and taught Japan the card method adopted by its own country.
The "archive management method" adopted by the US intelligence agencies is to record the experiences of people who need attention into cards, archive them, and classify them according to the decimal method.The number on each card also selects the decimal classification number for use.
Objects are classified by names of individuals, companies, associations, institutions, and geographical names.
This requires at least tens of thousands of objects to be registered.For this reason, it is stipulated that personal experience, family members, relatives, hobbies, hobbies, and daily actions need to be recorded on the card.There is also a full-length bust of myself on the card.The information must be such that in the event of an emergency, the cards can be used to immediately arrest or detain these persons if necessary.This system later became an important work of the Special Investigation Department of the Prime Minister's Office.
During this period, Kawakami Kyuichiro was very busy every day.For example, his notepad records the following items:
At thirteen o'clock on June 9 (Monday), there will be a meeting between the Japanese and American intelligence liaison officers.
At ten o'clock on the tenth (Tuesday), the cadres of the investigation department will meet.
Eleventh (Wednesday) Senate Security Meeting at 10:30.
At 14:00, the third strike countermeasure liaison meeting.
十八点三十分斗争对策联络会议。
十二日（星期四）十点学生问题对策联络碰头会。
十四点日美情报联络委员会日方委员联络会议。
十三日（星期五）十点日美情报联络干事碰头会。
十四日（星期六）十点有关管理朝鲜人间题联络碰头会。
这些会议都有川上久一郎参加。例如，科洛纳少校作为美军方面委员会代表出席日美情报联络干事碰头会。川上作为日方委员会代表到会。
参议院警备碰头会鉴于劳动治安关系法案的审议情况，在五月底到六月七日讨论维持参议院秩序问题和制订规章问题。参议院事务总长、警务部长、警视厅警备第一部长出席会议。
第三次罢工对策联络会议上，提出总评和劳斗（工会斗争联合会）联席会议的结果和有关纪念日的情报，就治安对策达成协议。法务厅、国家警察总部、劳动省、特审局、警视厅的负责人出席会议。
学生问题对策联络碰头会，是就学生最近的动向和涉及警察管理措施的各种问题设法增进有关方面人员的相互了解，查明问题所在，协商对策。除了治安机关，文部省和各大学的社会福利部长也出席。
有关管理朝鲜人问题的联络碰头会：由于日韩会谈没有解决任何问题就中断了，有关机关迫切希望政府就强制遣返以及管理在日本的朝鲜人问题迅速决定今后的方向和当前没有缔约的情况下的最高处理方针。因此，需要就这个问题进行协商，取得结果，向次官会议提出建议。治安机关、法务省和劳动省外，外务省、入国管理厅的负责人也出席。
就这样，川上久一郎有时作为干事，有时作为有关机关的负责人，参加了各种会议。
象这样连日参加会议的过程中，他仔细地思考着：无论如何，通过目前的机构收集情报是非常困难的。就拿一个工会来说吧，有关各委员的谈话听起来简直是敷衍门面，看法也幼稚。川上一听就知道各个委员根本没有触及问题的实质。
他开始考虑，在已经不能期待美方提供情报的今天，如果不设法想出独自的一套办法，将来的所谓“中央情报局”的计划也简直是空中楼阁了。
川上久一郎决心在自己的情报机关中起用山田上校。
川上久一郎的另一个困难是特别调查部的预算。
起先，他同宗像副首相商谈的时候，宗像说可以拨给大约一亿日元左右的预算。这么一小笔款子，当然什么事情也办不了。然而总理厅特别调查部的设立，如今引起了社会上的注意，众目睽睽，怀疑它不知会干出些什么勾当来。如果现在领取大笔预算，那就必然会引人注目，遭到攻击。调查部必须拿宣传活动作招牌，始终装成安分守己的样子。
但是，比方说，单是付给协助工作的民间人士的报酬，估计就需要二千四百万日元。向各团体支付的情报调查委托费估计需要五千四百万日元。此外，抄收电信及调查海外广播方面估计各需一千三百万日元。通信调查、对共产圈调查估计各需一千二百万日元。
上述各项开支即达一亿三千万日元。再加上其他经费，二亿日元也不够。再者，所谓报酬费是指支付情报工作人员的报酬，二千四百万日元究竟够用否，也没有把握。情报调查费和其他通信方面的支出，也是同样情况。凭这样微薄的预算，将来就不可能成为“中央情报局”那样一个机构的母体。总之，没有钱就收集不到象样的情报。
正因为川上久一郎与官房长官——在官制上是他的上司——合不来，他才就这些会议情况直接同宗像副首相进行商谈。川上久一郎所能依赖的当然只有宗像副首相。
川上还有下述想法：
要了解世界形势，单靠国内情报是不解决问题的，非派人驻在海外收集情报不可。
希望及早复活战前那样的体制。可是目前经费几乎是毫无着落。川上对这一点也感到恼火。
可是这时有人提出一个值得考虑的建议。
那个人建议通过作外汇生意来挣出特别调查部的经费。方案就是设法获得美元，筹措资金，摆脱微额预算的束缚。为此，应在西德设立日本大企业公司的海外办事处。也就是说，形式上作为日本大企业公司在西德派驻的海外人员，其实是在那里设置“特殊机关”，负责建立情报线路并筹措资金。
据那个人的意见，该大企业公司以代表日本钢铁界的日东制铁公司为宜。
川上久一郎对这个建议很感兴趣。这个方案中最可取的一点是：到海外去筹措资金，不会在日本国内引起问题，而且不会受国内任何人注意就能挣到美元资金。
“美国人也以非法手段挣了不少情报资金哩。”当时那个人对川上久一郎说。“不管怎么说，走私就是那些家伙的财源。他们还跟现在的东京黑市有密切联系。要说呢，C机关的头子不是也吸毒吗？有这样的传闻。据传，他贩毒，不知不觉地自己也上了瘾。”
美国是没有象旧日本军部那样的军事机密费的。预算是公开的，必须在会议上一一通过。因而驻日美军机关的经费光靠预算款额是维持不了的，当然只好采取就地筹措的非常手段。
川上久一郎恰好就在这个时期出差去九州——日东制铁公司总公司的所在地。当时，他在所乘的火车里不期遇见了经营总体协议会的副会长坂根重武。
川上久一郎曾想过早晚非见这个人不可。坂根原是个官员，以前由于某些机会见过川上两三次。在火车里，不知怎的就免了平日的客套，变得更自在一些。
由于近来经总协的实力大大增加了，川上久一郎才想要见见坂根重武。占领期间，非经美军总司令部经济科学局的谅解，任何事情也办不成。可是“和约”生效后，不经大企业联合团体的谅解，官僚仍然办不了事。近来，政府首脑当中与经总协频频接触的人越来越多。今后说不定要形成不仰仗驻日美军总司令部而仰仗经总协的局面。
可是，说实在的，川上久一郎不大了解坂根重武是个怎样的人物。他不过从传闻中得知，坂根在经总协的职位对外是个副会长，最多也就知道他在金融实业界是个举足轻重的人。从为人来看，他倒象是个绅士，作风稳重，看不出他有金融实业界人士特有的那种富豪派头。
川上久一郎心想：刚巧在适当的地方遇见了自己所要见的人。他一看见坂根，就想到在自己即将去设立的日东制铁公司地方办事处的问题上，有必要求得他的谅解。取得谅解，事情就好办了。
看样子坂根重武还带着秘书。要商谈的事情是复杂的，而且需要保密。他就特意邀坂根重武到餐车去。
他俩就在那里交谈了约三十分钟。
与其说是交谈，不如说是坂根重武默默地听对方讲。由于坂根没有什么反应，川上久一郎讲着讲着心里不安起来。坂根长的一副朴质相貌，望去不象个实业家，尽管他穿的西服还讲究，陌生人见了可能会把他估计作公司的科长或股长呢。
川上久一郎谈完之后，脸色畅快起来，因为坂根表示想了解特别调查部的工作情况。
川上久一郎立即领会了他的真意。
两个人从餐车上回到座位的时候，带着融洽地一起吃了夹肉面包的表情。他们互相介绍了自己的部下。就这样，在东京开往博多的列车中，他们创造了一小段历史。
川上久一郎从来还没有象现在这么受过预算的挟制。就以预算措施来说，又不能公开拿出“总理厅特别调查部”的名义。即使拿出来，也只不过能领到为数极微的经常费。连不足一亿日元的数额，名目上都要列为内阁官房室费。除此以外，就得暗中在其他项目的预算中来筹措。
一方面是由于受到过宗像副首相的鼓励，川上久一郎相信自己的工作是重要的。眼下日本无论如何需要这样的机构。必须重建战前规模的海外情报网，然而又不得不对社会有所顾忌，只能提心吊胆地制订隐蔽的预算，这有多么可怜啊。正因为预算这样紧，同经总协副会长商谈，确实使他感到愉快。
不过，川上久一郎必须防备着不要让其他官员拆他的台。正如山田上校所指出的，特别调查部是由各机关派出的官员组成的。他们各自企图发展自己的势力，摆出伺机打倒对方的架势。
现在的特别调查部工作人员就是这样。即使开会，意见也从来没有一致过。
他们互相隐瞒自己所掌握的情报，一心一意地想着独占情报网。每当有人谈什么情况，其他人就故意以怠慢的态度来听，似乎表示“这样的事情早就知道啦”。
每一次会议上，可以说人们自始至终都光是喝茶而已，根本谈不到各省派出的官员对这个特别调查部给予全面的协助。因为各省派出的官员心怀不满，认为调查部本身是被旧内务省官员把持着。
不仅川上久一郎抱有将来把总理厅特别调查部发展为中央情报局的腹案，久我首相和宗像副首相也各有各的想法。也就是说，大家都这样重视这个机关。正如川上和宗像的打算不同，宗像和久我首相的想法也不一样。而与宗像的想法相近的是原联合通讯社社长高岛伊太郎的方案。
上久一郎既担任了第一任调查部长，就也考虑到将来这个机关一旦发展成为中央情报局时，必然会由他自己担任总裁。本来，自从特别调查部成立以来，他就象规划者一样，比谁都热心。而且，他考虑到光凭日本国内的情报搞不出什么名堂来，感到有必要出国考察欧美各国的情报制度。
川上久一郎的最终目标是会见美国中央情报局局长艾伦·杜勒斯。一见到杜勒斯，杜勒斯大概会就设立海外情报网问题给出主意，还会判断特别调查部应按什么样的构想设置吧。而且，由于在日美联合委员会会议上，美方不轻易提供情报，使日本方面吃了苦头，所以他还打算乘此机会在日美交换情报的问题上取得杜勒斯的支持。归根结蒂，这是与重建由于战败而崩溃的海外情报网有联系的。
久我正首相也赞成日美两国之间签订交换情报的协定。
因为久我首相在美国缔结“和约”的时候，曾试图对驻日美军机关人员的特殊待遇问题进行一定程度的抵抗。其内容是：驻日美军机关人员享有出境入境的自由，并享有外交官的待遇，但是可以不受外交礼遇的拘束。确切地说，他们和外交官一样，不受日本警察的管辖，还许可他们乘坐的汽车不挂号牌，随意出入任何地方。久我的抵抗当时立即被美国政府挡回，那个苦头他至今记忆犹新。
因此，他非常赞成川上久一郎的签订情报交换协定的主张。
不过，川上久一郎去欧美考察，从一开始就不顺利。首先，久我首相的一帮亲信就反对这个考察旅行。他们本来就对宗像一派的川上久一郎不怀好感。
此外，高尔夫集团中有一个人不喜欢美国中央情报局杜勒斯那个系统。他与英国有联系。本来在“自由世界”中，只是在对付共产党国家时才利害一致，除此之外，美英两国暗中不断进行激烈的斗争。
这个亲英派人物作为所谓高尔夫集团的一个成员，是久我的亲信。
川上久一郎的这个考察旅行还遭到外务省的反对。当然，这也是由于各省之间向来争夺势力范围所致。一个旧内务省的官员插手于外交事务，使他们感到不快。
可是，经宗像副首相从中调停，久我的亲信们也就被说服，不再反对川上久一郎出差国外了。
从这时起，川上久一郎开始感到自己受到美国以外的某国的注意。
“奇怪，突然有人钉起我的梢来了。而且还不止一两个人，”他对心腹的部下有末晋造说。“我也大致知道是哪国系统的。可是，真奇怪，怎么这么快就会知道了呢。”
川上久一郎百思不得其解。
“部长，”有末晋造把女人一样白皙的脸掉过来问道，“是不是您出差的真正理由很快就传出去了呢？”
“哪里，我才不会讲那么愚蠢的话呢。我只说是去观光的，为了观光而环游欧洲。”
不久以后，申请旅行签证时川上久一郎这话的意思就清楚了。
在旅行目的一项下，填写的是出席世界性组织——宗教团体大会。川上久一郎的确是MOA的会员。
那次代表大会在西欧举行。川上久一郎既然是会员，出席大会并没有什么奇怪。奇怪的是，他不过是一个普通旅行者，却申请外交官的签证，因而身份是总理厅事务官兼外务事务官。这次旅行要去的地方是经仰光前往瑞士、西德、法国、英国、意大利、瑞典和美国各地。
可是名义上川上久一郎此行的旅费是由中学时代的朋友资助的，不得动用特别调查部的公费。
然而，这就成了问题。那就是，在动身之前，川上既然作为私费旅行已经接受了出国旅行审议会拨给他的民用美元六百零二元五十分，为什么还非得携带外交官签证不可呢？
关于这件事，外务省当局也有反对的人，结果，由于宗像副首相的斡旋，好容易才平息下来。在他出发前，外务省系统对他的反感就已经十分露骨了。
一切准备停当后，川上久一郎决定从羽田机场搭乘斯堪的纳维亚航空公司的班机出发。
“真奇怪，”川上说。他所顾虑的倒不是出国的事，而是监视自己行动的那些家伙。“近来他们活跃起来了。总是尾随我的车子，很不容易甩掉他们。说不定有人在向对方进行联络哪。到底是谁呢？”
他树下的敌人是不少的。特别调查部成立的时候，连特别审查局、国警第二科（外事警察）的人们都冷眼观望这边的动向，看看能搞出什么名堂。不，还不止这样，如今连他自己的调查部里也有人在伺机拆他的台。他们是通商产业省、经济计划厅等处调来的官员。
但是，目前注视他的行动的不是上述一干人所属的系统。川上意识到那是另外一些人，也就是说，位于政界里层的人物。
说起直觉，川上久一郎为了现在的特别调查部预算问题去见宗像副首相的时候，曾听到过一段莫名其妙的话。川上向副首相陈述预算的拮据状态，这时，宗像带着平时那种眼皮都懒得抬起来般的神气低声反问道：“你知道所谓V资金吗？”
“V资金？没听说过。那是什么呢？”
川上一反问，副首相就含糊其词地说了句“那就算了吧”。
V资金——他不明白。不过从名称来看，令人感到那好象是什么隐蔽的财源。川上认为宗像副首相当时是想从那笔资金项下拨出特别调查部的预算。
总之，川上久一郎从羽田机场出发了，预定出国一个月。那是昭和二十八年冬天的事情。他在不显眼的几个送行人的目送下，登上了斯堪的纳维亚航空公司客机的舷梯。北面的天空密布着乌云。
Notes:
Notes: